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Walter H. ["Epidemic" or Peripheral Phenomenon? : A Medical History of the "Cocaine Wave" in the Weimar Republic]. NTM 2017; 25:311-348. [PMID: 28721525 DOI: 10.1007/s00048-017-0174-7] [Citation(s) in RCA: 0] [Impact Index Per Article: 0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [MESH Headings] [Track Full Text] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 06/07/2023]
Abstract
An empirical investigation refutes the popular conception that excessive drug usage was a widespread social phenomenon in the Weimar Republic. Although physicians warned the public and politicians of a "cocaine wave" that threatened the public health, there is no evidence that indicates a significant increase of cocaine use during the twenties. The decisive cause for this moral panic was caused instead by the disease pattern of "Cocainism". The addiction carried the imprint of an infectious disease and would destroy the body, the will, and the civic life of its victims. According to medical doctrine, chronic cocaine consumption also produced the tendency towards deviant sexual activities and criminal activity. For this reason, the use of this substance was in particular linked to deviant social milieus like the so-called Bohemian or demimonde. However, historical sources in fact show that it was primarily a problem of the medical professions. Against the background of the desperate political, social and economic situation in Germany after the First World War, physicians regarded cocaine and morphine addictions as a threat to the hoped for political and biological renewal of the nation.
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Rigau-Pérez JG. The Work of US Public Health Service Officers in Puerto Rico, 1898-1919. PUERTO RICO HEALTH SCIENCES JOURNAL 2017; 36:130-139. [PMID: 28915301] [Citation(s) in RCA: 0] [Impact Index Per Article: 0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [MESH Headings] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 06/07/2023]
Abstract
The history of the US Public Health Service (PHS) is usually presented in terms of diseases or discoveries; this article examines twenty years' activity in one location. When the United States invaded Puerto Rico in 1898, the Marine Hospital Service (now PHS) took responsibility for foreign quarantine, inspection of immigrants, and medical care for merchant seamen. Its officers evaluated the sanitary conditions of port cities, helped reorganize local disease surveillance and control, and investigated endemic diseases (e.g., hookworm-related anemia) and epidemics (e.g., bubonic plague). After World War I and pandemic influenza, and the greater self-government allowed Puerto Rico by Congress in 1917, PHS officers withdrew from routine local sanitary actions. A narrow geographic focus (Puerto Rico), to examine PHS activity over time (1898 to 1919) provides a richer picture of the agency's impact, and reveals how the sum of disease control activities affected the development of an area's health status and institutions. The duties and, importantly, the personal initiatives of PHS officers in Puerto Rico, such as WW King, produced lasting impact on scientific institutions and administrative, professional, and health care practices.
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Holmberg M. The ghost of pandemics past: revisiting two centuries of influenza in Sweden. MEDICAL HUMANITIES 2017; 43:141-147. [PMID: 28855380 PMCID: PMC5629937 DOI: 10.1136/medhum-2016-011023] [Citation(s) in RCA: 9] [Impact Index Per Article: 1.3] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [MESH Headings] [Track Full Text] [Download PDF] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Accepted: 10/13/2016] [Indexed: 06/07/2023]
Abstract
Previous influenza pandemics are usually invoked in pandemic preparedness planning without a thorough analysis of the events surrounding them, what has been called the 'configuration' of epidemics. Historic pandemics are instead used to contrast them to the novelty of the coming imagined plague or as fear of a ghost-like repetition of the past. This view of pandemics is guided by a biomedical framework that is ahistorical and reductionist. The meaning of 'pandemic' influenza is in fact highly ambiguous in its partitioning of pandemic and seasonal influenza. The past 200 years of influenza epidemics in Sweden are examined with a special focus on key social structures-households, schools, transportations and the military. These are shown to have influenced the progression of influenza pandemics. Prevailing beliefs around influenza pandemics have also profoundly influenced intervention strategies. Measuring long-term trends in pandemic severity is problematic because pandemics are non-linear events where the conditions surrounding them constantly change. However, in a linearised view, the Spanish flu can be seen to represent a historical turning point and the H1N1 2009 pandemic not as an outlier, but following a 100-year trend of decreasing severity. Integrating seasonal and pandemic influenza, and adopting an ecosocial stance can deepen our understanding and bring the ghost-like pandemic past to life.
