Syntactically Based Sentence Processing Classes: Evidence from Event-Related Brain Potentials

Understanding in an instant: neurophysiological evidence for mechanistic language circuits in the brain

How long does it take the human mind to grasp the idea when hearing or reading a sentence? Neurophysiological methods looking directly at the time course of brain activity indexes of comprehension are critical for finding the answer to this question. As the dominant cognitive approaches, models of serial/cascaded and parallel processing, make conflicting predictions on the time course of psycholinguistic information access, they can be tested using neurophysiological brain activation recorded in MEG and EEG experiments. Seriality and cascading of lexical, semantic and syntactic processes receives support from late (latency approximately 1/2s) sequential neurophysiological responses, especially N400 and P600. However, parallelism is substantiated by early near-simultaneous brain indexes of a range of psycholinguistic processes, up to the level of semantic access and context integration, emerging already 100-250ms after critical stimulus information is present. Crucially, however, there are reliable latency differences of 20-50ms between early cortical area activations reflecting lexical, semantic and syntactic processes, which are left unexplained by current serial and parallel brain models of language. We here offer a mechanistic model grounded in cortical nerve cell circuits that builds upon neuroanatomical and neurophysiological knowledge and explains both near-simultaneous activations and fine-grained delays. A key concept is that of discrete distributed cortical circuits with specific inter-area topographies. The full activation, or ignition, of specifically distributed binding circuits explains the near-simultaneity of early neurophysiological indexes of lexical, syntactic and semantic processing. Activity spreading within circuits determined by between-area conduction delays accounts for comprehension-related regional activation differences in the millisecond range.

On the processing of Japanese wh-questions: an ERP study

The processing of Japanese wh-questions was investigated using event-related brain potentials (ERPs). Unlike in English or German, a wh-element in Japanese need not be displaced from its canonical position, but instead needs a corresponding Q(uestion)-particle to indicate its interrogative scope. We tested to see if there were any processing correlates specific to these features of Japanese wh-questions. Both mono-clausal and bi-clausal Japanese wh-questions elicited right-lateralized anterior negativity (RAN) between wh-words and corresponding Q-particles, relative to structurally-equivalent yes/no-question control conditions. These results suggest a reliable neural processing correlate of the dependency between wh-elements and Q-particles in Japanese, similar to effects of (left) anterior negativity between wh-fillers and gaps in English and German, but with a right- rather than left-lateralized distribution. It is suggested that wh-in-situ questions in Japanese are processed by the incremental formation of a long-distance dependency between wh-elements and their Q-particles, resulting in a working memory load for keeping track of scopeless wh-elements.

The electrophysiological manifestation of Dutch Verb Second violations

We investigated the processing of violations of the verb position in Dutch, in a group of healthy subjects, by measuring event-related potentials (ERPs) through electroencephalography (EEG). In Dutch, the base position of the verb is clause final, but in matrix clauses, the finite verb is in second position, a construction known as Verb Second. In embedded clauses, the finite verb remains in its clause-final base position. The results show that ungrammatical placement of finite verbs in second position in embedded clauses yields a P600 response, which suggests that the parser treats this type of violation as a clear syntactic anomaly. This is in contrast to accounts by which a general preference for subject-verb-object word order in languages like Dutch is reflected by an absence of P600 effects in response to violations of Verb Second.

Brain systems mediating semantic and syntactic processing in deaf native signers: biological invariance and modality specificity

Studies of written and spoken language suggest that nonidentical brain networks support semantic and syntactic processing. Event-related brain potential (ERP) studies of spoken and written languages show that semantic anomalies elicit a posterior bilateral N400, whereas syntactic anomalies elicit a left anterior negativity, followed by a broadly distributed late positivity. The present study assessed whether these ERP indicators index the activity of language systems specific for the processing of aural-oral language or if they index neural systems underlying any natural language, including sign language. The syntax of a signed language is mediated through space. Thus the question arises of whether the comprehension of a signed language requires neural systems specific for this kind of code. Deaf native users of American Sign Language (ASL) were presented signed sentences that were either correct or that contained either a semantic or a syntactic error (1 of 2 types of verb agreement errors). ASL sentences were presented at the natural rate of signing, while the electroencephalogram was recorded. As predicted on the basis of earlier studies, an N400 was elicited by semantic violations. In addition, signed syntactic violations elicited an early frontal negativity and a later posterior positivity. Crucially, the distribution of the anterior negativity varied as a function of the type of syntactic violation, suggesting a unique involvement of spatial processing in signed syntax. Together, these findings suggest that biological constraints and experience shape the development of neural systems important for language.

