Lexical access in aphasic and nonaphasic speakers

Dissociation of semantic and phonological errors in naming

We report the naming performance of a fluent aphasic, DP, who shows a striking dissociation between semantic and phonological (nonword) errors: he produced numerous semantic errors but virtually no phonological errors. DP's pattern of performance is the reverse of that reported for patient DM (Caramazza, Papagno, & Ruml, 2000), who only made phonological errors in a naming task. These patterns of performance are inconsistent with the proposal by Dell, Schwartz, Martin, Saffran, and Gagnon (1997) that the naming deficit in fluent aphasia is the result of global damage to all levels of the lexical access system and support instead the hypothesis that brain damage can selectively disrupt distinct subcomponents of the lexical processing system.

The selective impairment of phonological processing in speech production

We report the naming performance of a patient (DM) with a fluent progressive aphasia who made phonological errors in all language production tasks. The pattern of errors in naming was strikingly clear: DM made very many phonological errors that resulted almost always in nonword responses. The complete absence of semantic errors and the very low ratio of formal errors relative to nonword errors (1.6:30.3) in DM's performance are discussed in the context of recent claims about the nature of naming deficits in fluent aphasics. We argue that DM's performance makes highly improbable the claim that fluent aphasia results from global lesions affecting all levels of the lexical access system equally.

What the eyes say about speaking

To study the time course of sentence formulation, we monitored the eye movements of speakers as they described simple events. The similarity between speakers' initial eye movements and those of observers performing a nonverbal event-comprehension task suggested that response-relevant information was rapidly extracted from scenes, allowing speakers to select grammatical subjects based on comprehended events rather than salience. When speaking extemporaneously, speakers began fixating pictured elements less than a second before naming them within their descriptions, a finding consistent with incremental lexical encoding. Eye movements anticipated the order of mention despite changes in picture orientation, in who-did-what-to-whom, and in sentence structure. The results support Wundt's theory of sentence production.

A model-driven analysis of severity, response characteristics, and partial recovery in aphasics' picture naming

Dell, Schwartz, Martin, Saffran, and Gagnon (DSMSG; 1997) presented a computational analysis of aphasic naming that, among other things, purports to explain why some error types correlate with naming severity while others do not. It does so in terms of chance response opportunities, which differ among error types and which come into play particularly when activation levels are small. The present study looks at error frequencies in relation to severity at two points in time: at study entry and after a period of partial recovery. Results support the model's distinction between severity-sensitive errors (nonwords. formal paraphasias, and unrelated errors) and those that are severity insensitive (semantic; mixed). Additionally, we show that the degree of target overlap in nonwords is sensitive to severity but various measures of monitoring and error correction are not. While these results generally support DSMSG, effects at the level of individual patients underscore the difficulties that their model encounters in explaining some pure error dissociations.

When a rose is a rose in speech but a tulip in writing

We report the pattern of performance on language tasks by a neurologically impaired patient, RCM, who makes semantic errors in writing to dictation and in written naming, but makes very few errors at all (and no semantic errors) in spoken naming, oral reading, or spontaneous speech. RCM also shows a significant effect of concreteness on spelling accuracy and other features of so-called "deep dysgraphia." However, it is shown that, unlike previously reported patients described as deep dysgraphic, RCM has intact semantic processing but impairment in accessing lexical-orthographic representations, at least for the items tested. These results demonstrate that the collection of features labelled as "deep dysgraphia" can arise from damage to different cognitive processes. Detailed analyses of RCM's performance across lexical tasks, at two different time periods of recovery, provide evidence that lexical orthographic representations can be either directly activated by lexical semantic representations, or activated by the interaction of lexical semantic and sublexical information from phonology-to-orthography conversion mechanisms.