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Thomas Ewing E. Will It Come Here? Using Digital Humanities Tools to Explore Medical Understanding during the Russian Flu Epidemic, 1889-90. MEDICAL HISTORY 2017; 61:474-477. [PMID: 28604312 PMCID: PMC5471976 DOI: 10.1017/mdh.2017.53] [Citation(s) in RCA: 1] [Impact Index Per Article: 0.1] [Reference Citation Analysis] [MESH Headings] [Track Full Text] [Figures] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 06/07/2023]
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Anderson W. Nowhere to run, rabbit: the cold-war calculus of disease ecology. HISTORY AND PHILOSOPHY OF THE LIFE SCIENCES 2017; 39:13. [PMID: 28612293 DOI: 10.1007/s40656-017-0140-7] [Citation(s) in RCA: 4] [Impact Index Per Article: 0.6] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [MESH Headings] [Track Full Text] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 11/14/2016] [Accepted: 05/24/2017] [Indexed: 06/07/2023]
Abstract
During the cold war, Frank Fenner (protégé of Macfarlane Burnet and René Dubos) and Francis Ratcliffe (associate of A. J. Nicholson and student of Charles Elton) studied mathematically the coevolution of host resistance and parasite virulence when myxomatosis was unleashed on Australia's rabbit population. Later, Robert May called Fenner the "real hero" of disease ecology for his mathematical modeling of the epidemic. While Ratcliffe came from a tradition of animal ecology, Fenner developed an ecological orientation in World War II through his work on malaria control (with Ratcliffe and Ian Mackerras, among others)-that is, through studies of tropical medicine. This makes Fenner at least a partial exception to other senior disease ecologists in the region, most of whom learned their ecology from examining responses to agricultural challenges and animal husbandry problems in settler colonial society. Here I consider the local ecologies of knowledge in southeastern Australia during this period, and describe the particular cold-war intellectual niche that Fenner and Ratcliffe inhabited.
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Sihn KH. Reorganizing Hospital Space: The 1894 Plague Epidemic in Hong Kong and the Germ Theory. UI SAHAK 2017; 26:59-94. [PMID: 28814702 PMCID: PMC10565080 DOI: 10.13081/kjmh.2017.26.59] [Citation(s) in RCA: 0] [Impact Index Per Article: 0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [MESH Headings] [Track Full Text] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 10/09/2016] [Revised: 10/20/2016] [Accepted: 03/27/2017] [Indexed: 06/07/2023]
Abstract
This paper examined whether the preventive measures taken by the Hong Kong's colonial authorities were legitimate during the 1894 Hong Kong plague epidemic, and illuminated the correlation between the plague epidemic and hospital space in Hong Kong in the late 19th century. The quarantine measures taken by the colonial authorities were neither a clear-cut victory for Western medicine nor for a rational quarantine based on scientific medical knowledge. Hong Kong's medical officials based on the miasma theory, and focused only on house-to-house inspections and forced quarantine or isolation, without encouraging people to wear masks and without conducting disinfection. Even after Hong Kong plague spread, the Hong Kong's colonial authorities were not interested in what plague bacilli were, but in where they were to be found and how to prevent and control an outbreak of the disease. The germ theory brought significant changes to the disease classification system. Until the 1890s, Hong Kong's colonial authority had classified cause of death mainly on the basis of symptoms, infectious diseases, parts of the body and diseases of systems. Microbiological analysis of the cause of death in Hong Kong was started by Hunter, a bacteriologist, in 1902. He used bacteriological tests with a microscope to analyze the cause of death. New disease recognition and medical recognition brought large changes to hospital space as well. In particular, from the 1880s to the early 1900s, Western medical circles witnessed shifts from miasma theory to the germ theory, thereby influencing Hong Kong's hospital spaces. As the germ theory took ground in Hong Kong in 1894, the bacteriological laboratory and isolation ward became inevitable facilities, and hospital space were reorganized accordingly. However, the colonial authorities and local elites' strategy was different. As a government bacteriologist, Hunter established a central facility to unify several laboratories and to manage urban space from ouside the hospital. On the contrary, the Tungwah Hospital tried to transform hospital space with isolation ward and Receiving Ward System as the eclectic form of Chinese and Western medicine. The 1894 Hong Kong plague promoted the introduction of germ theory and the reorganization of hospital space.
