Are speech perception deficits associated with developmental dyslexia?

Speech perception, lexicality, and reading skill

This study examined the interaction between speech perception and lexical information among a group of 7-year-old children, of which 26 were poor readers and 36 were good readers. The children's performance was examined on tasks assessing reading skill, phonological awareness, pseudoword repetition, and phoneme identification. Although good readers showed clearly defined categorical perception in the phoneme identification task for both the /bif/-/pif/ and the /bis/-/pis/ continua, the category boundary for /bif/-/pif/ was at longer VOTs than the boundary for /bis/-/pis/, which characterizes the classic lexicality effect. Poor readers showed less sharply defined categorical perception on both continua. Although poor readers did not show the classic lexicality effect, lexicality did affect the overall rate with which phonemes were identified as /b/ or /p/ at each VOT. These findings suggest that the lexicon may operate as a compensatory mechanism for resolving ambiguities in speech perception. Furthermore, statistical correction for group differences in phoneme identification made group differences in phoneme deletion disappear, suggesting that deficits in speech perception may play a causal role in the phonological core deficit associated with reading failure.

Is there a relationship between speech and nonspeech auditory processing in children with dyslexia?

A group of 8 young teenagers with dyslexia were compared to age-matched control participants on a number of speech and nonspeech auditory tasks. There were no differences between the control participants and the teenagers with dyslexia in forward and simultaneous masking, nor were there any differences in frequency selectivity as indexed by performance with a bandstop noise. Thresholds for backward masking in a broadband noise were elevated for the teenagers with dyslexia as a group. If this deficit in backward masking had an influence on speech perception, we might expect the perception of "ba" versus "da" to be affected, as the crucial second formant transition is followed by a vowel. On the other hand, as forward masking is not different in the two groups, we would expect the perception of "ab" versus "ad" to be unaffected, as the contrastive second formant transition is preceded by a vowel. Overall speech identification and discrimination performance for these two contrasts was superior for the control group but did not differ otherwise. Thus, the clear group deficit in backward masking in the group with dyslexia has no simple relationship to the perception of crucial acoustic features in speech. Furthermore, the deficit for nonspeech analogues of the speech contrasts (second formants in isolation) was much less marked than for the speech sounds, with 75% of the listeners with dyslexia performing equivalently to control listeners. The auditory deficit cannot therefore be simply characterized as a difficulty in processing rapid auditory information. Either there is a linguistic/phonological component to the speech perception deficit, or there is an important effect of acoustic complexity.

Rapid auditory processing and phonological ability in normal readers and readers with dyslexia

According to a prominent theory, the phonological difficulties in dyslexia are caused by an underlying general impairment in the ability to process sequences of rapidly presented, brief sounds. Two studies examined this theory by exploring the relationships between rapid auditory processing and phonological processing in a sample of 82 normally reading children (Study 1) and by comparing 17 children with dyslexia to chronological-age and reading-age control participants on these tasks (Study 2). In the normal readers, moderate correlations were found between the measure of rapid auditory processing (Auditory Repetition Task, or ART) and phonological ability. On the ART, the dyslexia group performed at a level similar to that of the reading-age control group but obtained scores that were significantly below those of the chronological-age control group. This difference was due to a subgroup of 4 children in the dyslexia group who had particular difficulty with the ART. The phonological skills of these individuals were not worse than those of the children in the dyslexia group who were unimpaired on the ART. The discussion argues that there is no evidence that phonoogical difficulties are secondary to impairments of rapid auditory processing, as measured by the ART, and highlights the need to examine the strategic and cognitive demands involved in tasks of rapid auditory processing.

Perceptual discrimination of speech sounds in developmental dyslexia

Experiments previously reported in the literature suggest that people with dyslexia have a deficit in categorical perception. However, it is still unclear whether the deficit is specific to the perception of speech sounds or whether it more generally affects auditory function. In order to investigate the relationship between categorical perception and dyslexia, as well as the nature of this categorization deficit, speech specific or not, the discrimination responses of children who have dyslexia and those of average readers to sinewave analogues of speech sounds were compared. These analogues were presented in two different conditions, either as nonspeech whistles or as speech sounds. Results showed that children with dyslexia are less categorical than average readers in the speech condition, mainly because they are better at discriminating acoustic differences between stimuli belonging to the same category. In the nonspeech condition, discrimination was also better for children with dyslexia, but differences in categorical perception were less clear-cut. Further, the location of the categorical boundary on the stimulus continuum differed between speech and nonspeech conditions. As a whole, this study shows that categorical deficit in children with dyslexia results primarily from an increased perceptibility of within-category differences and that it has a speech-specific component. These findings may have profound implications for learning and re-education.

Speech perception deficit in dyslexic adults as measured by mismatch negativity (MMN)

Deficits in phonological processing are known to play a major role in the aetiology of dyslexia, and speech perception is a prerequisite condition for phonological processing. Significant group differences between dyslexics and controls have been found in the categorical perception of synthetic speech stimuli. In a previous work, we have demonstrated that these group differences are already present at an early pre-attentive stage of signal processing in dyslexic children: the late component of the MMN elicited by passive speech perception was attenuated in comparison to a control group. In this study, 12 dyslexic adults and 13 controls were assessed using a passive oddball paradigm. Mismatch negativity (MMN) was determined for both tone and speech stimuli. The tone stimuli yielded two MMN components, but no group differences. Three components were found for the speech stimuli. Multivariate testing for group differences yielded a significant result, and univariate P values revealed significant differences between dyslexics and controls in two of the three time windows. This suggests that speech perception as measured on an early, pre-attentive level plays a major role in dyslexia not only in children (as shown in our previous study) but also in adults.

