Imperial algorithms: Contemporary manifestations of racism and colonialism

In this special issue, we invited contributions that critically examined issues of imperialism, colonialism, power, justice, etc. to expand the canon of anticolonial scholarship and critical scholarship in community psychology. Our two objectives were: (1) to build on the canon of anticolonial and critical race scholarship to cultivate an empirical and theoretical body of work and conceptual frameworks about racism and colonialism within the field of community psychology and (2) to unpack the different manifestations of racism in society from the lens of community psychology and reflect on the implications of these varied forms of injustice in the contemporary moment. Rooted in African epistemology and methodology (Martin, 2012), we find the concept of the algorithm to serve as a potent metaphor for the ways in which these oppressive structures operate given the prevalence of algorithms in our daily lives and the algorithm is symbolic of the information age and predictive powers that seem to govern society beyond conscious control. In this sense, imperial algorithms are these structures, patterns, processes, and procedures that perpetuate imperialism. These imperial algorithms manifest as neo-colonialism, surveillance, social engineering, carcerality, reality warping of contemporary racism, health disparities exacerbated by COVID-19, and environmental grids of oppression.

Colonialism versus Imperialism

Contemporary scholars routinely argue colonialism and imperialism are indistinguishable. In this essay, I challenge this argument. While it is true the "colonial" and "imperial" overlap and intersect historically, I argue there is a central thread of modern colonialism as an ideology that can be traced from the seventeenth century to mid-twentieth century that was not only distinct from-but often championed in explicit opposition to-imperialism. I advance my argument in four parts. First, I identify key ways in which the colonial can be distinguished from the imperial, including most importantly the specific kind of productive power inherent in colonialism. Second, I examine how colonialism and imperialism evolve in meaning and are redefined by both champions and critics, in relation to each other in the late nineteenth/early twentieth centuries. Third, I examine the historical moment when colonialism and imperialism fully conflate after WWII through the UN process of decolonization as the "salt water thesis" delimits colonialism to mean foreign racialized domination, and it thus becomes synonymous with imperialism. I conclude with an analysis of why the distinction still matters in both theory and practice.

Racialization, colonialism, and imperialism: a critical autoethnography on the intersection of forced displacement and race in a settler colonial context

Migration has been identified as a priority area for policy responses by both the federal and provincial/territorial governments yet, much of our knowledge about migration is not premised on addressing current xenophobic and racist narratives about migrants. The purpose of this research is an interrogation of Canada's colonialism, imperialism, and racialization, which produce specific oppressive policies and practices that have impacted my family. This research is premised on the understanding that in the space between what is known about migration in Canada and what is not, a great deal of narrative and interpretive work is done that makes assumptions about migrants, specifically forcibly displaced people from the Global South. Through a critical autoethnography focused on my lived experiences as a descendant of forcibly displaced Chinese-Vietnamese people living in a settler colonial nation state, this study critiques to what extent these assumptions are founded, and to what extent they represent a socio-political climate in which migration is set out as particular problems requiring a legal and policing solution. In particular, my analysis centers anti-colonialism and anti-racism, shifting to resistance to systemic violence and liberation, while considering the discursive and on-the-ground effects of racist, colonial, and imperial policies and practice. Set against the backdrop of the rise of white nationalism, xenophobia, and racism across all levels of government and academia, and the general public, the results of this study produce a counter-narrative focused on the intersection of forced displacement and race in a settler colonial context, which is both timely and urgent.

Thinking against empire: Anticolonial thought as social theory

Sociology was born in the late 19th and early 20th centuries as a project in, of, and for empire. This essay excavates a tradition of social thought that grew alongside metropolitan sociology but has been marginalized by it: anticolonial thought. Emerging from anticolonial movements, writers and thinkers, anticolonial thought in 19th and 20th centuries emerged from a variety of thinkers (from indigenous activists in the Americas to educated elites in the American, Francophone and British colonies). I argue that this body of thought offers distinct visions of society, social relations, and social structure, along with generative analytic approaches to the social self, social solidarity and global relations-among other themes. Anticolonial thought offers the basis for an alternative canon and corpus of sociological thinking to which we might turn as we seek to revitalize and decolonize sociology.