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Kurosawa A, Tojinbara K, Kadowaki H, Hampson K, Yamada A, Makita K. The rise and fall of rabies in Japan: A quantitative history of rabies epidemics in Osaka Prefecture, 1914-1933. PLoS Negl Trop Dis 2017; 11:e0005435. [PMID: 28333929 PMCID: PMC5380354 DOI: 10.1371/journal.pntd.0005435] [Citation(s) in RCA: 18] [Impact Index Per Article: 2.6] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [MESH Headings] [Grants] [Track Full Text] [Download PDF] [Figures] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 09/16/2016] [Revised: 04/04/2017] [Accepted: 02/23/2017] [Indexed: 11/19/2022] Open
Abstract
Japan has been free from rabies since the 1950s. However, during the early 1900s several large-scale epidemics spread throughout the country. Here we investigate the dynamics of these epidemics between 1914 and 1933 in Osaka Prefecture, using archival data including newspapers. The association between dog rabies cases and human population density was investigated using Mixed-effects models and epidemiological parameters such as the basic reproduction number (R0), the incubation and infectious period and the serial interval were estimated. A total of 4,632 animal rabies cases were reported, mainly in dogs (99.0%, 4,584 cases) during two epidemics from 1914 to 1921, and 1922 to 1933 respectively. The second epidemic was larger (3,705 cases) than the first (879 cases), but had a lower R0 (1.50 versus 2.42). The first epidemic was controlled through capture of stray dogs and tethering of pet dogs. Dog mass vaccination began in 1923, with campaigns to capture stray dogs. Rabies in Osaka Prefecture was finally eliminated in 1933. A total of 3,805 rabid dog-bite injuries, and 75 human deaths were reported. The relatively low incidence of human rabies, high ratio of post-exposure vaccines (PEP) and bite injuries by rabid dogs (minimum 6.2 to maximum 73.6, between 1924 and 1928), and a decline in the proportion of bite victims that developed hydrophobia over time (slope = -0.29, se = 3, p < 0.001), indicated that increased awareness and use of PEP might have prevented disease. Although significantly more dog rabies cases were detected at higher human population densities (slope = 0.66, se = 0.03, p < 0.01), there were fewer dog rabies cases detected per capita (slope = -0.34, se = 0.03, p < 0.01). We suggest that the combination of mass vaccination and restriction of dog movement enabled by strong legislation was key to eliminate rabies. Moreover, the prominent role of the media in both reporting rabies cases and efforts to control the disease likely contributed to promoting the successful participation required to achieve rabies elimination.
