The neural correlates of agrammatism: Evidence from aphasic and healthy speakers performing an overt picture description task

Dyslexia and dysgraphia of primary progressive aphasia in Chinese: A systematic review

Introduction

Currently, little is known about Chinese-speaking primary progressive aphasia (PPA) patients compared to patients who speak Indo-European languages. We examined the demographics and clinical manifestations, particularly reading and writing characteristics, of Chinese patients with PPA over the last two decades to establish a comprehensive profile and improve diagnosis and care.

Methods

We reviewed the demographic features, clinical manifestations, and radiological features of Chinese-speaking PPA patients from 56 articles published since 1994. We then summarized the specific reading and writing errors of Chinese-speaking patients.

Results

The average age of onset for Chinese-speaking patients was in their early 60's, and there were slightly more male patients than female patients. The core symptoms and images of Chinese-speaking patients were similar to those of patients who speak Indo-European languages. Reading and writing error patterns differed due to Chinese's distinct tone and orthography. The types of reading errors reported in Chinese-speaking patients with PPA included tonal errors, regularization errors, visually related errors, semantic errors, phonological errors, unrelated errors, and non-response. Among these errors, regularization errors were the most common in semantic variant PPA, and tonal errors were specific to Chinese. Writing errors mainly consisted of non-character errors (stroke, radical/component, visual, pictograph, dyskinetic errors, and spatial errors), phonologically plausible errors, orthographically similar errors, semantic errors, compound word errors, sequence errors, unrelated errors, and non-response.

Conclusion

This paper provides the latest comprehensive demographic information and unique presentations on the reading and writing of Chinese-speaking patients with PPA. More detailed studies are needed to address the frequency of errors in reading and writing and their anatomical substrates.

Neural bases of elements of syntax during speech production in patients with aphasia

The ability to string together words into a structured arrangement capable of conveying nuanced information is key to speech production. The assessment of the neural bases for structuring sentences has been challenged by the need of experts to delineate the aberrant morphosyntactic structures in aphasic speech. Most studies have relied on focused tasks with limited ecological validity. We characterized syntactic complexity during connected speech produced by patients with chronic post-stroke aphasia. We automated this process by employing Natural Language Processing (NLP). We conducted voxel-based and connectome-based lesion-symptom mapping to identify brain regions crucially associated with sentence production and syntactic complexity. Posterior-inferior aspects of left frontal and parietal lobes, as well as white matter tracts connecting these areas, were essential for syntactic complexity, particularly the posterior inferior frontal gyrus. These findings suggest that sentence structuring during word production depends on the integrity of Broca's area and the dorsal stream of language processing.

Syntax-Sensitive Regions of the Posterior Inferior Frontal Gyrus and the Posterior Temporal Lobe Are Differentially Recruited by Production and Perception

Matchin and Hickok (2020) proposed that the left posterior inferior frontal gyrus (PIFG) and the left posterior temporal lobe (PTL) both play a role in syntactic processing, broadly construed, attributing distinct functions to these regions with respect to production and perception. Consistent with this hypothesis, functional dissociations between these regions have been demonstrated with respect to lesion-symptom mapping in aphasia. However, neuroimaging studies of syntactic comprehension typically show similar activations in these regions. In order to identify whether these regions show distinct activation patterns with respect to syntactic perception and production, we performed an fMRI study contrasting the subvocal articulation and perception of structured jabberwocky phrases (syntactic), sequences of real words (lexical), and sequences of pseudowords (phonological). We defined two sets of language-selective regions of interest (ROIs) in individual subjects for the PIFG and the PTL using the contrasts [syntactic > lexical] and [syntactic > phonological]. We found robust significant interactions of comprehension and production between these 2 regions at the syntactic level, for both sets of language-selective ROIs. This suggests a core difference in the function of these regions with respect to production and perception, consistent with the lesion literature.

Neural networks for sentence comprehension and production: An ALE-based meta-analysis of neuroimaging studies

Comprehending and producing sentences is a complex endeavor requiring the coordinated activity of multiple brain regions. We examined three issues related to the brain networks underlying sentence comprehension and production in healthy individuals: First, which regions are recruited for sentence comprehension and sentence production? Second, are there differences for auditory sentence comprehension vs. visual sentence comprehension? Third, which regions are specifically recruited for the comprehension of syntactically complex sentences? Results from activation likelihood estimation (ALE) analyses (from 45 studies) implicated a sentence comprehension network occupying bilateral frontal and temporal lobe regions. Regions implicated in production (from 15 studies) overlapped with the set of regions associated with sentence comprehension in the left hemisphere, but did not include inferior frontal cortex, and did not extend to the right hemisphere. Modality differences between auditory and visual sentence comprehension were found principally in the temporal lobes. Results from the analysis of complex syntax (from 37 studies) showed engagement of left inferior frontal and posterior temporal regions, as well as the right insula. The involvement of the right hemisphere in the comprehension of these structures has potentially important implications for language treatment and recovery in individuals with agrammatic aphasia following left hemisphere brain damage.

Quantitative assessment of grammar in amyloid-negative logopenic aphasia

Logopenic primary progressive aphasia (lvPPA) typically results from underlying Alzheimer's disease, but subjects have been reported that do not show beta-amyloid (Aβ) deposition. These subjects do not differ on neurological and speech-language testing from Aβ-positive lvPPA, but they impressionistically show increased grammatical deficits. We performed a quantitative linguistic analysis of grammatical characteristics in Aβ-negative lvPPA compared to Aβ-positive lvPPA and agrammatic PPA, which is characterized by increased grammatical difficulties. Aβ-negative lvPPA used fewer function words and correct verbs but more syntactic and semantic errors compared to Aβ-positive lvPPA. These measures did not differ between Aβ-negative lvPPA and agPPA. Both lvPPA cohorts showed a higher mean length of utterance, more complex sentences, and fewer nouns than agPPA. Aβ-negative lvPPA subjects appear unique and share linguistic features with both agPPA and Aβ-positive lvPPA. Quantitative language analysis in lvPPA may be able to distinguish those with and without Aβ deposition.

Functional Connectivity is Reduced in Early-stage Primary Progressive Aphasia When Atrophy is not Prominent

Primary progressive aphasia (PPA) is a clinical syndrome of language decline caused by neurodegenerative pathology. Although language impairments in PPA are typically localized via the morphometric assessment of atrophy, functional changes may accompany or even precede detectable structural alterations, in which case resting state functional connectivity (RSFC) could provide an alternative approach. The goal of this study was to determine whether language network RSFC is reduced in early-stage PPA when atrophy is not prominent. We identified 10 individuals with early-stage agrammatic variant of PPA with no prominent cortical thinning compared with nonaphasic controls. RSFC between 2 nodes of the language network and 2 nodes of the default mode network were compared between agrammatic variant of PPA and healthy control participants. Language network connectivity was comparable with controls among patients with milder agrammatism, but was significantly reduced in patients with more pronounced agrammatism. No group differences were observed in default mode network connectivity, demonstrating specificity of findings. In early stages of PPA when cortical atrophy is not prominent, RSFC provides an alternative method for probing the neuroanatomic substrates of language impairment. RSFC may be of particular utility in studies on early interventions for neurodegenerative disease, either to identify anatomic targets for intervention or as an outcome measure of therapeutic efficacy.