Behavior analysts in the war on poverty: A review of the use of financial incentives to promote education and employment

Cost and cost-effectiveness of abstinence contingent wage supplements

BACKGROUND

Substance use disorders are correlated with unemployment and poverty. However, few interventions aim to improve substance use, unemployment, and, distally, poverty. The Abstinence-Contingent Wage Supplement (ACWS) randomized controlled trial combined a therapeutic workplace with abstinence-contingent wage supplements to address substance use and unemployment. The ACWS study found that abstinence-contingent wage supplements increased the percentage of participants who had negative drug tests, who were employed, and who were above the poverty line during the intervention period. This study presents the cost of ACWS and calculates the cost-effectiveness of ACWS compared with usual care.

METHODS

To calculate the cost and cost-effectiveness of ACWS, we used activity-based costing methods to cost the intervention and calculated the costs from the provider and healthcare sector perspective. We calculated incremental cost-effectiveness ratios and cost-effectiveness acceptability curves for negative drug tests and employment.

RESULTS

ACWS cost $11,310 per participant over the 12-month intervention period. Total intervention and healthcare costs per participant over the intervention period were $20,625 for usual care and $30,686 for ACWS. At the end of the intervention period an additional participant with a negative drug test cost $1437 while an additional participant employed cost $915.

CONCLUSIONS

ACWS increases drug abstinence and employment and may be cost-effective at the end of the 12-month intervention period if decision makers are willing to pay the incremental cost associated with the intervention.

Behavioral Interventions Contributing to Reducing Poverty and Inequities

Behavioral science has a long history of engaging in efforts to understand and address socially important issues. Poverty and inequities in health and development are among the most important and complex social issues facing the world today. With its Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), the United Nations (2015) has focused attention and guidance on addressing key global challenges, including to "end poverty" (SDG 1), "ensure good health and well-being for all" (SDG3), and "reduce inequality within and among countries" (SDG 10). In this paper, we provide a framework and illustrative examples of contributions of behavioral science to these issues. We feature illustrative behavioral interventions at the individual, relationship, community, and societal levels. We highlight the diversity of issues, intervention methods, and settings reflected in applications of behavioral science. By joining methods from behavioral science, public health, and other disciplines-and the experiential knowledge of those most affected by inequities-behavioral methods can make significant contributions to collaborative efforts to assure health and well-being for all.

Factors associated with obtaining employment among opioid use disorder patients enrolled in a therapeutic workplace intervention

BACKGROUND

Unemployment is a common problem among adults who have substance use disorder that often persists during treatment and recovery. We identified patient characteristics that were associated with obtaining employment among unemployed adults in opioid use disorder treatment.

METHODS

This analysis used data from participants (N = 91) who were enrolled in a randomized controlled trial evaluating the effectiveness of a therapeutic workplace in promoting drug abstinence and employment. After a 3-month training period (Phase 1), participants were randomly assigned to a study group and could work for 12 months with an employment specialist who assisted participants in obtaining employment (Phase 2). A logistic regression model was used to identify patient characteristics that were associated with obtaining employment.

RESULTS

Of the 91 participants, 39 (42.9 %) obtained employment. Compared to participants who did not obtain employment, participants who obtained employment worked more days in the therapeutic workplace during the training period (Phase 1) [OR (95 % CI) = 1.072 (1.015-1.132), p = .014], provided more opiate- and cocaine-negative urine samples while seeking employment [OR (95 % CI) = 1.015 (1.002-1.027), p = .025], and reported not usually being unemployed at study intake [OR (95 % CI) = 0.229 (0.080-0.652), p = .007].

CONCLUSIONS

Our analyses suggest that among unemployed adults in opioid use disorder treatment, those with the lowest rates of therapeutic workplace attendance, lowest rates of drug abstinence while seeking employment, and relatively long histories of unemployment are the least likely to obtain employment. These relations are potentially addressable at a practical level, and future research could build on these findings to improve the effectiveness of employment-based interventions.

Abstinence-contingent wage supplements to promote drug abstinence and employment: a randomised controlled trial

BACKGROUND

Poverty, unemployment and substance abuse are inter-related problems. This study evaluated the effectiveness of abstinence-contingent wage supplements in promoting drug abstinence and employment in unemployed adults in outpatient treatment for opioid use disorder.

METHODS

A randomised controlled trial was conducted in Baltimore, MD, from 2014 to 2019. After a 3-month abstinence initiation and training period, participants (n=91) were randomly assigned to a usual care control group that received employment services or to an abstinence-contingent wage supplement group that received employment services plus abstinence-contingent wage supplements. All participants were invited to work with an employment specialist to seek employment in a community job for 12 months. Abstinence-contingent wage supplement participants could earn training stipends for working with the employment specialist and wage supplements for working in a community job, but had to provide opiate and cocaine-negative urine samples to maximise pay.

RESULTS

Abstinence-contingent wage supplement participants provided significantly more opiate and cocaine-negative urine samples than usual care control participants (65% vs 45%; OR=2.29, 95% CI 1.22 to 4.30, p=0.01) during the 12-month intervention. Abstinence-contingent wage supplement participants were significantly more likely to have obtained employment (59% vs 28%; OR=3.88, 95% CI 1.60 to 9.41, p=0.004) and lived out of poverty (61% vs 30%; OR=3.77, 95% CI 1.57 to 9.04, p=0.004) by the end of the 12-month intervention than usual care control participants.

