A psychometric analysis of functional category production in English agrammatic narratives

Treatment of verb tense inflection and sentence production in Persian individuals with agrammatism

Production of verb morphology, especially tense inflection, is usually impaired in individuals with agrammatism. There have been relatively few studies on treatment of verb tense inflection in agrammatic aphasia. In this study we adapted ACTION (a linguistically motivated treatment) to Persian language, to treat the production of regular and irregular verbs separately in sentence context. A single-subject multiple-baseline across behaviors design was used to establish the treatment effect. Using a non-probable convenience sampling, four Persian agrammatic patients with Broca's aphasia resulting from cerebrovascular accident (CVA) were recruited for this study. Two participants received treatment first for regular verbs (Phase 1, 4 weeks), and then for irregular verbs (Phase 2, 4 weeks). The other two participants received treatment in reverse order. In the final phase of treatment (Phase 3, 4 weeks), all 4 participants underwent a sentence construction treatment. All participants showed improvement in the production of trained tenses. Treatment also generalized to production of untrained regular verbs while generalization to irregular verbs was modest. Furthermore, improvement was found on narrative scores (e.g. MLU) after treatment. These findings suggest that Persian individuals with agrammatism could be trained to correctly apply temporal information to verb inflection in elicited speech.

Quantifying grammatical impairments in primary progressive aphasia: Structured language tests and narrative language production

PURPOSE

This study examined grammatical production impairments in primary progressive aphasia (PPA), as measured by structured tests and narrative samples. We aimed to quantify the strength of the relationship between grammatical measures across tasks, and identify factors that condition it. Three grammatical domains were investigated: overall sentence production, verb morphology, and verb-argument structure.

METHODS

77 participants with PPA (34 PPA-G, 16 PPA-L, 15 PPA-S and 12 other) completed a battery of grammatical tests and a narrative language sample was obtained. Accuracy scores were computed for the language tests and the narrative samples were analyzed for both accuracy of selected narrative variables as well as grammatical diversity across the three grammatical domains. Principal components analysis (PCA) and multiple regression were used to examine cross-task relationships for all measures.

RESULTS

As expected on the basis of classification criteria, accuracy scores were lower for the PPA-G group as compared to the PPA-L and PPA-S participants for overall sentence production and verb morphology, but not argument structure. Grammatical accuracy in narratives strongly predicted overall language test performance in PPA-G, whereas grammatical diversity in narratives did so in PPA-L, and no significant correspondence between narrative and language test performance was found for PPA-S. For individuals with severe grammatical impairments only, error distribution for both morphology and argument structure was strongly associated in structured tasks and narratives.

CONCLUSIONS

Grammatical production in narrative language predicts accuracy elicited with structured language tests in PPA. However, unique narrative production patterns distinguish PPA by subtype: accuracy for PPA-G, and grammatical diversity for PPA-L. The impairment in PPA-G is likely to reflect a core impairment in grammar whereas that of PPA-L may be closely tied to the word retrieval and verbal working memory deficits that characterize this variant. This underscores the theoretical distinction between PPA-L and PPA-G, as well as the importance of including grammatical diversity measures in analyses of language production, especially for patients who do not display frank agrammatism. Further, the results suggest that measures of domain-specific language deficits (i.e., verb morphology vs. argument structure) are robust across tasks only in individuals with severe grammatical impairments.

Morphosyntactic Production and Verbal Working Memory: Evidence From Greek Aphasia and Healthy Aging

PURPOSE

The present work investigated whether verbal working memory (WM) affects morphosyntactic production in configurations that do not involve or favor similarity-based interference and whether WM interacts with verb-related morphosyntactic categories and/or cue-target distance (locality). It also explored whether the findings related to the questions above lend support to a recent account of agrammatic morphosyntactic production: Interpretable Features' Impairment Hypothesis (Fyndanis, Varlokosta, & Tsapkini, 2012).