Syntactic complexity and ambiguity resolution in a free word order language: behavioral and electrophysiological evidences from Basque

In natural languages some syntactic structures are simpler than others. Syntactically complex structures require further computation that is not required by syntactically simple structures. In particular, canonical, basic word order represents the simplest sentence-structure. Natural languages have different canonical word orders, and they vary in the degree of word order freedom they allow. In the case of free word order, whether canonical word order plays any role in processing is still unclear. In this paper, we present behavioral and electrophysiological evidence that simpler, canonical word order preference is found even in a free word order language. Canonical and derived structures were compared in two self-paced reading and one ERPs experiment. Non-canonical sentences required further syntactic computation in Basque, they showed longer reading times and a modulation of anterior negativities and P600 components providing evidence that even in free word order, case-marking grammars, underlying canonical word order can play a relevant role in sentence processing. These findings could signal universal processing mechanisms because similar processing patterns are found in typologically very distant grammars. We also provide evidence from syntactically fully ambiguous sequences. Our results on ambiguity resolution showed that fully ambiguous sequences were processed as canonical sentences. Moreover, when fully ambiguous sequences were forced to complex interpretation by means of the world knowledge of the participants, a frontal negativity distinguished simple and complex ambiguous sequences. Thus the preference of simple structures is presumably a universal design property for language processing, despite differences on parametric variation of a given grammar.

ERP evidence for telicity effects on syntactic processing in garden-path sentences

Verbs contain multifaceted information about both the semantics of an action, and potential argument structures. Linguistic theory classifies verbs according to whether the denoted action has an inherent (telic) end-point (fall, awaken), or whether it is considered homogenous, or atelic (read, worship). The aim of our study was to examine how this distinction influences on-line sentence processing, investigating the effects of verbal telicity on the ease of syntactic re-analysis of Object reduced relative clauses. Event-related brain potentials (ERPs) were recorded from 22 English speakers as they read sentences in which the main verb was either telic or atelic, e.g., "The actress awakened/worshipped by the writer left in a hurry". ERPs elicited by telic and atelic verbs, the preposition "by" introducing the second argument (Agent), and the second argument itself, e.g., "writer", were compared. Additionally, participants were grouped according to receptive syntactic proficiency: normal (NP) or high (HP). ERPs from the NP group first diverged at the second argument, with the atelic condition eliciting larger amplitude negativity at the N100, and continuing to the P200 interval. In contrast, ERPs from the HP group first diverged earlier in the sentence, on the word "by". ERPs elicited by "by" in the atelic condition were also characterized by increased negativity, in this case significant at P200 and Anterior Negativity between 320 and 500ms post stimulus onset. Our results support the postulated conceptual/semantic distinction underlying the two verb categories, and demonstrate that world-knowledge about actions designated by verbs and syntactic proficiency are reflected in on-line processing of sentence structure.

Discrete combinatorial circuits emerging in neural networks: a mechanism for rules of grammar in the human brain?

In neural network research on language, the existence of discrete combinatorial rule representations is commonly denied. Combinatorial capacity of networks and brains is rather attributed to probability mapping and pattern overlay. Here, we demonstrate that networks incorporating relevant features of neuroanatomical connectivity and neuronal function give rise to discrete neuronal circuits that store combinatorial information and exhibit a function similar to elementary rules of grammar. Key properties of these networks are rich auto- and hetero-associative connectivity, availability of sequence detectors similar to those found in a range of animals, and unsupervised Hebbian learning. Input of specific word sequences establishes sequence detectors in the network, and substitutions of words and larger string segments from one syntactic category, occurring in the context of elements of a second syntactic class, lead to binding between them into neuronal assemblies. Critically, these newly formed aggregates of sequence detectors now respond in a discrete generalizing fashion when members of specific substitution classes of string elements are combined with each other. The discrete combinatorial neuronal assemblies (DCNAs) even respond in the same way to learned strings and to word sequences that never appeared in the input but conform to a rule. We also show how combinatorial information interacts with information about functional and anatomical properties of the brain in the emergence of discrete neuronal circuits that may implement rules and discuss the model in the wider context of brain mechanism for syntax and grammar. Implications for the evolution of human language are discussed in closing.

Distinct processing of function verb categories in the human brain

A subset of German function verbs can be used either in a full, concrete, 'heavy' ("take a computer") or in a more metaphorical, abstract or 'light' meaning ("take a shower", no actual 'taking' involved). The present magnetoencephalographic (MEG) study explored whether this subset of 'light' verbs is represented in distinct cortical processes. A random sequence of German 'heavy', 'light', and pseudo verbs was visually presented in three runs to 22 native German speakers, who performed lexical decision task on real versus pseudo verbs. Across runs, verbs were presented (a) in isolation, (b) in minimal context of a personal pronoun, and (c) 'light' verbs only in a disambiguating context sentence. Central posterior activity 95-135 ms after stimulus onset was more pronounced for 'heavy' than for 'light' uses, whether presented in isolation or in minimal context. Minimal context produced a similar heavy>light differentiation in the left visual word form area at 160-200 ms. 'Light' verbs presented in sentence context allowing only for a 'heavy reading' evoked larger left-temporal activation around 270-340 ms than the corresponding 'light reading'. Across runs, real verbs provoked more pronounced activation than pseudo verbs in left-occipital regions at 110-150 ms. Thus, 'heavy' versus 'light readings' of verbs already modulate early posterior visual evoked response even when verbs are presented in isolation. This response becomes clearer in the disambiguating contextual condition. This type of study shows for the first time that language processing is sensitive to representational differences between two readings of one and the same verb stem.

