What Time Alone Offers: Narratives of Solitude From Adolescence to Older Adulthood

The Effects of Multifaceted Introversion and Sensory Processing Sensitivity on Solitude-Seeking Behavior

INTRODUCTION

The state of solitude may be desirable and beneficial particularly for individuals who are highly sensitive and introverted.

METHODS

To test these predictions, we surveyed a nationally representative US sample of 301 adults and a sample of 99 undergraduates on their levels of sensory processing sensitivity and assessed introversion with the Big Five Inventory and the multifaceted STAR Introversion Scale. Participants then reported the frequency and duration of their volitional solitude, stress levels, and subjective well-being across 10 consecutive days.

RESULTS

Results revealed that Social Introversion and sensitivity significantly predicted higher motivations for solitude, both self-determined and not. Thinking Introversion also predicted higher self-determined solitude, but BFI introversion showed no relationship with either motivation. Social Introversion and sensitivity predicted higher frequency of solitude in daily life and longer duration of solitary episodes; BFI Introversion and Restrained Introversion showed the opposite pattern for both outcomes. Finally, stress was positively associated with daily solitude frequency, and in turn, solitude frequency was negatively associated with same-day well-being; there were no interaction effects with personality traits.

DISCUSSION

These findings suggest that introversion, as measured by the STAR Introversion Scale, and sensitivity contribute significantly to solitary motivation; however, solitude appears to be sought after by people in times of stress regardless of their scores on these traits.

Misremembering Solitude: The Role of Personality and Cultural Self-Concepts in Shaping Discrepancies Between Recalled and Concurrent Affect in Solitude

BACKGROUND

Affect recall is key to psychological assessment and decision-making. However, self-concepts (self-beliefs) may bias retrospective affect reports such that they deviate from lived experiences. Does this experience-memory gap apply to solitude experiences? We hypothesized that individuals misremember how they feel overall and when in solitude, in line with self-concepts of introversion, self-determined/not-self-determined solitude motivations, and independent/interdependent self-construal. A pilot study comparing retrospective to daily affect reports captured over 2 weeks (N = 104 UK university students) provided preliminary evidence of introversion and not-self-determined solitude shaping affect recall.

METHODS

In the main pre-registered study, participants aged 18-49 in the UK (N = 160) and Hong Kong (N = 159) reported their momentary affective states and social situations 5 times per day over 7 days, then recalled how they felt over the week.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Individuals higher in self-determined solitude were more prone to retrospectively overestimate their high- and low-arousal positive affect in solitude and showed less overestimation/more underestimation of negative affect in solitude. Higher not-self-determined solitude was associated with overestimating loneliness, and higher interdependent self-construal with overestimating loneliness and energy levels, in solitude. Comparisons based on residence/ethnicity suggest culture influences solitude-seeking and affective memory. Implications for well-being and affect measurement are discussed.

Solitude in old age: a scoping review of conceptualisations, associated factors and impacts

OBJECTIVE

This study aimed to map the existing scientific research about solitude in older adults, focusing on its conceptualizations, associated factors, and impacts.

METHOD

A scoping review was conducted, searching Scopus, Web of Science, PubMed, and Academic Search Complete databases for publications from 1985 until December 2023.

RESULTS

Twenty-four studies were included. The main findings suggest a wide-ranging conceptualisation of solitude, with most studies (n = 16) adopting neutral definitions such as "being alone, without communicating with others"; and a subset of studies adopting definitions that alluded to "positive solitude" (as the choice of being with oneself, underscoring potential benefits). Individual characteristics were identified as key associated factors of solitude. Both positive impacts and negative impacts were reported.

CONCLUSION

The variability in conceptualisation and impacts likely stems from methodological and theoretical differences in approaching solitude. This underscores the need for additional research to establish a widely accepted conceptual framework. Such consensus could enhance the understanding of the conditions contributing to positive and negative impacts associated with solitude and inform targeted interventions.

Need satisfaction in daily well-being: Both social and solitude contexts contribute to well-being

Daily need satisfaction for relatedness (social connection), autonomy (volitional self-congruent action), and competence (self-efficacy) fosters well-being, but those findings primarily reflect experiences during social interactions. A three-week daily diary study (N = 178) explored psychological need satisfaction in two key everyday contexts: solitude and social. Holding constant the benefits of need-satisfying social contexts, autonomy satisfaction during solitude was key to peaceful affect, whereas competence satisfaction during solitude contributed to lower loneliness; both psychological needs in solitude contributed to evaluating the day as more satisfying. Relatedness-deficiency in solitude did not contribute to loneliness; instead, those who were relatedness-deficient in social interactions felt lonely. Further, need satisfaction in solitude compensated for deficient needs in social contexts, reducing loneliness (autonomy and relatedness) and increasing day satisfaction (all needs) when social contexts failed to satisfy needs. Findings suggest daily solitude can shape daily well-being and further attention is needed to understand and ultimately improve everyday solitude.

