The effect of value on long-term associative memory

Age differences in memory for names and occupations associated with faces: the effects of assigned and self-perceived social importance

It has been documented that older adults' memory deficits can be reduced for information depicted as personally and socially important (e.g., Hargis & Castel, 2017 [Younger and older adults' associative memory for social information: The role of information importance. Psychology and Aging, 32(4), 325-330]). The current study aimed to further assess the effects of both arbitrarily assigned and self-perceived importance in younger and older adults' memory for names (low in schematic support) and occupations (high in schematic support) associated with faces. Participants studied the same 16 face-name-occupation triplets (with neutral facial expressions) across four blocks, each including a free recall of names and occupations. At the end, they completed a cued recall of names and occupations. The faces were arbitrarily cued as socially important (i.e., with an orange frame) or unimportant (e.g., without a frame). The perceived social importance was assessed by rating all the triplets based on a 10-point Likert Scale (1 = least and 10 = most important) at the end. The results showed that age-related memory deficits were reduced or even eliminated for occupations (high in schematic support) relative to names (low in schematic support), especially in the free recall of faces self-perceived as important. In other words, the combination of schematic support and self-perceived importance can effectively mitigate older adults' memory deficit.

Goal-directed remembering in older adults

Compared to younger adults, older adults show a reduced difference in memory between items they are directed to remember and items they are directed to forget. This effect may result from increased processing of goal-irrelevant information in aging. In contrast, healthy older adults are often able to selectively remember valuable information, suggesting preservation of goal-directed encoding in aging. Here, we examined how value may differentially affect directed-forgetting and memory for irrelevant details for younger and older adults in a value-directed remembering task. In Experiment 1, participants studied words paired with a directed-forgetting cue and a point-value they earned for later recognition. Participants' memory was then tested, either after an 8-min or 24-hr retention interval. In Experiment 2 words were presented in two colors and the recognition test assessed whether the participant could retrieve the incidentally-presented point value and the color of each recognized words. In both experiments, older and younger adults displayed a comparable ability to selectively encode valuable items. However, older adults showed a reduced directed-forgetting effect compared to younger adults that was maintained across the 24-hr retention interval. In Experiment 2, older adults showed both intact directed-forgetting and similar incidental detail retrieval compared to younger adults. These findings suggest that older adults maintained selectivity to value, demonstrating that aging does not impact the differential encoding of valuable information. Furthermore, younger and older adults may be similarly goal-directed in terms of item features to encode, but that instructions to forget presented items are less effective in older adults.

The role of attention and verbal rehearsal in remembering more valuable item-colour binding

Selectively remembering more valuable information can improve memory efficiency. Such value effects have been observed on long-term memory for item-colour binding, but the possible contributory factors are unclear. The current study explored contributions from attention (Experiment 1) and verbal rehearsal (Experiment 2). Across two experiments, memory was superior for item-colour bindings that were associated with high (relative to low) point values at encoding, both in an immediate test and a delayed re-test. When availability of attentional resources was reduced during encoding, value only influenced immediate and not delayed memory (Experiment 1). This indicates that a transient value effect can be obtained with little attentional resources, but attentional resources are involved in creating a longer lasting effect. When articulatory suppression was implemented during encoding (Experiment 2), value effects were somewhat reduced in the immediate test and abolished in the delayed re-test, suggesting a role for verbal rehearsal in value effects on item-colour binding memory. These patterns of value effects did not interact with encoding presentation format (i.e., sequential vs. simultaneous presentation of objects). Together, these results suggest that attentional resources and verbal rehearsal both contribute to value effects on item-colour binding memory, with varying impacts on the durability of these effects.

The effect of value on context and target recollection in memory for truth and falsity

Memory for truth and falsity has recently been investigated from the perspective of the dual-recollection theory, showing better context and target recollection for truth than falsity. In this paper, we examine whether these memory effects obtained for true statements are similar to the value effect, whereby true statements are given higher priority in encoding. For this purpose, we implemented value-directed remembering (VDR) into the conjoint-recognition paradigm. In our first experiment, the primary goal was to verify how VDR influences the processes defined by dual-recollection theory. At study, prioritized/important items were linked to higher numerical values (e.g., 10), while unimportant ones had lower values (e.g., 1). At test, the participants' task was to recognize whether a particular sentence was important, unimportant, or new. We found that both context and target recollection were better for important items. In the second experiment, the main goal was to study the combined effects of importance and veracity on memory. In the between-subjects design, participants were monetarily rewarded for memorizing true or false sentences. The results demonstrated differences in the ability to prioritize truth over falsity. Specifically, we found a substantial increase in context recollection for prioritized true information but not for prioritized false information. Moreover, we found higher context recollection for true than false sentences in the true-prioritized condition, but not in the false-prioritized condition. These results indicated that people are able to prioritize true information better than false, and suggested that memory for truth may be a special case of the value effect.

Does value-based prioritization at working memory enhance long-term memory?

Research has demonstrated that individuals can direct their attention to valuable information in both working memory and long-term memory tasks with observable effects on performance. However, it is currently unclear whether prioritising an item for a working memory task automatically translates into a boost at long-term memory. This was examined in two experiments using relatively short (250 ms per item; Experiment 1) and longer (500 ms per item; Experiment 2) encoding times. Participants first completed a visual working memory task, in which they were presented with series of photographs of everyday objects. Following a brief delay (1,000 ms), they completed a four-alternative forced-choice test. Prior to encoding, participants were informed of the point values associated with each item. In some trials, the first item in the sequence was worth more points than the rest. In other trials, all items were equally valuable. After a filled delay, participants completed a surprise long-term memory task. At working memory, a value effect was reliably observed on recognition accuracy, along with some evidence of faster response times for high-value items. However, there was little consistent evidence of this effect automatically persisting into long-term memory. Thus, the benefits of attentional prioritization in working memory do not always translate into longer-term performance. More broadly, this provides further evidence that manipulations that enhance working memory performance do not necessarily enhance long-term memory.

No evidence that the retro-cue benefit requires reallocation of memory resources

Selective mechanisms allow us to prioritize items held in working memory. Does this reflect reallocation of working memory resources? We examined a critical prediction of this account-that reallocating more resources from one item to another should provide a greater benefit. We used a reward manipulation to create variable allocation of resources. Subsequently, a retro-cue instructed participants to drop a memory item. This retro-cue improved performance for the prioritized items relative to a neutral baseline. However, in contrast to the prevailing reallocation account, we found no difference between dropping a higher versus lower reward item. Importantly, removal of high versus low reward items led to better encoding of subsequently presented items, demonstrating that our reward manipulation was successful. While allocation of resources can influence the encoding and storage of new information into working memory, reallocation does not appear to be essential for selection effects in working memory.