When social movements fail or succeed: social psychological consequences of a collective action's outcome

Collective actions occur all around the world and, in the last few years, even more frequently. Previous literature has mainly focused on the antecedents of collective actions, but less attention has been given to the consequences of participating in collective action. Moreover, it is still an open question how the consequences of collective action might differ, depending on whether the actions are perceived to succeed or fail. In two studies we seek to address this gap using innovative experimental studies. In Study 1 (N = 368) we manipulated the perceptions of success and failure of a collective action in the context of a real social movement, the Chilean student movement from last decade. In Study 2 (N = 169), in addition to manipulating the outcome, we manipulated actual participation, using a mock environmental organization aiming to create awareness in authorities, to test the causal effect of both participation and success/failure on empowerment, group efficacy, and intentions of future involvement in normative and non-normative collective actions. Results show that current and past participation predict overall participation in the future, however, in Study 2 the manipulated participation was associated with having less intentions of participating in the future. In both studies, perception of success increases group efficacy. In Study 1, we found that when facing failure, participants increase their willingness to participate more in the future as opposed to non-participants that actually decrease theirs. In Study 2, however, failure increases the perception of efficacy for those with a history of non-normative participation. Altogether these results highlight the moderating role of the outcome of collective action to understand the effect of participation on future participation. We discuss these results in light of the methodological innovation and the real world setting in which our studies were conducted.

Is Support for Feminism Enough for Change? How Sexism and Gender Stereotypes Might Hinder Gender Justice

Even though formal processes (i.e., gender quotes) are necessary to achieve gender justice, attitudinal changes (i.e., support of egalitarian social norms) are also essential. The endorsement of sexism and gender stereotypes perpetuate inequality on a daily basis, and can be seen as barriers that prevent societies from reaching social justice. Therefore, changing sexist social norms can be understood as a fundamental step in accomplishing gender justice. With the aim of studying Chileans’ sexist norms, we conducted a survey with a representative sample (N = 490) exploring levels of sexism and gender stereotypes, as well as support for the feminist movement. Using Latent Profile Analysis, we identified four groups of citizens: (1) a first group that shows high levels of sexism and low support for the feminist movement (9%); (2) a second group, with low levels of sexism and high support for the feminist movement (20%); (3) a third group with high levels of sexism and high support for the feminist movement (65%); and (4) a fourth group with mid-levels of sexism and support of the feminist movement (6%). We called these groups the Sexist, Feminist, Inconsistent, and Moderate Group, respectively. The four groups showed similar high endorsement of gender stereotypes. These results are twofold. First, they hint that although nowadays gender equality seems to be generally accepted, this coexists with a high prevalence of sexist social norms, represented by the inconsistent group being the most prevalent. Second, gender stereotypes are still deeply rooted in Chilean culture, surprisingly even among feminist citizens.

Walk This Way: Ingroup Norms Determine Voting Intentions for Those Who Lack Sociopolitical Control

Even though taking part in elections is one of the most direct tools to influence the sociopolitical system, many people choose not to vote. Research shows that this problem is especially prevalent among those citizens who do not believe they have control over social and political issues, but the question remains as to what could encourage their voting behavior. We predicted that individuals who experience low levels of control can be more susceptible to ingroup norms regarding participation in political elections than those with a high sense of sociopolitical control (SPC). Across six studies, we found consistent support for this hypothesis. Specifically, people who experience decreased SPC were more likely to vote when descriptive norms (measured or manipulated) were conducive to voting. The results have important theoretical and applied implications, illuminating the boundary conditions under which people deprived of control can still be motivated to participate in a political sphere.

Psicología y Pueblos Indígenas

La pregunta sobre la existencia de características comunes inherentes a la psicología de los pueblos Indígenas de todo el mundo ha sido objeto de mucho debate. Nosotros argumentamos que los pueblos Indígenas comparten la experiencia de la colonización, así como sus consecuencias sociales y psicológicas. Desarrollamos este argumento en cuatro secciones: ( a) La historia global de la colonización y las desigualdades sociales; ( b) aspectos relativos a la identidad y los procesos grupales, incluidas la transmisión intergeneracional de valores compartidos, la conexión con la naturaleza y la promoción del cambio social; ( c) el prejuicio y la discriminación hacia los pueblos Indígenas y el rol que juegan los procesos psicológicos para promover relaciones positivas entre los pueblos Indígenas y no-Indígenas; y ( d) el impacto del trauma histórico y del colonialismo en la cognición, la salud mental y el bienestar de los pueblos Indígenas, así como la base para el desarrollo de intervenciones exitosas que integran los conocimientos Indígenas. Por último, abordamos los desafíos futuros de la investigación sobre estos temas.