Kategoriale Dissonanzen. Russlands regressiver Weg in den Krieg und die Historische Soziologie imperialistischer Außenpolitiken

Russlands Angriff auf die Ukraine im Februar 2022 legt die Diagnose eines imperialistischen Eroberungskrieges nahe. Gleichzeitig fristen imperialismustheoretische Zugänge zur russländischen Außenpolitik ein widersprüchliches Nischendasein. So führen die kritischen Sozialwissenschaften Imperialismus maßgeblich auf kapitalistische Entwicklungsdynamiken und die Hegemoniebestrebungen der USA im 20. und 21. Jahrhundert zurück. Politologische und soziologische Ansätze hingegen fokussieren auf die ideologische Dimension des Imperialismus oder normalisieren imperialistische Außenpolitiken in transhistorischen Imperien-Typologien. Aufbauend auf einer Kritik bestehender Deutungsangebote unternimmt der Beitrag einen Bestimmungsversuch des russländischen Imperialismus seit den späten 2000er Jahren. Dabei wird das Argument entwickelt, dass sich in Russland vor dem Hintergrund einer Doppelkrise der Rentenökonomie und der politischen Legitimation seit 2008 ein regressives souveränistisches Projekt fomiert hat, das auf militaristische Politik zur eigenen Reproduktion angewiesen ist. Außenpolitisch kristallisierte sich diese Regression insbesondere um die Formulierung und versuchte Umsetzung imperialer Verfügungsansprüche über die Ukraine. Erklärungen, die auf das Axiom eines globalen oder russländischen Kapitalismus oder die atavistische Ideologie der russländischen Staatselite rekurrieren, bleiben jedoch defizitär. Alternativ greift der Beitrag auf jüngere historisch-soziologische Zugänge zur Außenpolitik sowie Konzepte der älteren Historischen Sozialwissenschaft in den deutschen Internationalen Beziehungen (IB) zurück und schlägt einen historisierenden Zugang zur Rekonstruktion von Außenpolitik vor. Dieser betont neben der fundamentalen Kontextgebundenheit internationaler Politik die prozesshafte Ko-Konstitution krisenhafter sozioökonomischer Entwicklung, strategischer Elitenprojekte der Herrschaftslegitimierung und Geopolitik.

"Our one great national malady": Neurasthenia and American Imperial and Masculine Anxiety at the Turn of the Twentieth Century

White upper middle-class Americans at the turn of the twentieth century were entrenched in a battle with a newly discovered, or invented, mental illness called neurasthenia. This essay examines the ways in which the medical discourse of neurasthenia reflected late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century white Anglo-Saxon men's belief in, as well as anxiety over, American values bolstered by their idea of cultural, racial, and sexual superiority and consolidated through a conjunction of medicine and politics. The idea of neurasthenia as white American men's malady functioned as a mark both of whites' racial superiority to the "new" immigrants and African Americans as well as of women's intellectual inferiority to the opposite sex of their own race. Imposing a subtle distortion on the etiology and diagnosis of neurasthenia and associating it with specific groups of people, the "American disease" constituted the era's representative pathological symptoms which addressed Anglo-Saxon American men's anxieties about overcivilized effeminacy and racial and national decadence which was originated as a response to the racial and sexual heterogeneity. This essay also argues that neurasthenia was an imagined disease which addressed late nineteenth-century American men's spatial anxiety about the decline of the American pastoral ideal caused by the closure of the frontier. Given that the treatment for neurasthenic men was an escape to the frontier in the West in which they could rejuvenate withered American masculinity, their uneasiness about barbarous, unhygienic, and prolific immigrants and unruly white women, in fact, was tied to their spatial anxiety which symptomatically signifies the crisis of American masculinity. Channeled through the medical knowledge of neurology, it made American men's racial, sexual, and spatial anxieties function to act out their racist, misogynist, nativist, and imperialist impulses which legitimized exclusionary political techniques toward the racial and sexual others such as the U.S. imperial expansion in the 1890s and 1900s and a eugenic-influenced immigration policy from the 1900s through the1920s. In this sense, the decline of neurasthenia around 1920 should not be attributed solely to the continued efforts to professionalize American medicine accompanied by recent discoveries of chemical factors such as hormones and vitamins and the rise of psychiatry and psychology which offered physicians with a more specific theory of health built on clinical laboratory science. Like its rise, the decision to move away from the neurasthenic diagnosis was rather a cultural phenomenon, which reflected the American ascendancy to global power in the early twentieth century, particularly after the First World War. Sustaining a political order rested on racial and sexual hierarchies both within and outside the American continent, American men felt that they were no longer liable to specific, time-tested anxiety and somatic symptoms of neurasthenia, which was more an ideological and cultural construct than a clinical entity that dramatizes the racial, sexual, and imperial politics of the-turn-of-the-twentieth-century America.