METHOD

A sentence completion task testing production of subject-verb agreement, tense/time reference, and aspect in local and nonlocal conditions and two verbal WM tasks were administered to 8 Greek-speaking persons with agrammatic aphasia (PWA) and 103 healthy participants.

RESULTS

The 3 morphosyntactic categories dissociated in both groups (agreement > tense > aspect). A significant interaction emerged in both groups between the 3 morphosyntactic categories and WM. There was no main effect of locality in either of the 2 groups. At the individual level, all 8 PWA exhibited dissociations between agreement, tense, and aspect, and effects of locality were contradictory.

CONCLUSIONS

Results suggest that individuals with WM limitations (both PWA and healthy older speakers) show dissociations between the production of verb-related morphosyntactic categories. WM affects performance shaping the pattern of morphosyntactic production (in Greek: subject-verb agreement > tense > aspect). The absence of an effect of locality suggests that executive capacities tapped by WM tasks are involved in morphosyntactic processing of demanding categories even when the cue is adjacent to the target. Results are consistent with the Interpretable Features' Impairment Hypothesis (Fyndanis et al., 2012).

SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIAL

https://doi.org/10.23641/asha.6024428.

A Systematic Review on methods of evaluate sentence production deficits in agrammatic aphasia patients: Validity and Reliability issues

BACKGROUND

The grammar assessment in aphasia has been done by few standard tests, but today these tests cannot precise evaluate the sentence production in agrammatic patients. In this study, we review structures and contents of tests or tasks designed to find more frequent methods for sentence production ability in aphasia patients.

MATERIALS AND METHODS

We searched the Cochrane library, Medline by PubMed, Science Direct, Scopus, and Google Scholar from 1980 to October 1, 2013 and evaluated all of exist tests or tasks included in the articles and systematic reviews. The sentence production has been studied in three methods. It contains the use of sentence production in spontaneous speech, tasks designed and both methods. The quality of studies was assessed using Critical Appraisal Skills Program.

RESULTS

The 160 articles were reviewed and 38 articles were studied according to inclusion and exclusion criteria. They were classified into three categories based on assessment methods of sentence production. In 39.5% studies, researchers have used tasks designed, 7.9% articles have applied spontaneous speech and 52.6% articles have used both methods for evaluation production. Inter-rater reliability was between 90% and 100% and intra-rater reliability was between 96% and 98% in studied.

CONCLUSION

Agrammatic aphasia has syntax disorders, especially in sentence production. Most researchers and clinicians used both methods for evaluation production.

The neural correlates of agrammatism: Evidence from aphasic and healthy speakers performing an overt picture description task

Functional brain imaging studies have improved our knowledge of the neural localization of language functions and the functional reorganization after a lesion. However, the neural correlates of agrammatic symptoms in aphasia remain largely unknown. The present fMRI study examined the neural correlates of morpho-syntactic encoding and agrammatic errors in continuous language production by combining three approaches. First, the neural mechanisms underlying natural morpho-syntactic processing in a picture description task were analyzed in 15 healthy speakers. Second, agrammatic-like speech behavior was induced in the same group of healthy speakers to study the underlying functional processes by limiting the utterance length. In a third approach, five agrammatic participants performed the picture description task to gain insights in the neural correlates of agrammatism and the functional reorganization of language processing after stroke. In all approaches, utterances were analyzed for syntactic completeness, complexity, and morphology. Event-related data analysis was conducted by defining every clause-like unit (CLU) as an event with its onset-time and duration. Agrammatic and correct CLUs were contrasted. Due to the small sample size as well as heterogeneous lesion sizes and sites with lesion foci in the insula lobe, inferior frontal, superior temporal and inferior parietal areas the activation patterns in the agrammatic speakers were analyzed on a single subject level. In the group of healthy speakers, posterior temporal and inferior parietal areas were associated with greater morpho-syntactic demands in complete and complex CLUs. The intentional manipulation of morpho-syntactic structures and the omission of function words were associated with additional inferior frontal activation. Overall, the results revealed that the investigation of the neural correlates of agrammatic language production can be reasonably conducted with an overt language production paradigm.