Balance between solitude and socializing: everyday solitude time both benefits and harms well-being

Two literatures argue that time alone is harmful (i.e., isolation) and valuable (i.e., positive solitude). We explored whether people benefit from a balance between their daily solitude and social time, such that having 'right' quantities of both maximizes well-being. Participants (n = 178) completed a 21-day diary study, which quantified solitude time in hours through reconstructing daily events. This procedure minimized retrospective bias and tested natural variations across time. There was no evidence for a one-size-fits-all 'optimal balance' between solitude and social time. Linear effects suggested that people were lonelier and less satisfied on days in which they spent more hours in solitude. These detrimental relations were nullified or reduced when daily solitude was autonomous (choiceful) and did not accumulate across days; those who were generally alone more were not, on the whole, lonelier. On days in which people spent more time alone they felt less stress and greater autonomy satisfaction (volitional, authentic, and free from pressure). These benefits were cumulative; those who spent more time alone across the span of the study were less stressed and more autonomy satisfied overall. Solitude time risks lowering well-being on some metrics but may hold key advantages to other aspects of well-being. PROTOCOL REGISTRATION: The stage 1 protocol for this Registered Report was accepted in principle on June 1, 2022. The protocol, as accepted by the journal, can be found at: https://doi.org/10.17605/OSF.IO/5KXQ3 .

Does narcissus prefer to be alone? Narcissistic personality features and the preference for solitude

OBJECTIVE

To examine the associations that narcissistic personality traits had with the preference for solitude.

BACKGROUND

Preference for solitude may be impacted by various characteristics. Narcissism may be one such characteristic given its association with specific motivations for engagement with other individuals (e.g., status attainment).

METHOD

We examined whether the associations that narcissism had with the preference for solitude were moderated by perceived attainment of status or instability of status.

RESULTS

Across three studies (N = 627/479/675), extraverted narcissism had the expected aversion to solitude. Antagonistic narcissism and neurotic narcissism did not have consistent associations with the preference for solitude across these studies, nor did the perceived attainment of status consistently moderate the links between narcissistic personality features and the preference for solitude. However, perceived instability of status moderated the associations that extraverted narcissism and antagonistic narcissism had with the preference for solitude. More specifically, the more stable status was perceived to be, the greater the aversion to solitude for those high in extraverted narcissism and the greater the preference for solitude for those high in antagonistic narcissism.

CONCLUSIONS

This pattern of results suggests that the motivations underlying preferences for solitude differ depending on particular narcissistic traits that predict whether one is more concerned with maintaining, gaining, or losing status. These results build upon what is known about the connections that narcissism has with the preference for solitude.

Looking beyond time alone: An examination of solitary activities in emerging adulthood

INTRODUCTION

Solitude represents an important context for emerging adults' well-being; but to date, little is known about how emerging adults spend their time alone. The goals of this study were to: (1) describe and characterize solitary activities among emerging adults attending university; (2) examine links between solitary activities and indices of adjustment; and (3) explore the moderating role of affinity for solitude in these associations.

METHODS

Participants were N = 1798 university students aged 18-25 years (Mage  = 19.73, SD = 1.46; 59.7% female) who completed assessments of how/why they spend time alone and indices of psychosocial adjustment (e.g., well-being, psychological distress, loneliness, and aloneliness).

RESULTS

Emerging adults who spent time alone predominantly thinking reported poor adjustment outcomes (i.e., higher loneliness and psychological distress, and lower well-being) and dissatisfaction with solitude, whereas those who engaged in active leisure activities or passive technology use while alone reported lower psychological distress and higher satisfaction with solitude. The negative implications of doing nothing were not attenuated at higher levels of affinity for solitude.

DISCUSSION

These findings suggest that some solitary activities are more beneficial than others.

Solitude can be good-If you see it as such: Reappraisal helps lonely people experience solitude more positively

OBJECTIVE

Solitude is a common experience that can elicit both positive (e.g., relaxation) and negative (e.g., loneliness) emotions. But can changing the way we think about solitude improve its emotional effects? In a previous study, our team found that positively reframing solitude buffers against a reduction in positive affect when alone. Yet, it is unknown whether people who are lonely-and thus more likely to experience solitude negatively-benefit from modifying their beliefs about being alone.

METHOD

Here, we test whether reframing solitude as a beneficial experience or de-stigmatizing loneliness helps people experiencing moderate-to-severe loneliness (N = 224) feel more positive emotion and less negative emotion during solitude. We randomly assigned participants to read about either the benefits of solitude, the high prevalence of loneliness, or a control topic. Then, participants spent 10 min alone in the laboratory. State affect was assessed before and after the solitude period.