Sensitivity to syntax in visual cortex

One of the most intriguing findings on language comprehension is that violations of syntactic predictions can affect event-related potentials as early as 120 ms, in the same time-window as early sensory processing. This effect, the so-called early left-anterior negativity (ELAN), has been argued to reflect word category access and initial syntactic structure building (Friederici, 2002). In two experiments, we used magnetoencephalography to investigate whether (a) rapid word category identification relies on overt category-marking closed-class morphemes and (b) whether violations of word category predictions affect modality-specific sensory responses. Participants read sentences containing violations of word category predictions. Unexpected items varied in whether or not their word category was marked by an overt function morpheme. In Experiment 1, the amplitude of the visual evoked M100 component was increased for unexpected items, but only when word category was overtly marked by a function morpheme. Dipole modeling localized the generator of this effect to the occipital cortex. Experiment 2 replicated the main results of Experiment 1 and eliminated two non-morphology-related explanations of the M100 contrast we observed between targets containing overt category-marking and targets that lacked such morphology. Our results show that during reading, syntactically relevant cues in the input can affect activity in occipital regions at around 125 ms, a finding that may shed new light on the remarkable rapidity of language processing.

Stuttering and natural speech processing of semantic and syntactic constraints on verbs

PURPOSE

Previous findings from event-related brain potentials (ERPs) indicate that adults who stutter (AWS) exhibit processing differences for visually presented linguistic information. This study explores how neural activations for AWS may differ for a linguistic task that does not require preparation for overt articulation or engage the articulatory loop for silent speech.

METHOD

Syntactic and semantic processing constraints were examined in AWS and adults who are normally fluent (AWNF) by assessment of their behavioral performance and ERPs in a natural speech listening task.

RESULTS

AWS performed similarly to AWNF in identifying verb-agreement violations and semantic anomalies, but ERPs elicited by syntactic and semantic constraints indicated atypical neural functions for AWS. ERPs of the AWNF displayed an expected N400 for reduced semantic expectations and a typical P600 for verb-agreement violations. In contrast, both N400s and P600s for the semantic and verb-agreement conditions were observed in the ERPs of the AWS.

CONCLUSIONS

The findings suggest that AWS may engage semantic-syntactic mechanisms more generally for semantic and syntactic processing. These findings converge with earlier studies using visual stimuli to indicate that whereas linguistic abilities are normal in AWS, underlying brain activity mediating some aspects of language processing may function differently.

Brain responses to agreement violations of Chinese grammatical aspect

Grammatical aspect captures ways in which a language uses grammatical markers to describe the temporal structure of an event. An event-related potential experiment was conducted to investigate event-related potential correlates of agreement violations of Chinese grammatical aspect. Participants read sentences containing either aspect agreement violations, semantic violations, or no violations. Semantic violations elicited an N400, whereas aspectual violations elicited a 200-400 ms posterior and left central negativity, followed by a P600, instead of left anterior negativity or N400, suggesting that left anterior negativities may not reflect a general, rule-governed, syntactically compositional process, and that grammatical aspect processing is at least not completely semantically driven. The negativity mostly reflects a failure to bind aspect markers or the detection of aspectual errors.

Towards dynamical system models of language-related brain potentials

Event-related brain potentials (ERP) are important neural correlates of cognitive processes. In the domain of language processing, the N400 and P600 reflect lexical-semantic integration and syntactic processing problems, respectively. We suggest an interpretation of these markers in terms of dynamical system theory and present two nonlinear dynamical models for syntactic computations where different processing strategies correspond to functionally different regions in the system's phase space.

Semantic composition engenders an N400: evidence from Chinese compounds

This study provides evidence for the role of semantic composition in compound word processing. We examined the online processing of isolated two meaning unit compounds in Chinese, a language that uses compounding to 'disambiguate' meaning. Using auditory presentation, we manipulated the semantic meaning and syntactic category of the two meaning units forming a compound. Event-related brain potential-recordings revealed a significant influence of semantic information, which was reflected in an N400 signature for compounds whose meaning differed from the constituent meanings. This finding suggests that the combination of distinct constituent meanings to form an overall compound meaning consumes processing resources. By contrast, no comparable difference was observed based on syntactic category information. Our findings indicate that combinatory semantic processing at the word level correlates with N400 effects.

ERPs reveal comparable syntactic sentence processing in native and non-native readers of English

L2 syntactic processing has been primarily investigated in the context of syntactic anomaly detection, but only sparsely with syntactic ambiguity. In the field of event-related potentials (ERPs) syntactic anomaly detection and syntactic ambiguity resolution is linked to the P600. The current ERP experiment examined L2 syntactic processing in highly proficient L1 Spanish-L2 English readers who had acquired English informally around the age of 5 years. Temporary syntactic ambiguity (induced by verb subcategorization information) was tested as a language-specific phenomenon of L2, while syntactic anomaly resulted from phrase structure constraints that are similar in L1 and L2. Participants judged whether a sentence was syntactically acceptable or not. Native readers of English showed a P600 in the temporary syntactically ambiguous and syntactically anomalous sentences. A comparable picture emerged in the non-native readers of English. Both critical syntactic conditions elicited a P600, however, the distribution and latency of the P600 varied in the syntactic anomaly condition. The results clearly show that early acquisition of L2 syntactic knowledge leads to comparable online sensitivity towards temporal syntactic ambiguity and syntactic anomaly in early and highly proficient non-native readers of English and native readers of English.