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Moss S. Infantile Paralysis: The Newark Polio Epidemic of 1916. MD ADVISOR : A JOURNAL FOR NEW JERSEY MEDICAL COMMUNITY 2017; 10:28-31. [PMID: 28586561] [Citation(s) in RCA: 0] [Impact Index Per Article: 0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [MESH Headings] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 06/07/2023]
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Naruszewicz-Lesiuk D, Stypułkowska-Misiurewicz H. Past and present history of cholera epidemics. Hundred years of operation of National Institute of Hygiene for the prevention and control of cholera. PRZEGLAD EPIDEMIOLOGICZNY 2017; 71:661. [PMID: 29417804] [Citation(s) in RCA: 0] [Impact Index Per Article: 0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [MESH Headings] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 06/08/2023]
Abstract
BACKGROUND Cholera is an infectious disease that in the epidemic form should not continue to appear now, as is known from the experience of developed countries AIM The aim of this work is to bring to memory the epidemics of cholera, that were introduced to the territory of Poland, in the past and the role of National Institute of Hygiene (PZH) in the fight against them and to demonstrate contemporary danger from cholera outbreaks that still exists in the world MATERIAL AND METHODS The information from the historic publications were analyzed, the results Polish research performed in National Institute of Hygiene in the second half of the XX century were collected and demonstrated the most recent information from in the world science publications on the subject of cholera and the conditions that were in the origin of the recent outbreaks of cholera mentioned RESULTS The data available for the number of cholera victims in the epidemics of XIX century is concerning the persons ill with characteristic clinical symptoms, but the data for XX century is concerning only patients that were infected with by the strain Vibrio cholerae O1 classic type, the bacteria that were described by R. Koch, but from the 70-years of XX century mostly the cases infected with Vibrio cholerae O1 type El-Tor, that was the etiologic agent of the seventh cholera pandemic SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS The origin of the epidemic cholera is depending on several conditions :appearance in water the infectious agent with the toxin producing character, ecological conditions of the surface waters, and on living conditions of human society which might be infected from the source of infection in water. The presence of the infectious agent in the natural waters should be always taken under special consideration car any worsening of living condition of the human population like natural disaster or war, may still create the dangers of the epidemic of infectious disease, as recently has happened with the outbreak of epidemic of cholera in Yemen
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Lee HF, Fei J, Chan CYS, Pei Q, Jia X, Yue RPH. Climate change and epidemics in Chinese history: A multi-scalar analysis. Soc Sci Med 2016; 174:53-63. [PMID: 28011366 DOI: 10.1016/j.socscimed.2016.12.020] [Citation(s) in RCA: 18] [Impact Index Per Article: 2.3] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [MESH Headings] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 07/05/2016] [Revised: 10/17/2016] [Accepted: 12/14/2016] [Indexed: 11/19/2022]
Abstract
This study seeks to provide further insight regarding the relationship of climate-epidemics in Chinese history through a multi-scalar analysis. Based on 5961 epidemic incidents in China during 1370-1909 CE we applied Ordinary Least Square regression and panel data regression to verify the climate-epidemic nexus over a range of spatial scales (country, macro region, and province). Results show that epidemic outbreaks were negatively correlated with the temperature in historical China at various geographic levels, while a stark reduction in the correlational strength was observed at lower geographic levels. Furthermore, cooling drove up epidemic outbreaks in northern and central China, where population pressure reached a clear threshold for amplifying the vulnerability of epidemic outbreaks to climate change. Our findings help to illustrate the modifiable areal unit and the uncertain geographic context problems in climate-epidemics research. Researchers need to consider the scale effect in the course of statistical analyses, which are currently predominantly conducted on a national/single scale; and also the importance of how the study area is delineated, an issue which is rarely discussed in the climate-epidemics literature. Future research may leverage our results and provide a cross-analysis with those derived from spatial analysis.