RESULTS

Across conditions, the solitude period reduced high-arousal positive (e.g., excited) and high-arousal negative (e.g., anxious) affect. Notably, people who read about the benefits of solitude experienced a significantly larger increase in low-arousal positive affect compared with the control condition.

CONCLUSION

Our findings indicate that lonely individuals can more readily reap the emotional benefits of solitude when they reframe solitude as an experience that can enhance their well-being.

Happy Alone? Motivational Profiles of Solitude and Well-Being Among Senior Living Residents

Research on solitude in older adulthood is scarce, and findings are mixed on whether time alone at this age is risky or beneficial. A mixed-method study was conducted to examine patterns of motivations for solitude among senior living residents (N = 397, Mage = 83) and associations with well-being. Cluster analyses identified four motivational profiles: Low, Positive, Negative, and Dual. Overall, those with Low and Positive motivations for solitude displayed greater levels of well-being on both hedonic (e.g., life satisfaction) and eudaimonic (e.g., personal growth) measures; in particular, the Positive profile showed significantly higher levels of psychological richness. Themes drawn from responses to open-ended survey questions asking about the benefits and challenges of both socializing and being alone are discussed in light of the four motivational profiles, and implications for aging services are discussed.

Effects of a 'social activity program that encourages interaction' on rural older people's psychosocial health: Mixed-methods research

BACKGROUND

We developed a program that encourages interaction among older people living at home by combining face-to-face and online activities and examined its effects on older adults' psychosocial health.

METHODS

In this mixed-methods study, we recruited 11 women and 6 men (Mage = 79.5 ± 6.4 years), who lived in a rural community and participated in a senior citizen club. The intervention was conducted for 13 months, comprising monthly face-to-face group and social media activities. For the program process evaluation, we collected focus-group interview data on participants' perceptions of their personal lives, club membership, and community post-intervention. For the outcome evaluation, we collected six outcome measures pre- and post-intervention: loneliness, subjective health, subjective well-being, self-esteem, social support and social activity satisfaction. Finally, through the integration of the process-outcome evaluation, we inferred what effects the program had on participants' psychosocial health.

RESULTS

In the process evaluation, we identified four themes: 'Stimulation brought about by relationships with peers,' 'Realization as to where they feel they belong,' 'Rethinking of oneself in the community,' and 'Awareness of attachment to and coexistence with the community.' In the outcome evaluation, the outcome measures were maintained without significant decline post-intervention.

CONCLUSION

Through the integration of the process-outcome evaluation, we deduced three effects of the program on psychosocial health: (1) fulfilment of subjective health, (2) maintenance and assurance of moderate distance connectedness and (3) orientation toward aging in place.

IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE

This study offers a promising opportunity for further development and research into community-based preventive nursing care intervention strategies to maintain the psychosocial health of homebound older people in communities with social activity groups.

Solitude and affect during emerging adulthood: When, and for whom, spending time alone is related to positive and negative affect during social interactions

The present study examines within- and between-person associations between emerging adults’ daily time spent alone and their positive/negative affect during social interactions. We also consider whether motivations for seeking solitude (shyness, unsociability, avoidance) moderate these associations. Participants were 411 emerging adults (ages 18–26 years; 51% female; 52% ethnic minority) who reported on their motivations for solitude and completed daily reports of their time spent alone and positive/negative affect experienced during social interactions for 7 consecutive days. Among the results, multi-level modeling indicated that on days when emerging adults spent more time alone than usual, they experienced increased levels of high and low arousal positive affect when they interacted with others. Interactions between shy and avoidant motivations and change in time spent alone also emerged, with follow-up analyses indicating that for highly and moderately shy and avoidant emerging adults, days with more time spent alone than usual were associated with greater reports of anxious affect during social interactions. Findings suggest that although many emerging adults may find social interactions more enjoyable on days with increased time alone, those who actively seek solitude as an escape from perceived stressful or unpleasant social circumstances may not.

Who enjoys solitude? autonomous functioning (but not introversion) predicts self-determined motivation (but not preference) for solitude

Within the solitude literature, two discrete constructs reflect different perspectives on how time spent alone is motivated. Self-determined motivation for solitude reflects wanting time alone to find enjoyment and gain meaningful benefits from it, whereas preference for solitude concerns wanting time for oneself over others' company regardless of reasons for why time alone is wanted. We investigated two personality characteristics: introversion from Big-Five personality theory and dispositional autonomy from self-determination theory. In two diary studies university students completed personality measures and reported about their experiences with time spent alone over a period of seven days. Across both studies, contrary to popular belief that introverts spend time alone because they enjoy it, results showed no evidence that introversion is predictive of either preference or motivation for solitude. Dispositional autonomy-the tendency to regulate from a place of self-congruence, interest, and lack of pressure-consistently predicted self-determined motivation for solitude but was unrelated to preference for solitude. These findings provided evidence supporting the link between valuing time spent alone with individual differences in the capacity to self-regulate in choiceful and authentic way.