Speeding Up Syntax: On the Relative Timing and Automaticity of Local Phrase Structure and Morphosyntactic Processing as Reflected in Event-related Brain Potentials

Neurolinguistic research utilizing event-related brain potentials (ERPs) typically relates syntactic phrase structure processing to an early automatic processing stage around 150 to 200 msec, whereas morphosyntactic processing is associated with a later and somewhat more attention-dependent processing stage between 300 and 500 msec. However, recent studies have challenged this position by reporting highly automatic ERP effects for morphosyntax in the 100 to 200 msec time range. The present study aimed at determining the factors that could contribute to such shifts in latency and automaticity. In two experiments varying the degree of attention, German phrase structure and morphosyntactic violations were compared in conditions in which the locality of the violated syntactic relation, as well as the violation point and the acoustic properties of the speech stimuli, were strictly controlled for. A negativity between 100 and 300 msec after the violation point occurred in response to both types of syntactic violations and independently of the allocation of attentional resources. These findings suggest that the timing and automaticity of ERP effects reflecting specific syntactic subprocesses are influenced to a larger degree by methodological than by linguistic factors, and thus, need to be regarded as relative rather than fixed to temporally successive processing stages.

Entrainment of syntactic processing? ERP-responses to predictable time intervals during syntactic reanalysis

Synchronization of two independent systems is a widely discussed phenomenon observed in many disciplines. Recent studies have shown its relevance to cognitive functions. However, its influence on language perception has not yet been investigated. As successful syntactic processing relies on rules that enable the listener to predict the category of the next incoming element, such prediction can be maximized if the auditory speech input is temporally regular and hence motivates synchronization. For this reason, the present ERP-experiments investigated the influence of successful synchronization in auditory syntactic processing. Our results clearly demonstrate that late syntactic processes (P600) are controlled by a temporally regular input. In particular, the latency of the P600 varies as a function of the duration of a pre-determined interval between successive elements. The current data therefore attest the impact of synchronization on higher level cognitive processes such as syntax in language.

The Role of Pause Cues in Language Learning: The Emergence of Event-related Potentials Related to Sequence Processing

Humans can derive sequential dependencies from unfamiliar artificial speech within several of minutes of exposure. However, there is an ongoing debate about the nature of the underlying learning processes. In a widely discussed study Peña et al. [Peña, M., Bonatti, L. L., Nespor, M., & Mehler, J. Signal-driven computations in speech processing. Science, 298, 604–607, 2002] argued for the importance of subtle acoustic cues in the signal, such as pauses, in order to switch between two computational mechanisms, which are conceptualized as rule-based versus statistical. The present study was aimed to approach this problem by recording event-related potentials in response to correct and incorrect phrases consisting of bisyllabics after short exposure to either rule-based or random artificial speech streams. Rule-based streams contained dependencies of the form AXC, whereby A elements reliably predicted the C elements and X elements were variable. Participants were exposed to four input and test phases. Two of the input streams were rule-based and contained either only probabilistic information related to the distribution of the AXC stimuli or an additional acoustic cue indicating the boundaries of relevant units. The other two streams were random variations of the rule-based streams. During the test phase in the condition with pause cues, an early negativity and a later positivity emerged for correct and incorrect items in comparison to their acoustically identical counterparts, which were presented after the random control condition. In the noncued condition, only negativities were seen. The timing and the scalp distribution of the negativities were different for correct and incorrect sequences in both the cued and the noncued conditions. The results are interpreted in support of a view of grammatical learning in which both distributional and acoustic cues may contribute to different aspects of syntactic learning.

Processing Anaphoric Constructions: Insights from Electrophysiological Studies

Anaphora is a common, universal, and critical aspect of communication. For quite some time, linguists and psycholinguists have applied introspective and behavioral techniques to the study of anaphora, yielding a large body of evidence and generating a number of theories and models of anaphoric usage and processing. The recent advent of the use of electrophysiological techniques to study language processing creates a unique opportunity to reevaluate these theories and models on the basis of neurophysiological data. This paper examines whether two key characteristics of anaphoric relationships (i.e. the underlying linguistic mechanism and the nature of the anaphor) have observable effects on neurophysiological processing. An exhaustive review of electrophysiological studies testing anaphoric constructions leads to the novel conclusion that the effects of these characteristics are reducible to differences in the time-course of the availability of information and the ability to form expectations about anaphoric relationships. This review also demonstrates that while theories of anaphoric usage are generally supported, finer-grained models of the time-course of anaphoric processing require revision to account for the new electrophysiological data.

On phrase structure and brain responses: a comment on Bahlmann, Gunter, and Friederici (2006)

Bahlmann et al. (2006) reported an experiment on event-related brain potentials of sequences of syllables obeying two rules, one defined by A(n)B(n) and the other by (AB)(n), where the As and Bs are different classes of syllables. They interpreted their findings on the assumption that A(n)B(n) are parsed according a center-embedded phrase-structure grammar. In fact, such sequences are much more likely to be parsed in terms of the repetition of element types, without reference to phrase structure. This raises a general issue about attempting to study syntactic processing independently of semantics.