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Shanks GD. Lethality of First Contact Dysentery Epidemics on Pacific Islands. Am J Trop Med Hyg 2016; 95:273-7. [PMID: 27185765 PMCID: PMC4973171 DOI: 10.4269/ajtmh.16-0169] [Citation(s) in RCA: 8] [Impact Index Per Article: 1.0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [MESH Headings] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 03/03/2016] [Accepted: 03/30/2016] [Indexed: 11/07/2022] Open
Abstract
Infectious diseases depopulated many isolated Pacific islands when they were first exposed to global pathogen circulation from the 18th century. Although the mortality was great, the lack of medical observers makes determination of what happened during these historical epidemics largely speculative. Bacillary dysentery caused by Shigella is the most likely infection causing some of the most lethal island epidemics. The fragmentary historical record is reviewed to gain insight into the possible causes of the extreme lethality that was observed during first-contact epidemics in the Pacific. Immune aspects of the early dysentery epidemics and postmeasles infection resulting in subacute inflammatory enteric disease suggest that epidemiologic isolation was the major lethality risk factor on Pacific islands in the 19th century. Other possible risk factors include human leukocyte antigen homogeneity from a founder effect and pathogen-induced derangement of immune tolerance to gut flora. If this analysis is correct, then Pacific islands are currently at no greater risk of emerging disease epidemics than other developing countries despite their dark history.
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Greenhalgh S. Neoliberal science, Chinese style: Making and managing the 'obesity epidemic'. SOCIAL STUDIES OF SCIENCE 2016; 46:485-510. [PMID: 28948874 DOI: 10.1177/0306312716655501] [Citation(s) in RCA: 1] [Impact Index Per Article: 0.1] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [MESH Headings] [Track Full Text] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 06/07/2023]
Abstract
Science and Technology Studies has seen a growing interest in the commercialization of science. In this article, I track the role of corporations in the construction of the obesity epidemic, deemed one of the major public health threats of the century. Focusing on China, a rising superpower in the midst of rampant, state-directed neoliberalization, I unravel the process, mechanisms, and broad effects of the corporate invention of an obesity epidemic. Largely hidden from view, Western firms were central actors at every stage in the creation, definition, and governmental management of obesity as a Chinese disease. Two industry-funded global health entities and the exploitation of personal ties enabled actors to nudge the development of obesity science and policy along lines beneficial to large firms, while obscuring the nudging. From Big Pharma to Big Food and Big Soda, transnational companies have been profiting from the 'epidemic of Chinese obesity', while doing little to effectively treat or prevent it. The China case suggests how obesity might have been constituted an 'epidemic threat' in other parts of the world and underscores the need for global frameworks to guide the study of neoliberal science and policymaking.
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The Epidemic of Infantile Paralysis. JAMA 2016; 316:107. [PMID: 27380363 DOI: 10.1001/jama.2015.17092] [Citation(s) in RCA: 0] [Impact Index Per Article: 0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [MESH Headings] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Submit a Manuscript] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 11/14/2022]
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90
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Laval E. [Notes about other epidemics in Colonial Chile]. Rev Chilena Infectol 2016; 32:577-9. [PMID: 26633117 DOI: 10.4067/s0716-10182015000600014] [Citation(s) in RCA: 0] [Impact Index Per Article: 0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [MESH Headings] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 11/17/2022] Open
Abstract
In chronicles or in the historiography of the Colony in Chile there are few references about epidemics different to smallpox; like typhus, typhoid fever, dysentery, etc. Almost all, fast spreading in the country and some with high lethality, which led to overflowing the capacity of hospitals in the Chilean colonial period.
