Neighborhood Proactive Policing and Racial Inequities in Preterm Birth in New Orleans, 2018‒2019

Neighbourhood-level policing as a racialised gendered stressor: multilevel analysis of police stops and preterm birth in Seattle, Washington

BACKGROUND

Most studies capturing the health effects of police violence focus on directly impacted individuals, but a burgeoning field of study is capturing the indirect, community-level health effects of policing. Few empirical studies have examined neighbourhood-level policing, a contextual and racialised gendered stressor, in relation to preterm birth risk among Black and other racially minoritised people.

METHODS

We spatially linked individual birth records (2017-2019) in Seattle, Washington (n=25 909) with geocoded data on police stops for three exposure windows: year before pregnancy, first and second trimester. We fit race-stratified multilevel modified Poisson regression models predicting preterm birth (<37 gestational weeks) across tertiles of neighbourhood stop rates controlling for individual and neighbourhood-level covariates. For the second trimester exposure window, birth was operationalised as a time-to-event outcome using multilevel Cox proportional hazard models.

RESULTS

Neighbourhood stop rates of Black residents was higher compared with White residents, and Black and Asian pregnant people were exposed to the highest median neighbourhood-level stop rates. Black birthing people living in neighbourhoods with more frequent police stops had increased risk of preterm birth across all exposure windows including the year before pregnancy (adjusted risk ratio (aRR): 1.38, 95% CI 1.02 to 1.85), first trimester (aRR:1.74, 95% CI 1.17 to 2.57) and second trimester (aHR: 1.66, 95% CI 1.14 to 2.42). We found null or inverse associations among Asian, Hispanic and White people.

CONCLUSION

Our study adds to the growing evidence documenting associations of higher risk of preterm birth with neighbourhood police stops among Black birthing people. These findings suggest that routine police practices are one aspect of structural racism contributing to racialised perinatal health inequities.

When a baby is born, so is a parent: Understanding the effects of preterm birth on Black parents through the lens of the NIMHD framework

BACKGROUND

The rate of preterm birth (PTB) is high in the United States and Black infants remain disproportionately affected, with the disparity between Black and White infant deaths greater today than it was under antebellum slavery.

PURPOSE

The National Institute on Minority Health and Disparities Research Framework reflects a unique set of determinants relevant to the understanding and promotion of minority health.

METHODS

We have applied this framework to better understand the effects of PTB on Black parents and the distribution of the social determinants of health, including structural determinants and root causes of inequities.

DISCUSSION

This adaptation shows the intersection in maternal and infant health that shapes individuals' experiences, drives disparities and impacts perinatal outcomes in critical periods over the lifecourse.

CONCLUSION

In our efforts to achieve health equity, it is imperative that we study the underlying mechanisms and recognize that policies, institutional structures, and social factors are drivers of racism.

Officer-Involved Killings of Unarmed Black People and Racial Disparities in Sleep Health

Importance

Racial disparities in sleep health may mediate the broader health outcomes of structural racism.

Objective

To assess changes in sleep duration in the Black population after officer-involved killings of unarmed Black people, a cardinal manifestation of structural racism.

Design, Setting, and Participants

Two distinct difference-in-differences analyses examined the changes in sleep duration for the US non-Hispanic Black (hereafter, Black) population before vs after exposure to officer-involved killings of unarmed Black people, using data from adult respondents in the US Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance Survey (BRFSS; 2013, 2014, 2016, and 2018) and the American Time Use Survey (ATUS; 2013-2019) with data on officer-involved killings from the Mapping Police Violence database. Data analyses were conducted between September 24, 2021, and September 12, 2023.

Exposures

Occurrence of any police killing of an unarmed Black person in the state, county, or commuting zone of the survey respondent's residence in each of the four 90-day periods prior to interview, or occurence of a highly public, nationally prominent police killing of an unarmed Black person anywhere in the US during the 90 days prior to interview.

Main Outcomes and Measures

Self-reported total sleep duration (hours), short sleep (<7 hours), and very short sleep (<6 hours).