Early MEG activation dynamics in the left temporal and inferior frontal cortex reflect semantic context integration

Traditional views link semantic context integration to neurophysiological activity at 300-500 msec. To study possible early dynamics related to semantic context integration, we recorded, in passive oddball paradigm, magnetic evoked responses to spoken word pairs, the second word being either congruent or incongruent with the first one. The same experimental words were placed in orthogonally varied context, thus providing a strict control for any effects of acoustic, phonological, and psycholinguistic stimulus features. Responses to the same critical words were obtained also outside of semantic context. We found that regardless of their acoustic features, semantically incongruent stimuli elicited a brain response already at approximately 115 msec after the critical word onset. The same words did not produce such deflection in semantically legal context. The responses were maximal at left temporal and inferior frontal cortical sites, which was also confirmed by distributed current source analysis. The left temporal activation preceded the frontal one by approximately 16 msec. No late response dynamics (>350 msec) were found that would reflect the semantic modulation in this nonattend passive design, indicating the possible role of attention in generating the later responses. Our results suggest that the earliest brain processes of semantic context integration can occur at approximately 100 msec after the onset of spoken words in the left inferior frontal and superior temporal cortex.

The fractionation of spoken language understanding by measuring electrical and magnetic brain signals

This paper focuses on what electrical and magnetic recordings of human brain activity reveal about spoken language understanding. Based on the high temporal resolution of these recordings, a fine-grained temporal profile of different aspects of spoken language comprehension can be obtained. Crucial aspects of speech comprehension are lexical access, selection and semantic integration. Results show that for words spoken in context, there is no 'magic moment' when lexical selection ends and semantic integration begins. Irrespective of whether words have early or late recognition points, semantic integration processing is initiated before words can be identified on the basis of the acoustic information alone. Moreover, for one particular event-related brain potential (ERP) component (the N400), equivalent impact of sentence- and discourse-semantic contexts is observed. This indicates that in comprehension, a spoken word is immediately evaluated relative to the widest interpretive domain available. In addition, this happens very quickly. Findings are discussed that show that often an unfolding word can be mapped onto discourse-level representations well before the end of the word. Overall, the time course of the ERP effects is compatible with the view that the different information types (lexical, syntactic, phonological, pragmatic) are processed in parallel and influence the interpretation process incrementally, that is as soon as the relevant pieces of information are available. This is referred to as the immediacy principle.

Syntax as a reflex: neurophysiological evidence for early automaticity of grammatical processing

It has been a matter of debate whether the specifically human capacity to process syntactic information draws on attentional resources or is automatic. To address this issue, we recorded neurophysiological indicators of syntactic processing to spoken sentences while subjects were distracted to different degrees from language processing. Subjects were either passively distracted, by watching a silent video film, or their attention was actively streamed away from the language input by performing a demanding acoustic signal detection task. An early index of syntactic violations, the syntactic Mismatch Negativity (sMMN), distinguished between grammatical and ungrammatical speech even under strongest distraction. The magnitude of the early sMMN (at <150ms) was unaffected by attention load of the distraction task. The independence of the early syntactic brain response of attentional distraction provides neurophysiological evidence for the automaticity of syntax and for its autonomy from other attention-demanding processes, including acoustic stimulus discrimination. The first attentional modulation of syntactic brain responses became manifest at a later stage, at approximately 200ms, thus demonstrating the narrowness of the early time window of syntactic autonomy. We discuss these results in the light of modular and interactive theories of cognitive processing and draw inferences on the automaticity of both the cognitive MMN response and certain grammar processes in general.

Effects of advancing age on the processing of semantic anomalies in adults: evidence from event-related brain potentials

Age-related changes in the processing of sentence-embedded semantic anomalies were examined using auditory event-related potentials (ERPs). Semantically incongruous words elicited an N400 effect in middle-aged (50s: 55.6 years) and elderly (60s: 64.1 years) subjects, whereas in older elderly adults (70s: 74.9 years) this effect approached significance. N400 peak latencies were not delayed with advancing age; however, there was a reliable linear decrease in mean and peak amplitude, with slopes being similar to those previously reported for the visual N400 effect. A P600 effect was obtained in response to semantic anomalies and it was neither delayed in latency nor reduced in amplitude with advancing age. However, it was found to be larger over anterior sites in elderly and older elderly subjects.

Electrophysiological Evidence for a Syntactic but Not a Semantic Deficit in Patients with Major Depression

Cognitive deficits are common in patients with major depression. The present study investigated whether these impairments also comprise language processes such as sentence comprehension. We studied four language-related evoked potentials (early left anterior negativity [ELAN], N400, left anterior negativity [LAN], and P600) in 14 patients with major depressive disorder (MDD) in partial remission and 14 matched healthy controls using a sentence paradigm with correct, semantic mismatching, and syntactic mismatching sentences. In contrast to controls, patients showed no significant P600 effect when comparing syntactic mismatching and correct sentences. No group differences could be observed for the ELAN, N400, and LAN components. The missing P600 effect may indicate deficits in the cognitive domain of language processing in depressive patients or impairment of a more general process to detect deviances from regularities. How this result integrates into the concept of a general cognitive deficit in major depression remains a goal for future studies.