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Rajhi M, Ghedira K, Chouikha A, Djebbi A, Cheikh I, Ben Yahia A, Sadraoui A, Hammami W, Azouz M, Ben Mami N, Triki H. Phylogenetic Analysis and Epidemic History of Hepatitis C Virus Genotype 2 in Tunisia, North Africa. PLoS One 2016; 11:e0153761. [PMID: 27100294 PMCID: PMC4839596 DOI: 10.1371/journal.pone.0153761] [Citation(s) in RCA: 9] [Impact Index Per Article: 1.1] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [MESH Headings] [Track Full Text] [Download PDF] [Figures] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 12/22/2015] [Accepted: 04/04/2016] [Indexed: 01/06/2023] Open
Abstract
HCV genotype 2 (HCV-2) has a worldwide distribution with prevalence rates that vary from country to country. High genetic diversity and long-term endemicity were suggested in West African countries. A global dispersal of HCV-2 would have occurred during the 20th century, especially in European countries. In Tunisia, genotype 2 was the second prevalent genotype after genotype 1 and most isolates belong to subtypes 2c and 2k. In this study, phylogenetic analyses based on the NS5B genomic sequences of 113 Tunisian HCV isolates from subtypes 2c and 2k were carried out. A Bayesian coalescent-based framework was used to estimate the origin and the spread of these subtypes circulating in Tunisia. Phylogenetic analyses of HCV-2c sequences suggest the absence of country-specific or time-specific variants. In contrast, the phylogenetic grouping of HCV-2k sequences shows the existence of two major genetic clusters that may represent two distinct circulating variants. Coalescent analysis indicated a most recent common ancestor (tMRCA) of Tunisian HCV-2c around 1886 (1869-1902) before the introduction of HCV-2k in 1901 (1867-1931). Our findings suggest that the introduction of HCV-2c in Tunisia is possibly a result of population movements between Tunisia and European population following the French colonization.
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Santos LD. [A giant field of death: medical and scientific controversies about the cholera morbus epidemic of 1855]. HISTORIA, CIENCIAS, SAUDE--MANGUINHOS 2016; 23:341-357. [PMID: 27276040 DOI: 10.1590/s0104-59702016000200003] [Citation(s) in RCA: 0] [Impact Index Per Article: 0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [MESH Headings] [Track Full Text] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 11/01/2013] [Accepted: 11/01/2014] [Indexed: 06/06/2023]
Abstract
The article examines the cholera morbus epidemic that afflicted the province of Pernambuco, Brazil, in 1855, focusing on the medical and scientific controversies about how the disease spread, which split medical opinion into two camps: contagion and infection. Documents and reports produced by the Society of Medicine of Pernambuco and the General Public Health Board were analyzed, based on which it was possible to describe the official medical and sanitation program, involving engineers, scientists, and physicians, designed to plan a salubrious city - a model of civilization that combined redeveloping the urban space and disseminating new habits amongst the local people. It is essentially an exercise in observing a science and a society as they take shape.
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Méthot PO. Bacterial Transformation and the Origins of Epidemics in the Interwar Period: The Epidemiological Significance of Fred Griffith's "Transforming Experiment". JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF BIOLOGY 2016; 49:311-358. [PMID: 26294287 DOI: 10.1007/s10739-015-9415-6] [Citation(s) in RCA: 2] [Impact Index Per Article: 0.3] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [MESH Headings] [Track Full Text] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 06/04/2023]
Abstract
Frederick Griffith (1879-1941) was an English bacteriologist at the Pathological Laboratory of the Ministry of Health in London who believed that progress in the epidemiology and control of infectious diseases would come only with more precise knowledge of the identity of the causative microorganisms. Over the years, Griffith developed and expanded a serological technique for identifying pathogenic microorganisms, which allowed the tracing of the sources of infectious disease outbreaks: slide agglutination. Yet Griffith is not remembered for his contributions to the biology and epidemiology of infectious diseases so much as for discovering the phenomenon known as 'transformation'. Griffith's discovery, for many, was a pure case of serendipity whose biological relevance had also largely escaped him. In this paper, I argue that the key to understanding the significance of bacterial transformation - and the scientific legacy of Fred Griffith - rests not only on it initiating a cascade of events leading to molecular genetics but also on its implications for epidemiology based on the biology of host-parasite interactions. Looking at Griffith's entire career, instead of focusing only on the transformation study, we can better appreciate the place of the latter within Griffith's overall contributions. Presented in this way, Griffith's experiment on bacterial transformation also ceases to appear as an anomaly, which in turn leads us to rethink some of the most prevalent historical conceptions about his work.