CONCLUSION

Abstinence-contingent wage supplements can promote drug abstinence and employment.

TRIAL REGISTRATION NUMBER

ClinicalTrials.gov NCT02487745.

Effects of Financial Education and Financial Literacy on Creative Entrepreneurship: A Worldwide Research

The limited attention given to financial education in the development of student competencies can undermine the decision making of individuals in their adulthood. This circumstance has been widely studied in the literature, where the effect of financial literacy on creative entrepreneurship is influenced. The objective of this study is to analyze global research trends on the effect of financial education and financial literacy with the creativity of individual entrepreneurship. For this, a bibliometric analysis was carried out on 665 documents related to the subject of study during 1990–2018 period. The results show the most influential journals, authors, institutions, countries, and areas of knowledge on this scientific research. This work detects the main trends and patterns to offer a vision of the relationship between financial education and creative entrepreneurship. It should be noted that this research area has become a relevant field of study in education, finance, business, and management issues.

The Utility of Operant Conditioning to Address Poverty and Drug Addiction

Poverty is associated with poor health. This article reviews research on proximal and distal operant interventions to address drug addiction and poverty. Proximal interventions promote health behaviors directly. Abstinence reinforcement, a common proximal intervention for the treatment of drug addiction, can be effective. Manipulating familiar parameters of operant conditioning can improve the effectiveness of abstinence reinforcement. Increasing reinforcement magnitude can increase the proportion of individuals that respond to abstinence reinforcement, arranging long-term exposure to abstinence reinforcement can prevent relapse, and arranging abstinence reinforcement sequentially across drugs can promote abstinence from multiple drugs. Distal interventions reduce risk factors that underlie poor health and may have an indirect beneficial effect on health. In the case of poverty, distal interventions seek to move people out of poverty. The therapeutic workplace includes both proximal and distal interventions to treat drug addiction and poverty. In the therapeutic workplace, participants earn stipends or wages to work. The therapeutic workplace uses employment-based reinforcement in which participants are required to provide drug-free urine samples or take scheduled doses of addiction medications to work and/or maintain maximum pay. The therapeutic workplace has two phases, a training and an employment phase. Special contingencies appear required to promote skill development during the training phase, employment-based reinforcement can promote abstinence from heroin and cocaine and adherence to naltrexone, and the therapeutic workplace can increase employment. Behavior analysts are well-suited to address both poverty and drug addiction using operant interventions like the therapeutic workplace.

Behavior analysts in the war on poverty: Developing an operant antipoverty program

Poverty is associated with poor health and affects many United States residents. The therapeutic workplace, an operant intervention designed to treat unemployed adults with histories of drug addiction, could form the basis for an effective antipoverty program. Under the therapeutic workplace, participants receive pay for work. To promote drug abstinence or medication adherence, participants must provide drug-free urine samples or take scheduled doses of medication, respectively, to maintain maximum pay. Therapeutic workplace participants receive job-skills training in Phase 1 and perform income-producing jobs in Phase 2. Many unemployed, drug-addicted adults lack skills they would need to obtain high-skilled and high-paying jobs. Many of these individuals attend therapeutic workplace training reliably, but only when offered stipends for attendance. They also work on training programs reliably, but only when they earn stipends for performance on training programs. A therapeutic workplace social business can promote employment, although special contingencies may be needed to ensure that participants are punctual and work entire work shifts, and social businesses do not reliably promote community employment. Therapeutic workplace participants work with an employment specialist to seek community employment, but primarily when they earn financial incentives. Reducing poverty is more challenging than promoting employment, because it requires promoting employment in higher paying, full-time and steady jobs. Although a daunting challenge, promoting the type of employment needed to reduce poverty is an important goal, both because of the obvious benefit in reducing poverty itself and in the potential secondary benefit of reducing poverty-related health disparities. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2018 APA, all rights reserved).

Translating Behavior Analysis: a Spectrum Rather than a Road Map

Much has been written about the potential benefits of translational research in behavior analysis, but a lack of consensus about what constitutes "translational" creates a barrier to effective knowledge-practice innovation within the discipline and across other sciences. We propose a tiered system, adapted from a biomedical translational pathway, for classifying behavior analysis research on a basic-applied spectrum. Tier 0 is blue sky basic science in which the subjects, behaviors, stimuli, and settings are selected for convenience. Tier 1 is use-inspired basic science with a socially important end game and research subject. Tier 2 is solution-oriented research that attempts to solve a specific problem in a socially important subject, but 1 or more aspects of the research are selected for purposes of experimental control rather than social importance. Tier 3 is applied behavior analysis research that studies a problem of social significance for the subject and involves behaviors, stimuli, and settings that are socially important. Tier 4 is impact assessment in which behavioral technology is applied with a direct benefit to society. We provide examples of behavior-analytic research in each tier and evaluate the potential benefits of organizing behavior analysis in this way.