Results

Data from 181 865 Black and 1 799 757 White respondents in the BRFSS and 9858 Black and 46 532 White respondents in the ATUS were analyzed. In the larger BRFSS, the majority of Black respondents were between the ages of 35 and 64 (99 014 [weighted 51.4%]), women (115 731 [weighted 54.1%]), and college educated (100 434 [weighted 52.3%]). Black respondents in the BRFSS reported short sleep duration at a rate of 45.9%, while White respondents reported it at a rate of 32.6%; for very short sleep, the corresponding values were 18.4% vs 10.4%, respectively. Statistically significant increases in the probability of short sleep and very short sleep were found among Black respondents when officers killed an unarmed Black person in their state of residence during the first two 90-day periods prior to interview. Magnitudes were larger in models using exposure to a nationally prominent police killing occurring anywhere in the US. Estimates were equivalent to 7% to 16% of the sample disparity between Black and White individuals in short sleep and 13% to 30% of the disparity in very short sleep.

Conclusions and Relevance

Sleep health among Black adults worsened after exposure to officer-involved killings of unarmed Black individuals. These empirical findings underscore the role of structural racism in shaping racial disparities in sleep health outcomes.

Inequity in US Racial/Ethnic Infant Health and Birth Outcomes: The Role of the Adult Sex Ratio as a Potential Indicator of Structural Anti-Black Racism

BACKGROUND

Structural racism accounts for inequity in health outcomes in ways that are difficult to measure. To conduct more actionable research and measure the impact of intervention programs, there is a need to develop indicator measures of structural racism. One potential candidate is the Adult Sex Ratio (ASR), which was identified by Du Bois as an important indicator of social life functioning over 100 years ago and has remained significant up to the present day. This study investigated the utility of this measure.

METHODS

We compared birth/infant health outcomes using the US 2000 Linked Birth/Infant Death Cohort Data Set matched with 2000 Census data on adult sex ratios in multilevel logistic regression models, stratified by the racial/ethnic category of the mothers.

RESULTS

In an adjusted model, the odds of infant death was 21% higher among non-Hispanic Black (NHB) women living in counties in the lowest ASR tertile category when compared to their counterparts in counties in the highest ASR tertile. Similarly, the odds of giving birth to a preterm or a low birth weight infant were each 20% higher among NHB women living in counties in the lowest ASR tertile compared to their counterparts in counties in the highest ASR tertile.

CONCLUSION

ASRs may serve as a useful indicator of anti-Black structural racism at the local level. More research is needed to determine the circumstances under which this factor may serve to improve assessment of structural racism and facilitate health equity research.

Structural Racism and Well-Being Among Young People in the U.S

INTRODUCTION

Structural racism has clear and pernicious effects on population health. However, there is a limited understanding of how structural racism impacts young people's well-being. The objective of this ecologic cross-sectional study was to assess the relationship between structural racism and well-being for 2,009 U.S. counties from 2010 to 2019.

METHODS

Population-based data on demographics, health, and other variables related to young people's ability to thrive are used to construct a previously validated composite index that serves as a proxy of young people's well-being. The index is regressed on several forms of structural racism (segregation, economic, and educational) both independently and jointly while accounting for county-fixed effects, time trends, and state-specific trends as well as weighting for child population. Data were analyzed from November 2021 through March 2023.

RESULTS

Higher levels of structural racism are associated with lower well-being. A 1-SD increase in Black-White child poverty disparity is associated with a -0.034 (95% CI= -0.019, -0.050) SD change in index score. When accounting for multiple structural racism measures, associations remain statistically significant. In joint models, only estimates for economic racism measures remain significant when additionally controlling for demographic, socioeconomic, and adult health measures (β= -0.015; 95% CI= -0.001, -0.029). These negative associations are heavily concentrated in counties where Black and Latinx children are overrepresented.

CONCLUSIONS

Structural racism-particularly of the kind that produces racialized poverty outcomes-has a meaningful adverse association with child and adolescent well-being, which may produce lifelong effects. Studies of structural racism among adults should consider a lifecourse perspective.