Associations Between State TANF Policies, Child Protective Services Involvement, And Foster Care Placement

State Policy Levers for Reducing Early Childhood Maltreatment: The Importance of Family Planning and Economic Support Policies

Children experiencing maltreatment in the first 3 years of life are at risk for several developmental challenges throughout the lifespan. Researchers and practitioners have emphasized understanding how institutional supports implemented through state governments may support infants and toddlers' development, but less attention has been paid to the potential effects of state policies on maltreatment specifically. We tested whether state-level policies providing economic and family planning support implemented between 2005-2019 were associated with rates of reported and substantiated abuse and neglect among children under three. Two-way fixed effects models indicate that implementing a state Child Tax Credit, expanding contraception access, raising minimum wages, and expanding eligibility for Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Programs were associated with decreased maltreatment according to various indicators among Black, White, and Hispanic children. Implications for future research and policy are discussed.

Disrupted family reunification: Mental health, race, and state-level factors

The children's mental health landscape is rapidly changing, and youth with mental health conditions (MHCs) are overrepresented in the child welfare system. Mental health is the largest unmet health need in child welfare, so MHCs may affect the likelihood of system reentry. Concerns regarding mental health contribute to calls for expanded supports, yet systems contact can also generate risk of continued child welfare involvement via surveillance. Still, we know little about how expanded supports at the state-level shape child welfare outcomes. Using the Adoption and Foster Care Analysis Reporting System (AFCARS), we examine the association between MHCs and system reentry within 36 months among youth who reunified with their families in 2016 (N = 41,860). We further examine whether this association varies across states and White, Black, and Latinx racial and ethnic groups via two- and three-way interactions. Results from multilevel models show that, net of individual and state-level factors, MHCs are associated with higher odds of reentry. This relationship is stronger for youth in states that expanded Medicaid by 2016 and with higher Medicaid/CHIP child participation rates. The results also show evidence of the moderating role of state-level factors, specifically student-to-school counselor ratio, diverging across racial and ethnic groups. Our results suggest a need for systems of care to better support youth mental health and counteract potential surveillance.

Spending on public benefit programs and exposure to adverse childhood experiences

BACKGROUND

Adverse childhood experiences are associated with poverty, and public benefit programs are increasingly used as primary prevention for negative child outcomes.

OBJECTIVE

To estimate the association between spending on benefit programs and cumulative exposure to ACEs among children.

PARTICIPANTS AND SETTING

Children aged 0-17 years in the United States during 2016-17 as reported in National Survey of Children's Health.

METHODS

We examined the sum of state and federal spending on 5 categories of public benefit programs at the state-level. The primary exposure was mean annual spending per person living below the Federal poverty limit across 2010-2017 Federal fiscal years. The primary outcome was children <18 years old having ever been exposed to ≥ 4 ACEs.

RESULTS

Nationally, 5.7 % (95 % confidence interval [CI] 5.3 % - 6.0 %) of children had exposure to ≥ 4 ACEs. After adjustment for children's race and ethnicity, total spending on benefit programs was associated with lower exposure to ≥ 4 ACEs (odds 0.96 [95 % CI: 0.95, 0.97]; p < 0.001). Increased spending in each individual benefit category was also associated with decreased cumulative ACEs exposure (all p < 0.05). Inverse associations were largely consistent when children were stratified by race and ethnicity and income strata.

CONCLUSIONS

Investments in public benefit programs may not only decrease poverty but also have broad positive effects on near- and long-term child well-being beyond the programs' stated objectives. Findings support federal and state efforts to prioritize families' economic stability as part of a public health model to prevent ACEs.

Public Benefit Programs and Differential Associations With Child Maltreatment by Race and Ethnicity

Importance

Public benefit programs, including state spending on local, state, and federal-state partnership programs, have consistently been associated with overall reductions in child protective services (CPS) involvement. Inequities in eligibility and access to benefit programs may contribute to varying associations by race and ethnicity.

Objective

To determine whether associations between state spending on benefit programs and rates of CPS investigations differ by race and ethnicity.

Design, Setting, and Participants

This cross-sectional ecological study used repeated state-level measures of child maltreatment from the National Child Abuse and Neglect Data System and population estimates from the US Census Bureau for all Black, Hispanic, and White children. All 50 US states from October 1, 2009, through September 30, 2019 (fiscal years 2010-2019), were included. Data were collected and analyzed from May 13, 2022, to March 2, 2023.

Exposures

Annual state spending on benefit programs per person living below the federal poverty limit, total and by the following subcategories: (1) cash, housing, and in-kind; (2) housing infrastructure; (3) child care assistance; (4) refundable earned income tax credit; and (5) medical assistance programs.