Changing attitudes toward redistribution: The role of perceived economic inequality in everyday life and intolerance of inequality

Modern societies are characterized by economic inequality. Redistributive policies are one of the means to reduce it. We argue that perceived economic inequality in everyday life and intolerance of it are central factors to enhance positive attitudes toward redistribution. To test it, we conducted a four-wave longitudinal panel study in Chile with a sample of 1221 college students (at T1 - baseline, 960 at T2, 926 at T3, and 787 at T4; Mage = 18.89). As expected, a cross-lagged longitudinal analysis controlled by household income confirmed a positive relationship between perceived economic inequality in everyday life and intolerance of inequality, which in turn was positively associated with support for redistributive policies. These results were stable and consistent over time, supporting the idea that perceived economic inequality in everyday life enhances positive attitudes toward redistribution by increasing intolerance of it. Results highlight the important role played by perceived inequality in everyday life.

Spanish adaptation of the Ambivalent Classism Inventory (ACI)

Introduction: Hostile and benevolent classism influence the derogation of poor people and groups, with negative consequences. The present study aims to adapt and validate the Ambivalent Classism Inventory (ACI) to obtain an adequate tool for expanding research on this topic among the Spanish-speaking population. Method: Toward this end, the researchers back-translated the ACI version originally developed for English speakers. Exploratory and confirmatory analyses verify the ACI’s reliability and factor structure with a sample of Mexican participants. Results: The results demonstrated that the adapted scale’s psychometric properties are acceptable. Its original and factor structure are similar to those of the original scale:hostile classism (12 items), protective paternalism (4 items), and complementary class differentiation (4 items). Furthermore, the study tests the convergent and divergent validity of the scale´s sub-dimensions concerning other ideological and socioeconomic variables. Conclusion:The proposed ACI adaptation should contribute to understanding attitudes toward the poor as well as their consequences among Spanish speakers.

Psychology and Indigenous People

Whether there are common features inherent to the psychology of Indigenous peoples around the globe has been the subject of much debate. We argue that Indigenous peoples share the experience of colonization and its social and psychological consequences. We develop this argument across four sections: (a) the global history of colonization and social inequalities; (b) aspects concerning identity and group processes, including the intergenerational transmission of shared values, the connection with nature, and the promotion of social change; (c) prejudice and discrimination toward Indigenous peoples and the role of psychological processes to improve relations between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples; and (d) the impact of historical trauma and colonialism on dimensions including cognition, mental health, and the well-being of Indigenous peoples as well as the basis for successful interventions that integrate Indigenous knowledge. Finally, we address future challenges for research on these topics. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Psychology, Volume 73 is January 2022. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.

You May Have My Help but Not Necessarily My Care: The Effect of Social Class and Empathy on Prosociality

Previous research has focused on the relation between social class and prosocial behavior. However, this relation is yet unclear. In this work, we shed light on this issue by considering the effect of the level of empathy and the social class of the recipient of help on two types of prosociality, namely helping and caring. In one experimental study, we found that for high-class participants, empathy had a positive effect on helping, regardless of the recipient’s social class. However, empathy had no effect for low-class participants. When it comes to caring, empathy had a positive effect for both high and low-class participants, but only when the recipient of help belonged to the same social class. This highlights that empathy by itself is not sufficient to promote cooperative relations and that the social class of the recipient of help should be taken into account to shed light on this issue.

The role of perspective-taking and low social class prejudice on cross-ethnic friendship formation

Cross-ethnic friendships offer a unique opportunity for improving intergroup relations and reduce prejudice, yet ethnic segregation of friendship networks is often seen as a major obstacle to the integration of immigrant students in educational contexts. This article examines the role of perspective-taking abilities and prejudice towards low social class peers on the probability of cross-ethnic friendships in a sample of 242 students from five multicultural classrooms in Chile (M_age = 12.3; SD = 0.69, 45% girls). It was expected that students who reported high levels of perspective-taking abilities and low levels of prejudice towards low social class peers were more likely to form and maintain cross-ethnic friendships. Longitudinal network analysis (RSiena) was used to examine these hypotheses, confirming the role of both variables in fostering (and reducing) friendships among Chilean and immigrant adolescents. Results are discussed in light of an intersectional framework between social class and ethnicity. Implications for social-emotional interventions in multicultural educational contexts are also discussed.