Models of word production

Research on spoken word production has been approached from two angles. In one research tradition, the analysis of spontaneous or induced speech errors led to models that can account for speech error distributions. In another tradition, the measurement of picture naming latencies led to chronometric models accounting for distributions of reaction times in word production. Both kinds of models are, however, dealing with the same underlying processes: (1) the speaker's selection of a word that is semantically and syntactically appropriate; (2) the retrieval of the word's phonological properties; (3) the rapid syllabification of the word in context; and (4) the preparation of the corresponding articulatory gestures. Models of both traditions explain these processes in terms of activation spreading through a localist, symbolic network. By and large, they share the main levels of representation: conceptual/semantic, syntactic, phonological and phonetic. They differ in various details, such as the amount of cascading and feedback in the network. These research traditions have begun to merge in recent years, leading to highly constructive experimentation. Currently, they are like two similar knives honing each other. A single pair of scissors is in the making.

Deficits in lexical and semantic processing: implications for models of normal language

The investigation of language processing following brain damage may be used to constrain models of normal language processing. We review the literature on semantic and lexical processing deficits, focusing on issues of representation of semantic knowledge and the mechanisms of lexical access. The results broadly support a componential organization of lexical knowledge-the semantic component is independent of phonological and orthographic form knowledge, and the latter are independent of each other. Furthermore, the results do not support the hypothesis that word meaning is organized into modality-specific subcomponents. We also discuss converging evidence from functional imaging studies in relation to neuropsychological results.

Distributed versus localist representations: evidence from a study of item consistency in a case of classical anomia

Models of word production and comprehension can be split into two broad classes: localist and distributed. In localist architectures each word within the lexicon is represented by a single unit. The distributed approach, on the other hand, encodes each lexical item as a pattern of activation across a set of shared units. If we assume that the localist representations are more than a convenient shorthand for distributed representations at the neuroanatomical level, it should be possible to find patients who, after brain injury, have lost specific words from their premorbid vocabulary. Following a closed head injury, JS had severe word-finding difficulties with no measurable semantic impairment nor did he make phonological errors in naming. Cueing with an initial phoneme proved relatively ineffective. JS showed a high degree of item consistency across three administrations of two tests of naming to confrontation. This consistency could not be predicted from a linear combination of psycholinguistic variables but the distribution fitted a stochastic model in which it is assumed that a proportion of items have become consistently unavailable. Further evidence is presented which suggests that these items are not, in fact, lost but rather have a very low probability of retrieval. Given phonemic cueing of sufficient length, or delayed repetition priming from a written word, the consistently unnamed items were produced by JS. Additional data is reported which seems to support a distributed model of speech production. JS's naming accuracy for one set of pictures was found to predict his performance on a second set of items only when the names of the pictures were both semantically and phonologically related (e.g., cat-rat). There was no association for pairs of pictures if they were only semantically (e.g., cat-dog) or phonologically related (e.g., cat-cap). It is argued that JS's data are best described in terms of a graded, non-linear, distributed model of speech production.

An MEG study of picture naming

The purpose of this study was to relate a psycholinguistic processing model of picture naming to the dynamics of cortical activation during picture naming. The activation was recorded from eight Dutch subjects with a whole-head neuromagnetometer. The processing model, based on extensive naming latency studies, is a stage model. In preparing a picture"s name, the speaker performs a chain of specific operations. They are, in this order, computing the visual percept, activating an appropriate lexical concept, selecting the target word from the mental lexicon, phonological encoding, phonetic encoding, and initiation of articulation. The time windows for each of these operations are reasonably well known and could be related to the peak activity of dipole sources in the individual magnetic response patterns. The analyses showed a clear progression over these time windows from early occipital activation, via parietal and temporal to frontal activation. The major specific findings were that (1) a region in the left posterior temporal lobe, agreeing with the location of Wernicke"s area, showed prominent activation starting about 200 msec after picture onset and peaking at about 350 msec (i.e., within the stage of phonological encoding), and (2) a consistent activation was found in the right parietal cortex, peaking at about 230 msec after picture onset, thus preceding and partly overlapping with the left temporal response. An interpretation in terms of the management of visual attention is proposed.