The Link between Abstract Thinking Style and Subjective Well-Being: Its Impact when People are in (Real or Perceived) Financial Scarcity

Across three studies, we explored the link between an abstract mindset and subjective well-being (SWB) in participants with real and/or perceived financial scarcity. In Studies 1 and 2, samples presented real objective financial vulnerability: Adolescents from lower-middle income districts (Study 1; N = 256), and adults without higher education and with very low incomes (Study 2; N = 210). In Studies 1 and 2 participants completed a survey including measures of thinking style and SWB. In Studies 2 and 3 perception of financial difficulty and SWB were also measured. Study 3 (N = 161) used a sample of university students and employed an experimental design manipulating participants' thinking style (i.e., concrete versus abstract mindset conditions); additionally, all participants were induced to perceive financial scarcity. Correlations revealed a significant and positive relationship between an abstract thinking style and SWB (Studies 1 and 2). Thus, these results showed that a relatively more abstract thinking style was associated with greater life satisfaction. In Studies 2 and 3 mediation analyses indicated that adults who presented a more abstract thinking style, perceived lower financial difficulties and then reported greater SWB. Overall, given that an abstract thinking style can be induced, these results offer a new intervention approach for improving the SWB of people living in situations of financial scarcity.

Extending the Theory of Planned Behavior for Explaining Dietary Quality: The Role of Financial Scarcity and Food Insecurity Status

OBJECTIVE

To examine whether an extended Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) that included finance-related barriers better explained dietary quality.

DESIGN

Cross-sectional survey.

PARTICIPANTS

One-thousand and thirty-three participants were included from a Dutch independent adult panel.

MAIN OUTCOME

Dietary quality.

ANALYSIS

Five TPB models were assessed: a traditional TPB, a TPB that included direct associations between attitude and subjective norm with dietary quality, a TPB that additionally included financial scarcity or food insecurity, and a TPB that additionally included financial scarcity and food insecurity simultaneously. Structural relationships among the constructs were tested to compare the explanatory power.

RESULTS

The traditional TPB showed poorest fit (χ²/degrees of freedom = 11; comparative fit index = 0.75; root mean square error of approximation [95% confidence interval], 0.10 [0.091-0.12]; standardized root mean square residual = 0.049), the most extended TPB (including both financial scarcity and food insecurity) showed best fit (χ²/degrees of freedom = 3.3; comparative fit index = 0.95; root mean square error of approximation [95% confidence interval], 0.050 [0.035-0.065]; standardized root mean square residual = 0.018). All 5 structure models explained ∼42% to 43% of the variance in intention; however, the variance in dietary quality was better explained by the extended TPB models, including food insecurity and/or financial scarcity (∼22%) compared with the traditional TBP (∼7%), indicating that these models better explained differences in dietary quality.

CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS

These findings highlight the importance of accounting for finance-related barriers to healthy eating like financial scarcity or food insecurity to better understand individual dietary behaviors in lower socioeconomic groups.

Income Inequality Affects the Psychological Health of Only the People Facing Scarcity

Following the status-anxiety hypothesis, the psychological consequences of income inequality should be particularly severe for economically vulnerable individuals. Oddly, however, income inequality is often found to affect vulnerable low-income and advantaged high-income groups equally. We argue that economic vulnerability is better captured by a financial-scarcity measure and hypothesize that income inequality primarily impairs the psychological health of people facing scarcity. First, repeated cross-sectional international data (from the World Values Survey: 146,034 participants; 105 country waves) revealed that the within-country effect of national income inequality on feelings of unhappiness was limited to individuals facing scarcity (≈25% of the World Values Survey population). Second, longitudinal national data (Swiss Household Panel: 14,790 participants; 15,595 municipality years) revealed that the within-life-course effect of local income inequality on psychological health problems was also limited to these individuals (< 10% of the Swiss population). Income inequality by itself may not be a problem for psychological health but, rather, may be a catalyst for the consequences of financial scarcity.