Main Outcomes and Measures

Race- and ethnicity-specific rates of CPS investigations. Generalized estimating equations, with repeated measures of states, an interaction between race and spending, and estimated incidence rate ratios (IRRs) and 95% CIs for incremental changes in spending of US $1000 per person living below the federal poverty limit were calculated after adjustment for federal spending, race- and ethnicity-specific child poverty rate, and year.

Results

A total of 493 state-year observations were included in the analysis. The association between total spending and CPS investigations differed significantly by race and ethnicity: there was an inverse association between total state spending and CPS investigations for White children (IRR, 0.94 [95% CI, 0.91-0.98]) but not for Black children (IRR, 0.98 [95% CI, 0.94-1.02]) or Hispanic children (IRR, 0.99 [95% CI, 0.95-1.03]) (P = .02 for interaction). Likewise, inverse associations were present for only White children with respect to all subcategories of state spending and differed significantly from Black and Hispanic children for all subcategories except the refundable earned income tax credit (eg, IRR for medical assistance programs for White children, 0.89 [95% CI, 0.82-0.96]; P = .005 for race and spending interaction term).

Conclusions and Relevance

These results raise concerns that benefit programs may add relative advantages for White children compared with Black and Hispanic children and contribute to racial and ethnic disparities in CPS investigations. States' eligibility criteria and distribution practices should be examined to promote equitable effects on adverse child outcomes.

Is fair representation good for children? effects of electoral partisan bias in state legislatures on policies affecting children's health and well-being

Increasing evidence suggests that state policies impact constituents' health, but political determinants of health and health inequities remain understudied. Using state and year fixed-effects models, we determined the extent to which changes in electoral partisan bias in lower chambers of U.S. state legislatures (i.e., discrepancy between statewide vote share and seat share) were followed by changes in five state policies affecting children and families (1980-2019) and a composite of safety net programs (1999-2018). We examined effects on each policy and whether the effect was modified when bias was accompanied by unified party control. Next, we determined whether the effect differed depending on which party it favored. Less bias resulted only in higher AFDC/TANF benefits. Both pro-Democratic and pro-Republican bias was followed by decreased AFDC/TANF benefits and increased Medicaid benefits. AFDC/TANF recipients, unemployment benefits, minimum wage, and pre-K-12 education spending increased following pro-Democratic bias and decreased following pro-Republican bias. Estimated effects on the composite measure of safety net policies were all close to null. Some effects were modulated by unified party control. Results demonstrate that increasing fairness in elections is not a panacea by itself for increasing generosity of programs affecting children's well-being. Indeed, bias can be somewhat beneficial for the expansiveness of some policies. Furthermore, with the exception of unemployment benefits and AFDC/TANF recipients, Democrats have not been using the additional power that comes with electoral bias to spend more on major programs that benefit children. Finally, after decades in which electoral bias was in Democrats' favor, bias has started to shift toward Republicans in the last decade. This trend forecasts more cuts in almost all the policies in this study, especially education and AFDC/TANF recipients. There is a need for more research and advocacy emphasis on the political determinants of social determinants of health, especially at the state level.

Who makes the call? Examining the relationship between child maltreatment referral sources and case outcomes in the United States, 2008-2018

BACKGROUND

Research shows general increases in child maltreatment reports in the U.S. However, less is understood about how reporting varies across states and changes over time, from a perspective of referral sources. While recent studies during COVID-19 reported a reduction in maltreatment referrals, predominantly school referrals, little research has examined changes in maltreatment referrals by referral sources before the pandemic and how different referral sources are associated with case outcomes, particularly out-of-home placement.

OBJECTIVES

This study examined 1) variations across states and changes over time in maltreatment reporting by referral source and 2) the relationship between referral sources type and two case outcomes: substantiated maltreatment and out-of-home placement.

PARTICIPANTS AND SETTING

We used 2008-2018 data (N = 24,349,293) from the National Child Abuse and Neglect Data System.

METHODS

We used descriptive trend analysis and pooled, fixed effects binary logistic regression.

RESULTS

We found gradual increases in reporting during 2008-2018, with substantial variations across states and referral sources. States rely differently on certain reporter types, while we see the largest increase in education referrals and a small decrease in social services referrals. Regression results showed that education referrals were less likely to result in out-of-home placement; law enforcement referrals were most likely to be substantiated, while social service referrals were most likely to result in out-of-home placement.

CONCLUSION

This study makes unique contributions to literature by expanding our knowledge of referral sources and examining the likelihood of substantiation and out-of-home placement by referral source type. We provide child welfare policy and practice implications.