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Cascella M. The controversial experiments on the intravenous administration of drugs (and air!) during the cholera epidemic of 1867 in Italy. Rev Med Chil 2016; 143:1593-7. [PMID: 26928622 DOI: 10.4067/s0034-98872015001200013] [Citation(s) in RCA: 0] [Impact Index Per Article: 0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [MESH Headings] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 09/30/2015] [Accepted: 11/03/2015] [Indexed: 11/17/2022]
Abstract
Cholera ravaged many American and European cities in the nineteenth century. Likewise, Italy was struck by six epidemics since the morbus first appeared in 1835-1837. After the International Sanitary Conferences held in Paris in 1851, there was a decrease of the cases due to consolidation of the city in terms of public and private health. Nevertheless, due to the lack of alternative and innovative remedies, the mortality remained unchanged, affecting more than 60 percent of patients. The city of Brescia in Northern Italy was severely hit by the epidemic of 1867. Not being able to implement effective therapeutic strategies, the administration of drugs like quinine and strychnine was proposed to be done intravenously. The results of intravenous injections were ominous, and all the patients died of "sudden death". Although the academic authorities forbade further experiments, some physicians carried on a long trial using test animals and mental patients as "guinea pigs".
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Samet JM. Epidemiology and the Tobacco Epidemic: How Research on Tobacco and Health Shaped Epidemiology. Am J Epidemiol 2016; 183:394-402. [PMID: 26867777 DOI: 10.1093/aje/kwv156] [Citation(s) in RCA: 11] [Impact Index Per Article: 1.4] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [MESH Headings] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 05/14/2015] [Accepted: 06/10/2015] [Indexed: 11/13/2022] Open
Abstract
In this article, I provide a perspective on the tobacco epidemic and epidemiology, describing the impact of the tobacco-caused disease epidemic on the field of epidemiology. Although there is an enormous body of epidemiologic evidence on the associations of smoking with health, little systematic attention has been given to how decades of research have affected epidemiology and its practice. I address the many advances that resulted from epidemiologic research on smoking and health, such as demonstration of the utility of observational designs and important parameters (the odds ratio and the population attributable risk), guidelines for causal inference, and systematic review approaches. I also cover unintended and adverse consequences for the field, including the strategy of doubt creation and the recruitment of epidemiologists by the tobacco industry to serve its mission. The paradigm of evidence-based action for addressing noncommunicable diseases began with the need to address the epidemic of tobacco-caused disease, an imperative for action documented by epidemiologic research.
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Abstract
Twenty-five years ago, on the 75th anniversary of the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, I noted that epidemiologic research was moving away from the traditional approaches used to investigate "epidemics" and their close relationship with preventive medicine. Twenty-five years later, the role of epidemiology as an important contribution to human population research, preventive medicine, and public health is under substantial pressure because of the emphasis on "big data," phenomenology, and personalized medical therapies. Epidemiology is the study of epidemics. The primary role of epidemiology is to identify the epidemics and parameters of interest of host, agent, and environment and to generate and test hypotheses in search of causal pathways. Almost all diseases have a specific distribution in relation to time, place, and person and specific "causes" with high effect sizes. Epidemiology then uses such information to develop interventions and test (through clinical trials and natural experiments) their efficacy and effectiveness. Epidemiology is dependent on new technologies to evaluate improved measurements of host (genomics), epigenetics, identification of agents (metabolomics, proteomics), new technology to evaluate both physical and social environment, and modern methods of data collection. Epidemiology does poorly in studying anything other than epidemics and collections of numerators and denominators without specific hypotheses even with improved statistical methodologies.