The intergenerational transmission of participation in collective action: The role of conversation and political practices in the family

In this study, we examined the intergenerational transmission of collective action from parents to children. Using a mixed-method approach combining quantitative and qualitative analysis, we analysed data from 100 dyads of activist parents in Chile (involved in the mobilizations against the dictatorship during the 1980s) and their adult children (N = 200). The quantitative analysis addressed the role of conversations about politics in the family. The results provided evidence of a direct association between those conversations and the frequency of participation in conventional and radical actions by the children, and an indirect association via children's knowledge about parental involvement in past social movements. The qualitative phase, which used interviews and thematic analysis on a subsample of 24 dyads (N = 48), confirmed the role of political conversations, but also revealed the influence of other factors such as cultural consumption and joint political participation. This phase allowed the identification of factors that facilitate or hinder family transmission. Overall, the study highlights the relevance of family as a critical site of socialization that enables the intergenerational transmission of protest.

The Role of Family in the Intergenerational Transmission of Collective Action

The present research demonstrates intergenerational influences on collective action participation, whereby parents’ past and current participation in collective action (descriptive family norms) shape their children’s participation in conventional and radical collective action via injunctive family norms (perception that parents value such participation). Two unique data sets were used: dyads of activist parents and their adult children (Study 1, N = 100 dyads) and student activists who participated in a yearlong, three-wave longitudinal study (Study 2, Ns wave 1 = 1,221, Wave 2 = 960, and Wave 3 = 917). Parents’ past and current participation directly and indirectly predicted children’s protest participation in Study 1, while Study 2 showed a similar pattern longitudinally: Perceptions of parents’ participation (descriptive family norm) and approval (injunctive family norm) predicted change in collective action participation over time. Together, results highlight family environment as a critical setting for the intergenerational transmission of protest.

The face-specific proportion congruency effect: social stimuli as contextual cues

Previous research shows that larger interference is observed in contexts associated with a high proportion of congruent trials than in those associated with a low proportion of congruent trials. Given that one of the most relevant contexts for human beings is social context, researchers have recently explored the possibility that social stimuli could also work as contextual cues for the allocation of attentional control. In fact, it has been shown that individuals use social categories (i.e., men and women) as cues to allocate attentional control. In this work, we go further by showing that individual faces (instead of the social categories they belong to) associated with a high proportion of congruent trials can also lead to larger interference effects compared to individual faces predicting a relatively low proportion of congruent trials. Furthermore, we show that faces associated with a high proportion of congruent trials are more positively evaluated than faces associated with a high proportion of incongruent trials. These results demonstrate that unique human faces are potential contextual cues than can be employed to apply cognitive control when performing an automatic task.

When nonactivists care: Group efficacy mediates the effect of social identification and perceived instability on the legitimacy of collective action

In recent years, multiple social movements have emerged around the world. In addition, public surveys indicate the highest recorded levels of support for protest. In this context of acceptance of collective action, we examine the role of nonactivists in the perceived legitimacy of social movements, as this “passive” support can contribute to social change. Given that antecedents of legitimacy have been neglected in the literature, we carried out a survey ( N = 605) among a general sample of the population in Chile to shed light on this issue. We found that social identification with movements and perceived instability predicted the perceived legitimacy of protests by social movements, and that both variables had only indirect effects through group efficacy. This suggests that perceiving social movements as able to achieve success can lead nonactivists to perceive their actions as legitimate, highlighting the importance to movements of being seen to be effective.

Civic engagement and giving behaviors: The role of empathy and beliefs about poverty

The current study explores different routes to civic involvement by identifying how a context-specific dimension of empathy and beliefs of autonomy and dependency might jointly predict different types of giving behaviors (i.e., monetary donations), which in turn should predict civic engagement. The sample consisted of 1,294 participants (656 females) between the ages of 18 to 64 (M(age) = 38.44, SD = 14.71), randomly selected from seven different cities in Chile. Even after controlling for gender, age, and the socioeconomic status of participants, results mainly support the role of giving behaviors as drivers of actual engagement in civic life. Monetary donations, in turn, are predicted by higher levels of empathy toward poverty and autonomy-oriented beliefs. Implications of these findings are discussed in terms of agentic perspectives on civic participation.

Collective resistance despite complicity: High identifiers rise above the legitimization of disadvantage by the in-group

How do individuals deal with group disadvantage when their fellow in-group members conceive it as legitimate? Integrating research on the normative conflict model (Packer, 2008, Pers. Soc. Psychol. Rev., 12, 50) and collective action, we expect high identifiers to reject the in-group norm of legitimacy that justifies the inequality, and to assert that the group is actually able and willing to contest the disadvantage by collective means. In Study 1 and Study 2, we tested this hypothesis in different intergroup contexts. The results confirmed our predictions and also showed one boundary condition for high identifiers, namely that the content of the social identity supports resistance. In Study 3, we found support for our hypothesis using artificial groups and manipulating identification experimentally. These results show that even when a disadvantaged group appears to accept its situation, high identified in-group members will still contest this and, moreover, expect other in-group members to support them in this endeavour.