Different neurophysiological mechanisms underlying word and rule extraction from speech

The initial process of identifying words from spoken language and the detection of more subtle regularities underlying their structure are mandatory processes for language acquisition. Little is known about the cognitive mechanisms that allow us to extract these two types of information and their specific time-course of acquisition following initial contact with a new language. We report time-related electrophysiological changes that occurred while participants learned an artificial language. These changes strongly correlated with the discovery of the structural rules embedded in the words. These changes were clearly different from those related to word learning and occurred during the first minutes of exposition. There is a functional distinction in the nature of the electrophysiological signals during acquisition: an increase in negativity (N400) in the central electrodes is related to word-learning and development of a frontal positivity (P2) is related to rule-learning. In addition, the results of an online implicit and a post-learning test indicate that, once the rules of the language have been acquired, new words following the rule are processed as words of the language. By contrast, new words violating the rule induce syntax-related electrophysiological responses when inserted online in the stream (an early frontal negativity followed by a late posterior positivity) and clear lexical effects when presented in isolation (N400 modulation). The present study provides direct evidence suggesting that the mechanisms to extract words and structural dependencies from continuous speech are functionally segregated. When these mechanisms are engaged, the electrophysiological marker associated with rule-learning appears very quickly, during the earliest phases of exposition to a new language.

Double dissociation between rules and memory in music: an event-related potential study

Language and music share a number of characteristics. Crucially, both domains depend on both rules and memorized representations. Double dissociations between the neurocognition of rule-governed and memory-based knowledge have been found in language but not music. Here, the neural bases of both of these aspects of music were examined with an event-related potential (ERP) study of note violations in melodies. Rule-only violations consisted of out-of-key deviant notes that violated tonal harmony rules in novel (unfamiliar) melodies. Memory-only violations consisted of in-key deviant notes in familiar well-known melodies; these notes followed musical rules but deviated from the actual melodies. Finally, out-of-key notes in familiar well-known melodies constituted violations of both rules and memory. All three conditions were presented, within-subjects, to healthy young adults, half musicians and half non-musicians. The results revealed a double dissociation, independent of musical training, between rules and memory: both rule violation conditions, but not the memory-only violations, elicited an early, somewhat right-lateralized anterior-central negativity (ERAN), consistent with previous studies of rule violations in music, and analogous to the early left-lateralized anterior negativities elicited by rule violations in language. In contrast, both memory violation conditions, but not the rule-only violation, elicited a posterior negativity that might be characterized as an N400, an ERP component that depends, at least in part, on the processing of representations stored in long-term memory, both in language and in other domains. The results suggest that the neurocognitive rule/memory dissociation extends from language to music, further strengthening the similarities between the two domains.

Dependent mechanism of Chinese prepositions processing in the brain: evidence from event-related potentials

OBJECTIVE

To compare the event-related potentials (ERPs) waves of verbs and prepositions in the brain.

METHODS

We recorded ERPs in the brain while participants judged the legality of the collocation for verbs and prepositions.

RESULTS

Both verbs and prepositions elicited a negativity at the frontal site in 230-330 ms and 350-500 ms window. No difference was seen in 230-330 ms and 350-500 ms window; In difference waves, a negativity was elicited in the left and right hemisphere at about 270-400 ms and 470-600 ms window for both open and closed-class words.

CONCLUSION

These may demonstrate that prepositions in modern Chinese are probably not a separate class from verbs and that N280 may be not a specific component for only prepositions (or closed-class words).

Spatiotemporal dynamics of word processing in the human brain

We examined the spatiotemporal dynamics of word processing by recording the electrocorticogram (ECoG) from the lateral frontotemporal cortex of neurosurgical patients chronically implanted with subdural electrode grids. Subjects engaged in a target detection task where proper names served as infrequent targets embedded in a stream of task-irrelevant verbs and nonwords. Verbs described actions related to the hand (e.g, throw) or mouth (e.g., blow), while unintelligible nonwords were sounds which matched the verbs in duration, intensity, temporal modulation, and power spectrum. Complex oscillatory dynamics were observed in the delta, theta, alpha, beta, low, and high gamma (HG) bands in response to presentation of all stimulus types. HG activity (80-200 Hz) in the ECoG tracked the spatiotemporal dynamics of word processing and identified a network of cortical structures involved in early word processing. HG was used to determine the relative onset, peak, and offset times of local cortical activation during word processing. Listening to verbs compared to nonwords sequentially activates first the posterior superior temporal gyrus (post-STG), then the middle superior temporal gyrus (mid-STG), followed by the superior temporal sulcus (STS). We also observed strong phase-locking between pairs of electrodes in the theta band, with weaker phase-locking occurring in the delta, alpha, and beta frequency ranges. These results provide details on the first few hundred milliseconds of the spatiotemporal evolution of cortical activity during word processing and provide evidence consistent with the hypothesis that an oscillatory hierarchy coordinates the flow of information between distinct cortical regions during goal-directed behavior.