"No one may starve in the British Empire": Kwashiorkor, Protein and the Politics of Nutrition Between Britain and Africa

Throughout the twentieth century it was widely assumed that African diets were grossly deficient in protein, that childhood protein deficiency was a natural result of this generalised diet and that a relative lack of meat and milk went some way to explaining African economic underdevelopment. This article explores why these conclusions took hold; the European deification of animal protein in previous centuries; structural changes to African diets and food economies under colonial government; and the political value of such a consensus. Unlike elsewhere in the world, where deficiency was removed from the exceptionalism of tropical medicine, protein malnutrition was constructed as a particularly African concern. Focusing this discussion on the history of the severe childhood deficiency, kwashiorkor, this article explores how the politically informed othering of African nutrition came to direct, or misdirect, the medicine of malnutrition in twentieth-century Africa.

The knowing world: A new global history of science

This article proposes a new global approach to the history of science centered on questions of geopolitics, historical consciousness, and cultural identity. Arguing that the field is now at a crossroads between its longstanding focus on the history of the natural sciences in the Western world, and the prospect of some form of worldwide history of science, the article describes a new undergraduate lecture course, designed by the author and taught at Rutgers and Harvard since 2015, which neither begins in Western Europe nor culminates with the United States. It aims to articulate an original vision for the field on this basis. Histories of science can and should offer deep histories of the global present, it is argued, by rethinking how historical narratives involve geographical decisions about where to focus analytical attention (and where not) and tackling narrative and geography together as linked issues. The approach proposed here is neither science in context nor knowledge in transit but engages the notion of a knowing world: one made up of multiple scientific cultures and long historical memory, and requiring dialectical movement back and forth across both space and time on a worldwide scale to grasp the scientific past's importance for the present, as well as the present's impact on how we perceive the past. Explicitly addressing polemics of identity, culture, race, and nationhood can help us to construct a more civic-minded and geopolitically informed history of science of use in the changing circumstances of the twenty-first century.

A time for new north-south relationships in global health

The modern concept of globalization in health care and clinical research often carries a positive message for the “Global South” nations of Africa, South America and Southeast Asia. However, bioethical abuse of participants in clinical trials still exists in the Global South. Unethical studies directed by the “Global North”, formed by the medically advanced nations in North America, Western Europe and Japan, have been hugely concerning. The issue between the Global North and South is a well-recognized socioeconomic phenomenon of globalization. Medical exploitation has its roots in the socioeconomic interactions of a postcolonial world, and solutions to reducing exploitation require a deeper understanding of these societal models of globalization. We explore the fundamental causes of imbalance and suggest solutions. Reflecting on the globalization model, there must be an effort to empower the Global South nations to direct and govern their own health care systems efficiently on the basis of equality.

British torture in the 'war on terror'

Despite long-standing allegations of UK involvement in prisoner abuse during counterterrorism operations as part of the US-led 'war on terror', a consistent narrative emanating from British government officials is that Britain neither uses, condones nor facilitates torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment and punishment. We argue that such denials are untenable. We have established beyond reasonable doubt that Britain has been deeply involved in post-9/11 prisoner abuse, and we can now provide the most detailed account to date of the depth of this involvement. We argue that it is possible to identify a peculiarly British approach to torture in the 'war on terror', which is particularly well-suited to sustaining a narrative of denial. To explain the nature of UK involvement, we argue that it can be best understood within the context of how law and sovereign power have come to operate during the 'war on terror'. We turn here to the work of Judith Butler, and explore the role of Britain as a 'petty sovereign', operating under the state of exception established by the US executive. UK authorities have not themselves suspended the rule of law so overtly; indeed, they have repeatedly insisted on their commitment to it. Nevertheless, they have been able to construct a rhetorical, legal and policy 'scaffold' that has enabled them to demonstrate at least procedural adherence to human rights norms while, at the same time, allowing UK officials to acquiesce in the arbitrary exercise of sovereignty over individuals who are denied any access to appropriate representation or redress in compliance with the rule of law.