Agrammatism in Jordanian-Arabic speakers

The studies of agrammatism show that not all morpho-syntactic elements are impaired to the same degree and that some of this variation may be due to language-specific differences. This study investigated the production of morpho-syntactic elements in 15 Jordanian-Arabic (JA) speaking individuals with agrammatism and 15 age-matched neurologically healthy individuals. Two experiments were conducted to examine the production of complementizer, tense, agreement and negation morphology in JA. The results indicated that the speakers of JA with agrammatism had marked dissociations in producing specific morpho-syntactic elements. The observed impairment patterns overlapped, in many respects, with those observed in other linguistic groups. The findings are discussed with respect to current theories of agrammatism, including both morpho-syntactic and computational accounts.

The relation between content and structure in language production: an analysis of speech errors in semantic dementia

In order to explore the impact of a degraded semantic system on the structure of language production, we analysed transcripts from autobiographical memory interviews to identify naturally-occurring speech errors by eight patients with semantic dementia (SD) and eight age-matched normal speakers. Relative to controls, patients were significantly more likely to (a) substitute and omit open class words, (b) substitute (but not omit) closed class words, (c) substitute incorrect complex morphological forms and (d) produce semantically and/or syntactically anomalous sentences. Phonological errors were scarce in both groups. The study confirms previous evidence of SD patients' problems with open class content words which are replaced by higher frequency, less specific terms. It presents the first evidence that SD patients have problems with closed class items and make syntactic as well as semantic speech errors, although these grammatical abnormalities are mostly subtle rather than gross. The results can be explained by the semantic deficit which disrupts the representation of a pre-verbal message, lexical retrieval and the early stages of grammatical encoding.

On-line processing of tense and temporality in agrammatic aphasia

Agrammatic aphasic individuals exhibit marked production deficits for tense morphology. This paper presents three experiments examining whether a group of English-speaking agrammatic individuals (n=10) exhibit parallel deficits in their comprehension of tense. Results from two comprehension experiments (on-line grammaticality judgment studies) suggest that these individuals are impaired for tense comprehension, and furthermore that their deficit is more pronounced for morphosemantic rather than morphosyntactic aspects of tense processing. Results from a third experiment (an elicited production study) indicate that these individuals exhibit parallel production and comprehension impairments for tense. Across the three experiments, the consistent pattern was that of a significant difficulty in associating verb forms with a pre-specified temporal context when compared to all other processes. Implications for current models of agrammatic tense and morphological deficits are discussed.

Judgment of functional morphology in agrammatic aphasia

Individuals with agrammatic Broca's aphasia show deficits in production of functional morphemes like complementizers (e.g., that and if) and tense and agreement markers (e.g., -ed and -s), with complementizers often being more impaired than verbal morphology. However, there has been comparatively little work examining patients' ability to comprehend or judge the grammaticality of these morphemes. This paper investigates comprehension of complementizers and verb inflections in two timed grammaticality-judgment experiments. In Experiment 1, participants with agrammatic Broca's aphasia and grammatical-morphology production deficits (n=10) and unimpaired controls (n=10) heard complement clause sentences, subject relative clause sentences, and conjoined sentences. In Experiment 2, the same participants heard sentences with finite auxiliaries, sentences with finite main verbs, and sentences with uninflected verbs. Results showed above-chance accuracy in aphasic participants' judgments for complementizer sentences in Experiment 1, but chance performance for verb inflections in Experiment 2. This pattern held regardless of whether the verb inflections were affixes or free-standing auxiliaries. Implications of these results for theories of agrammatic morphological impairments, including feature underspecification accounts (Wenzlaff & Clahsen, 2004; Burchert, Swoboda-Moll & DeBleser, 2005a) and hierarchical structure-based accounts (Friedmann & Grodzinsky, 1997; Izvorski & Ullman, 1999), are discussed.