The mismatch negativity (MMN) in basic research of central auditory processing: a review

In the present article, the basic research using the mismatch negativity (MMN) and analogous results obtained by using the magnetoencephalography (MEG) and other brain-imaging technologies is reviewed. This response is elicited by any discriminable change in auditory stimulation but recent studies extended the notion of the MMN even to higher-order cognitive processes such as those involving grammar and semantic meaning. Moreover, MMN data also show the presence of automatic intelligent processes such as stimulus anticipation at the level of auditory cortex. In addition, the MMN enables one to establish the brain processes underlying the initiation of attention switch to, conscious perception of, sound change in an unattended stimulus stream.

Localization of Syntactic and Semantic Brain Responses using Magnetoencephalography

Electrophysiological methods have been used to study the temporal sequence of syntactic and semantic processing during sentence comprehension. Two responses associated with syntactic violations are the left anterior negativity (LAN) and the P600. A response to semantic violation is the N400. Although the sources of the N400 response have been identified in the left (and right) temporal lobe, the neural signatures of the LAN and P600 have not been revealed. The present study used magnetoencephalography to localize sources of syntactic and semantic activation in Finnish sentence reading. Participants were presented with sentences that ended in normally inf lected nouns, nouns in an unacceptable case, verbs instead of nouns, or nouns that were correctly inflected but made no sense in the context. Around 400 msec, semantically anomalous last words evoked strong activation in the left superior temporal lobe with significant activation also for word class errors (N400). Weaker activation was seen for the semantic errors in the right hemisphere. Later, 600-800 msec after word onset, the strongest activation was seen to word class and morphosyntactic errors (P600). Activation was significantly weaker to semantically anomalous and correct words. The P600 syntactic activation was localized to bilateral sources in the temporal lobe, posterior to the N400 sources. The results suggest that the same general region of the superior temporal cortex gives rise to both LAN and N400 with bilateral reactivity to semantic manipulation and a left hemisphere effect to syntactic manipulation. The bilateral P600 response was sensitive to syntactic but not semantic factors.

The role of feature-number and feature-type in processing Hindi verb agreement violations

This article presents studies of Hindi that investigate whether responses to syntactic agreement violations vary as a function of the type and number of incorrect agreement features, using both electrophysiological (ERP) and behavioral measures. Hindi is well suited to investigation of this issue, since verbs in Hindi mark agreement with the person, number, and gender features of the nominative subject noun phrase. In an ERP study evoked responses were recorded for visually presented verbs appearing at the end of a sentence-initial adverbial clause, comparing responses in a grammatically correct condition with four grammatically incorrect conditions that mismatched the correct agreement on different dimensions (Gender, Number, Gender/Number, Person/Gender). A P600 response was elicited in all grammatically incorrect conditions. No amplitude differences were found among the Gender, Number, and combined Gender/Number violations. This suggests that the feature distance between observed and expected word forms at the morphosyntactic level does not impact ERP responses, contrasting with findings on semantic and auditory processing, and suggests that the P600 response to agreement violations is not additive based on the number of mismatching features and does not reflect top-down, predictive mechanisms. A significantly larger P600 response was elicited by the combined Person/Gender violation, and two different violations involving the Person feature were judged as more severe and recognized more quickly in the behavioral studies. This effect is attributed to the greater salience of the Person feature at multiple levels of representation.

Grammar or Serial Order?: Discrete Combinatorial Brain Mechanisms Reflected by the Syntactic Mismatch Negativity

If word strings violate grammatical rules, they elicit neurophysiological brain responses commonly attributed to a specifically human language processor or grammar module. However, an ungrammatical string of words is always also a very rare sequence of events and it is, therefore, not always evident whether specifically linguistic processes are at work when neurophysiological grammar indexes are being reported. We here investigate the magnetic mismatch negativity (MNN) to ungrammatical word strings, to very rare grammatical strings, and to common grammatical phrases. In this design, serial order mechanism mapping the sequential probability of words should neurophysiologically dissociate frequent grammatical phrases from both ungrammatical and rare grammatical strings. However, if syntax as a discrete combinatorial system is reflected, the prediction is that the rare, correctly combined items group with the highly frequent grammatical strings and stand out against ungrammatical strings. Using magnetoencephalography as a measure of human brain activity, we replicated the previously reported syntactic mismatch negativity (sMMN), which distinguishes highly unfamiliar ungrammatical word sequences from common grammatical strings. Crucially, a significant interaction demonstrated that the sMMN specifically distinguished syntactic violations from common grammatical strings, but not uncommon from common grammatical word strings. This significant interaction argues in favor of a genuinely grammatical origin of the sMMN and provides direct neurophysiological evidence for a discrete combinatorial system for word and morpheme sequences in the human brain. The data are more difficult to explain in the context of serial order models that map co-occurrence probabilities of words.