"The Madness of the Carnival": Representations of Latin America and the Caribbean in the U.S. Homophile Press

This essay examines representations of Latin America and the Caribbean in U.S. homophile periodicals from 1953 to 1964. The 120 items in ONE, Mattachine Review, and The Ladder that referenced this region depicted Latin America and the Caribbean as different from the United States in a number of ways, in particular as more sexually repressive or more sexually liberal. These representations typically conformed to the general homophile movement tendency to challenge U.S. anti-homosexual campaigns during the "Lavender Scare," while arguing for acceptance based on rights claims. The representations also were based on Cold War, colonial, racist, nationalist, and imperialist frameworks. The essay argues that although the magazines generally affirmed the dominant homophile discourses of respectability and domesticity, they also challenged these discourses by presenting Latin American and Caribbean cultures as gender-nonconforming and sexually promiscuous.

Imperial Queerness: The U.S. Homophile Press and Constructions of Sexualities in Asia and the Pacific, 1953-1964

This essay examines the ways in which U.S. homophile magazines represented and constructed Asia and the Pacific from 1953 to 1964. Through an analysis of 209 items that referenced Asia and the Pacific in ONE, Mattachine Review, and the Ladder, the essay argues that U.S. homophiles referenced the region in three primary ways: first, to create relationships, allies, and exchanges with people living in the region; second, to highlight the inferiority of the East and superiority of the West; and, third, to reveal the cross-cultural and transhistorical nature of homosexuality. These references were influenced by Orientalism, colonialism, and the Cold War, which framed Asia and the Pacific as both sexually and culturally backward, but also as a potential tourist destination for gay men and lesbian women.

Saying 'No' to PrEP research in Malawi: what constitutes 'failure' in offshored HIV prevention research?

Between 2004 and 2005, the first multi-sited clinical trial tested whether an existing, marketed antiretroviral drug, Tenofovir (TDF), could prevent HIV transmission. Referred to as pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP), most of these trial sites prematurely closed down. Two sites located in Cambodia and Cameroon received international media attention. But little attention was drawn to sites in Malawi and Nigeria, where university ethicists and research scientists extensively debated PrEP. This article focuses on events that took place in Malawi where there was a prolonged dispute over the scientific rationales of PrEP and not trial specific ethics referred to as 'bioethics'. Specifically, the article discusses debates pertaining to three PrEP trial protocols that were refused ethics approval in Malawi between 2004 and 2009. It is argued that HIV science debates in Malawi are embedded in postcolonial politics--geopolitical histories and state and household economic dispossessions that have created the structural possibilities for Malawi to become an offshore destination for HIV clinical research. As such, ethics in this case does not pertain to trial or bioethical 'failures'. Rather, ethics is located at the scale of imperial relations that give rise to multiple, often invisible, research concerns and constraints.

A Global Perspective: Reframing the History of Health, Medicine, and Disease

The emergence of global history has been one of the more notable features of academic history over the past three decades. Although historians of disease were among the pioneers of one of its earlier incarnations-world history-the recent "global turn" has made relatively little impact on histories of health, disease, and medicine. Most continue to be framed by familiar entities such as the colony or nation-state or are confined to particular medical "traditions." This article aims to show what can be gained from taking a broader perspective. Its purpose is not to replace other ways of seeing or to write a new "grand narrative" but to show how transnational and transimperial approaches are vital to understanding some of the key issues with which historians of health, disease, and medicine are concerned. Moving on from an analysis of earlier periods of integration, the article offers some reflections on our own era of globalization and on the emerging field of global health.

Cure for empire: the 'Conquer-Russia-Pill', pharmaceutical manufacturers, and the making of patriotic Japanese, 1904-45

Seirogan, a popular anti-diarrhoeal pill, is arguably one of the most successful pharmaceutical products of modern Japan. What is less known is that the Japanese army initially developed Seirogan during the Russo-Japanese War as the ‘Conquer-Russia-Pill’, which was later marketed to the public by private manufacturers. Previous scholars have emphasised the top–down governmental method of mobilising private sectors to manipulate public opinion for the cause of external imperialist expansion and domestic stability during wartime Japan. But the matrix that the Conquer-Russia-Pill allows us to glimpse is an inverted power relation among the state, commercial sectors, and imperial citizens. While the Japanese government remained indifferent if not hostile to jingoistic pharmaceutical manufacturers who could easily disrupt international relations, pharmaceutical companies quickly recognised and exploited the opportunities that the Conquer-Russia-Pill and its symbolism provided under the banner of the empire. In turn, Japanese consumers reacted to commercial sermons carefully anchored in patriotic and militaristic discourses and images by opening their wallets. In other words, the popularity of the Conquer-Russia-Pill was a culmination of the convergence of a governmental initiative to enhance military capabilities, the commercial ingenuity of pharmaceutical manufacturers, and a consumer response to patriotic exhortations.