Language deficits in dyslexic children: speech perception, phonology, and morphology

We investigated the relationship between dyslexia and three aspects of language: speech perception, phonology, and morphology. Reading and language tasks were administered to dyslexics aged 8-9 years and to two normal reader groups (age-matched and reading-level matched). Three dyslexic groups were identified: phonological dyslexics (PD), developmentally language impaired (LI), and globally delayed (delay-type dyslexics). The LI and PD groups exhibited similar patterns of reading impairment, attributed to low phonological skills. However, only the LI group showed clear speech perception deficits, suggesting that such deficits affect only a subset of dyslexics. Results also indicated phonological impairments in children whose speech perception was normal. Both the LI and the PD groups showed inflectional morphology difficulties, with the impairment being more severe in the LI group. The delay group's reading and language skills closely matched those of younger normal readers, suggesting these children had a general delay in reading and language skills, rather than a specific phonological impairment. The results are discussed in terms of models of word recognition and dyslexia.

Phonological representations, reading development and dyslexia: towards a cross-linguistic theoretical framework

This paper attempts to integrate recent research findings in phonological development, reading development and dyslexia into a coherent theoretical framework that can provide a developmental account of reading and reading difficulties across languages. It is proposed that the factors governing phonological development across languages are similar, but that important differences in the speed and level of phonological development are found following the acquisition of alphabetic literacy. The causal framework offered is at the level of a cognitive model, which may prove useful in organizing future cross-linguistic developmental work.

The role of phonological awareness, speech perception, and auditory temporal processing for dyslexia

There is strong evidence that auditory processing plays a major role in the etiology of dyslexia. Auditory temporal processing of non-speech stimuli, speech perception, and phonological awareness have been shown to be influential in reading and spelling development. However, the relationship between these variables remains unclear. In order to analyze the influence of these three auditory processing levels on spelling, 19 dyslexic and 15 control children were examined. Significant group differences were found for all speech variables, but not for any non-speech variable. Structural equation modeling resulted in a fairly simple model with direct paths to the respective next lower level. One additional path from preattentive speech processing to spelling had to be included in order to improve the model fit. These results strengthen the role of speech and phonological processing for the etiology in dyslexia.

Pre-attentive processing of auditory patterns in dyslexic human subjects

It has been hypothesized that auditory temporal processing plays a major role in the aetiology of dyslexia. Event-related brain potentials (mismatch negativity, MMN) of auditory temporal processing were assessed in 15 dyslectic adults and 20 controls. A complex tonal pattern was used where the difference between standard and deviant stimuli was the temporal, not the frequency structure. Dyslexics had a significantly smaller MMN in the time window of 225-600 ms. This result shows that dyslexics have a significant pre-attentive deficit in processing of rapid temporal patterns suggesting that it may be the temporal information embedded in speech sounds, rather than phonetic information per se, that resulted in the attenuated MMN found in dyslexics in previous studies. MMN scalp topographies were similar for both groups, showing a maximum over fronto-central leads.

Temporal encoding of the voice onset time phonetic parameter by field potentials recorded directly from human auditory cortex

Voice onset time (VOT) is an important parameter of speech that denotes the time interval between consonant onset and the onset of low-frequency periodicity generated by rhythmic vocal cord vibration. Voiced stop consonants (/b/, /g/, and /d/) in syllable initial position are characterized by short VOTs, whereas unvoiced stop consonants (/p/, /k/, and t/) contain prolonged VOTs. As the VOT is increased in incremental steps, perception rapidly changes from a voiced stop consonant to an unvoiced consonant at an interval of 20-40 ms. This abrupt change in consonant identification is an example of categorical speech perception and is a central feature of phonetic discrimination. This study tested the hypothesis that VOT is represented within auditory cortex by transient responses time-locked to consonant and voicing onset. Auditory evoked potentials (AEPs) elicited by stop consonant-vowel (CV) syllables were recorded directly from Heschl's gyrus, the planum temporale, and the superior temporal gyrus in three patients undergoing evaluation for surgical remediation of medically intractable epilepsy. Voiced CV syllables elicited a triphasic sequence of field potentials within Heschl's gyrus. AEPs evoked by unvoiced CV syllables contained additional response components time-locked to voicing onset. Syllables with a VOT of 40, 60, or 80 ms evoked components time-locked to consonant release and voicing onset. In contrast, the syllable with a VOT of 20 ms evoked a markedly diminished response to voicing onset and elicited an AEP very similar in morphology to that evoked by the syllable with a 0-ms VOT. Similar response features were observed in the AEPs evoked by click trains. In this case, there was a marked decrease in amplitude of the transient response to the second click in trains with interpulse intervals of 20-25 ms. Speech-evoked AEPs recorded from the posterior superior temporal gyrus lateral to Heschl's gyrus displayed comparable response features, whereas field potentials recorded from three locations in the planum temporale did not contain components time-locked to voicing onset. This study demonstrates that VOT at least partially is represented in primary and specific secondary auditory cortical fields by synchronized activity time-locked to consonant release and voicing onset. Furthermore, AEPs exhibit features that may facilitate categorical perception of stop consonants, and these response patterns appear to be based on temporal processing limitations within auditory cortex. Demonstrations of similar speech-evoked response patterns in animals support a role for these experimental models in clarifying selected features of speech encoding.