An inverse relation between event-related and time-frequency violation responses in sentence processing

The relationship between semantic and grammatical processing in sentence comprehension was investigated by examining event-related potential (ERP) and event-related power changes in response to semantic and grammatical violations. Sentences with semantic, phrase structure, or number violations and matched controls were presented serially (1.25 words/s) to 20 participants while EEG was recorded. Semantic violations were associated with an N400 effect and a theta band increase in power, while grammatical violations were associated with a P600 effect and an alpha/beta band decrease in power. A quartile analysis showed that for both types of violations, larger average violation effects were associated with lower relative amplitudes of oscillatory activity, implying an inverse relation between ERP amplitude and event-related power magnitude change in sentence processing.

Mapping sentence form onto meaning: The syntax–semantic interface

The understanding of sentences involves not only the retrieval of the meaning of single words, but the identification of the relation between a verb and its arguments. The way the brain manages to process word meaning and syntactic relations during language comprehension on-line still is a matter of debate. Here we review the different views discussed in the literature and report data from crucial experiments investigating the temporal and neurotopological parameters of different information types encoded in verbs, i.e. word category information, the verb's argument structure information, the verb's selectional restriction and the morphosyntactic information encoded in the verb's inflection. The neurophysiological indices of the processes dealing with these different information types suggest an initial independence of the processing of word category information from other information types as the basis of local phrase structure building, and a later processing stage during which different information types interact. The relative ordering of the subprocesses appears to be universal, whereas the absolute timing of when during later phrases interaction takes places varies as a function of when the relevant information becomes available. Moreover, the neurophysiological indices for non-local dependency relations vary as a function of the morphological richness of the language.

Anaphoric agreement violation: an ERP analysis of its interpretation

In the present study we analyzed the processing of grammatically anomalous sentences like "The famous dancer were nervously preparing herself/themselves to face the crowd.", which contains two anomalies, one early and one late. We investigated how processing of the later anomaly (at the pronoun 'herself' or 'themselves') was affected by the processing of the early anomaly (at 'were'). We considered two processing scenarios involving the first anomaly: (1) The representation of the subject-verb number agreement error at the first verb is coerced to match the verb, rendering 'herself' anomalous; (2) The representation of the subject-verb agreement error is coerced to match the subject noun, rendering 'themselves' anomalous. Our dependent measure was event-related scalp potentials (ERPs). When the pronoun disagreed with the verb (and agreed with the subject), a P600 was recorded, while the opposite condition elicited no reliable effect. Our data suggest that interpretation of reflexive pronouns involves the reactivation of multiple lexical items, verbs included.

Early and automatic syntactic processing of person agreement

Mismatch negativity, an index of automatic cerebral activity in response to novel stimuli, was used to determine the onset of morphosyntactic processing in French. Stimuli were four two-word sentences made up of a pronoun (first or second person) and a verb (first or second person). Verb forms differed only in the inflectional suffix, which made the sentences either syntactically correct or incorrect. The mismatch negativity response was found to be modulated by the grammaticality of the agreement relation at 50-140 ms after inflection onset, corroborating the previous finding that morphosyntactic processing occurs early and out of the focus of attention. The role of the pronoun-suffix association probabilities in determining the observed timing of morphosyntactic processing is discussed.

The semantic processing of syntactic structure in sentence comprehension: An ERP study

Previous studies have demonstrated that verbs violating selectional constraints of their arguments elicit N400 effects in the event-related potentials (ERPs) in sentence comprehension. The present study examined brain responses to verbs violating semantic constraints specified by syntactic structures (i.e., phrasal constructions), contrasting them with those elicited by lexical-semantic violations between verbs and their arguments. The construction-based semantic violations gave rise to a posterior N400, while the lexical-based semantic violations produced a much stronger N400 with a broader scalp distribution. These findings suggested that the integration of verb meaning with prior sentence context is influenced not only by semantic features of preceding content words with which the verb co-occurs, but also by semantic properties of the syntactic structure in which the verb appears. This study provides online evidence supporting the constructionist approaches to language, which claim that syntactic structures may have their own (abstract) meanings, independent of lexical meanings of their constituent content words.

Representation of harmony rules in the human brain: Further evidence from event-related potentials

In Western tonal music, the rules of harmony determine the order and music-structural importance of events in a musical piece: for instance, the tonic chord, built on the first note of the diatonic scale, is usually placed at the end of chord sequences. A brain response termed the early right anterior negativity (ERAN) is elicited when a harmonically incongruous chord is inserted within or at the end of a musical sequence. The present study was conducted to test whether the ERAN reflects the processing of harmony rather than the building of a tonal context and whether the ERAN is also elicited by violations of the tuning of the sounds upon which harmony is based. To this aim, ten subjects listened to musical sequences containing either expected chords only, a harmonically incongruous chord in one of three positions within the cadence, or a harmonically congruous but mistuned chord in one of the three positions. Simultaneously, the electroencephalograph (EEG) was recorded. Incongruous chords violating the rules of harmony elicited a bilateral early anterior negativity, the amplitude of which depended on the degree of the harmony violation. On the contrary, mistuned chords, violating the rule of relations between all the sounds in the sequences, elicited a bilateral fronto-central negativity (the mismatch negativity, or MMN). The MMN was not modulated by the position of the violation within the musical sequence and had a longer peak latency than the anterior negativity elicited by the harmony rule violations. In conclusion, violations of the harmony and tuning rules of Western tonal music were found to generate specific and distinct electric responses in the human brain.