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Lessler J, Cummings DAT. Mechanistic Models of Infectious Disease and Their Impact on Public Health. Am J Epidemiol 2016; 183:415-22. [PMID: 26893297 PMCID: PMC5006438 DOI: 10.1093/aje/kww021] [Citation(s) in RCA: 32] [Impact Index Per Article: 4.0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [MESH Headings] [Grants] [Track Full Text] [Download PDF] [Figures] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 09/25/2015] [Accepted: 01/19/2016] [Indexed: 12/29/2022] Open
Abstract
From the 1930s through the 1940s, Lowell Reed and Wade Hampton Frost used mathematical models and mechanical epidemic simulators as research tools and to teach epidemic theory to students at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health (then the School of Hygiene and Public Health). Since that time, modeling has become an integral part of epidemiology and public health. Models have been used for explanatory and inferential purposes, as well as in planning and implementing public health responses. In this article, we review a selection of developments in the history of modeling of infectious disease dynamics over the past 100 years. We also identify trends in model development and use and speculate as to the future use of models in infectious disease dynamics.
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Sharp TM, Moreira R, Soares MJ, Miguel da Costa L, Mann J, DeLorey M, Hunsperger E, Muñoz-Jordán JL, Colón C, Margolis HS, de Caravalho A, Tomashek KM. Underrecognition of Dengue during 2013 Epidemic in Luanda, Angola. Emerg Infect Dis 2016. [PMID: 26196224 PMCID: PMC4517701 DOI: 10.3201/eid2108.150368] [Citation(s) in RCA: 33] [Impact Index Per Article: 4.1] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [MESH Headings] [Track Full Text] [Download PDF] [Figures] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 12/02/2022] Open
Abstract
Case detection should be improved by instituting routine laboratory-based surveillance for acute febrile illnesses in Africa. Dengue in Angola During the 2013 dengue epidemic in Luanda, Angola, 811 dengue rapid diagnostic test–positive cases were reported to the Ministry of Health. To better understand the magnitude of the epidemic and identify risk factors for dengue virus (DENV) infection, we conducted cluster surveys around households of case-patients and randomly selected households 6 weeks after the peak of the epidemic. Of 173 case cluster participants, 16 (9%) exhibited evidence of recent DENV infection. Of 247 random cluster participants, 25 (10%) had evidence of recent DENV infection. Of 13 recently infected participants who had a recent febrile illness, 7 (54%) had sought medical care, and 1 (14%) was hospitalized with symptoms consistent with severe dengue; however, none received a diagnosis of dengue. Behavior associated with protection from DENV infection included recent use of mosquito repellent or a bed net. These findings suggest that the 2013 dengue epidemic was larger than indicated by passive surveillance data.
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Lim B. Obesity in pregnancy: not such a new problem. BJOG 2016; 123:179. [PMID: 26841100 DOI: 10.1111/1471-0528.13765] [Citation(s) in RCA: 0] [Impact Index Per Article: 0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [MESH Headings] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 11/26/2022]
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Blair TR. Plague Doctors in the HIV/AIDS Epidemic: Mental Health Professionals and the "San Francisco Model," 1981-1990. BULLETIN OF THE HISTORY OF MEDICINE 2016; 90:279-311. [PMID: 27374849 DOI: 10.1353/bhm.2016.0058] [Citation(s) in RCA: 1] [Impact Index Per Article: 0.1] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [MESH Headings] [Track Full Text] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 06/06/2023]
Abstract
Psychiatrists, psychologists, and other mental health professionals were among the first and most crucial responders to HIV/AIDS. Given an epidemic in which behavior and identity played fundamental roles, mental health professionals were uniquely positioned to conduct social research to explain the existence and spread of disease; to develop clinical understanding of psychological aspects of HIV/AIDS as they emerged; and to collaborate with affected communities to promote education and behavioral change. This study examines the roles of mental health professionals as "plague doctors" in San Francisco's response to HIV/AIDS, in the early years of the epidemic. Among the many collaborations and projects that distinguished the "San Francisco model" of response to this plague, bathhouse-based epidemiology, consult-liaison psychiatry, and community partnerships for counseling and education are examined in detail as illustrations of the epidemic-changing engagement of the mental health community.
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