Status determinants, social incongruity and economic transition: Gender, relative material wealth and heterogeneity in the cultural lifestyle of forager-horticulturalists

The embodiment of water insecurity: Injuries and chronic stress in lowland Bolivia

Water is critical to health and wellbeing. Studies have theorized that problems with water can become embodied, yet few studies have quantified this. Therefore, we first sought to understand the lowland Bolivian water environment of Tsimane' forager-horticulturalists. We assessed the water environment holistically, using objective measures of water quality and water services (Joint Monitoring Programme's drinking water services ladder) and subjective measures, including perceived water safety and water insecurity experiences [Household Water Insecurity Experiences Scale (HWISE)]. We tested how water service levels, perceived water safety, and water fetching frequency were associated with HWISE scores using Tobit regression models among 270 households. We then tested if and how water becomes embodied via self-reported water-related injury and a chronic stress biomarker, hair cortisol concentration (HCC). Results demonstrated that, compared with households using surface water, households with basic water services had HWISE scores 1.59-pts lower (SE = 0.29; P < 0.001). Ingestion of water perceived to be "bad" and more daily water-fetching trips were associated with higher HWISE scores. Twenty percent of households reported prior water-related injuries, with women most commonly injured. In logistic regressions, each point higher HWISE score was associated with 28% (95%CI:1.16-1.41; P < 0.001) higher odds of injury. Basic water services compared to surface water was associated with 48% lower odds (OR = 0.52; 95%CI:0.33-0.82; P = 0.005) of injury. Finally, using linear regressions among 332 adults, HWISE scores were not associated with HCC. Past water-related injury was associated with higher HCC (Beta = 0.31; SE = 0.09; P = 0.029) among women, but not men. Relying on unimproved water services compared to surface was associated with 46.2% higher HCC for women (Beta=0.38; SE=0.14; P=0.048) and 55.3% higher HCC for men (Beta=0.44; SE=0.15; P=0.044), respectively. Overall, our findings demonstrate that water insecurity can become embodied through water-related injuries and elevated HCC. Improving water service levels through an equity lens may help ameliorate water insecurity and its accompanying negative health effects.

Do wealth and inequality associate with health in a small-scale subsistence society?

In high-income countries, one’s relative socio-economic position and economic inequality may affect health and well-being, arguably via psychosocial stress. We tested this in a small-scale subsistence society, the Tsimane, by associating relative household wealth (n = 871) and community-level wealth inequality (n = 40, Gini = 0.15–0.53) with a range of psychological variables, stressors, and health outcomes (depressive symptoms [n = 670], social conflicts [n = 401], non-social problems [n = 398], social support [n = 399], cortisol [n = 811], body mass index [n = 9,926], blood pressure [n = 3,195], self-rated health [n = 2523], morbidities [n = 1542]) controlling for community-average wealth, age, sex, household size, community size, and distance to markets. Wealthier people largely had better outcomes while inequality associated with more respiratory disease, a leading cause of mortality. Greater inequality and lower wealth were associated with higher blood pressure. Psychosocial factors did not mediate wealth-health associations. Thus, relative socio-economic position and inequality may affect health across diverse societies, though this is likely exacerbated in high-income countries.

Poverty is bad for health. People living in poverty are more likely to struggle to afford nutritious food, lack access to health care, or be overworked or stressed. This may make them susceptible to chronic diseases, contribute to faster aging, and shorten their lifespans. In high-income countries, there is growing evidence to suggest that a person’s ‘rank’ in society also impacts their health. For example, individuals who have a lower position in the social hierarchy report worse health outcomes, regardless of their incomes. But it is unclear why living in an unequal society or having a lower social status contributes to poorer health.

One possibility is that inequalities in society are creating a stressful environment that leads to worse physical and mental outcomes. It is thought that this stress largely comes from how humans evolved to prioritize reaching a higher social status over having a long and healthy life. If this is the case, this would mean that the link between social status and health would also be present in non-industrialized communities where social hierarchies tend to be less pronounced.

To test this, Jaeggi, Blackwell et al. studied the Indigenous Tsimane population in Bolivia who live in small communities and forage and farm their own food. The income and relative wealth of 870 households from 40 Tsimane communities were compared against various outcomes, including symptoms associated with depression, stress hormone levels, blood pressure, self-rated health and several diseases.

Jaeggi, Blackwell et al. found poverty and inequality did not negatively impact all of the health outcomes measured as has been previously reported for industrialized societies. However, blood pressure was higher among people with lower incomes or those who lived in more unequal communities. But because the Tsimane people generally have low blood pressure, the differences were too small to have much effect on their health. People who lived in more unequal communities were also three times more likely to have respiratory infections, but the reason for this was unclear.

This shows that social determinants such as a person’s wealth or inequality can affect health, even in communities with less rigid social hierarchies. In industrial societies the effect may be worse in part because they are compounded by lifestyle factors, such as diets rich in fat and sugar, and physical inactivity which can also increase blood pressure. This information may help policy makers reduce health disparities by addressing some of the social determinants of health and the lifestyle factors that cause them.