The dollars and senselessness in failing to prioritize childhood maltreatment prevention

Economic Impact of Multisystemic Therapy for Child Abuse and Neglect

This study evaluated the economics of Multisystemic Therapy for Child Abuse and Neglect (MST-CAN) by applying the Washington State Institute for Public Policy (WSIPP) cost-benefit model to data from a randomized effectiveness trial with 86 families (Swenson et al. in JFP 24:497-507, 2010b). The net benefit of MST-CAN, versus enhanced outpatient treatment, was $26,655 per family at 16 months post-baseline. Stated differently, every dollar spent on MST-CAN recovered $3.31 in savings to participants, taxpayers, and society at large. Policymakers and public service agencies should consider these findings when making investments into interventions for high-need families involved with child protective services.

Gender moderates the relationship between childhood abuse and internalizing and substance use disorders later in life: a cross-sectional analysis

BACKGROUND

Although some studies examined the moderating role of gender in the relationship between childhood maltreatment and mental disorders later in life, a number of them examined the effects of only one or two types of maltreatment on an individual mental disorder, for instance, depression, substance use. It is of considerable clinical and theoretical importance to have in-depth understanding what roles of different types of childhood abuse play out in a wide range of mental disorders among women and men using well accepted instruments measuring abuse and mental disorders. The present study aimed to examine this issue using a large nationally representative population sample to explore the gender effect of different types of childhood abuse in mental disorders, and assess the moderating role of gender in the abuse-mental disorder relationship.

METHODS

Using data from the Canadian Community Health Survey 2012: Mental Health we sought to answer this question. Respondents with information on childhood maltreatment prior to age 16 were selected (N = 23, 395).

RESULTS

We found: i) strong associations between childhood abuse frequency and gender; ii) significant differences between men and women in terms of mental disorders; iii) strong associations between childhood abuse and mental disorders; and, iv) gender moderated the role of childhood abuse history on adulthood mental disorders. Females with a history of sexual abuse and/or exposure to interpersonal violence were at a greater risk of alcohol abuse or dependence later in life.

CONCLUSIONS

Intervention should occur as early as possible, and should help female victims of childhood sexual abuse and/or exposure to interpersonal violence, and their families to build more constructive ways to effectively reduce the negative affects of these experiences. Recognition of the moderating role of gender on the relationship between childhood abuse history and mental disorders later in life may aid clinicians and researchers in providing optimal health services.

Adolescent risk factors for child maltreatment

We investigate adolescent risk factors, measured at both early and late adolescence, for involvement in child maltreatment during adulthood. Comprehensive assessments of risk factors for maltreatment that use representative samples with longitudinal data are scarce and can inform multilevel prevention. We use data from the Rochester Youth Development Study, a longitudinal study begun in 1988 with a sample of 1,000 seventh and eighth graders. Participants have been interviewed 14 times and, at the last assessment (age 31), 80% were retained. Risk factors represent 10 developmental domains: area characteristics, family background/structure, parent stressors, exposure to family violence, parent-child relationships, education, peer relationships, adolescent stressors, antisocial behaviors, and precocious transitions to adulthood. Maltreatment is measured by substantiated reports from Child Protective Services records. Many individual risk factors (20 at early adolescence and 14 at later adolescence) are significantly, albeit moderately, predictive of maltreatment. Several developmental domains stand out, including family background/structure, education, antisocial behaviors, and precocious transitions. In addition, there is a pronounced impact of cumulative risk on the likelihood of maltreatment. For example, only 3% of the youth with no risk domains in their background at early adolescence were involved in later maltreatment, but for those with risk in 9 developmental domains the rate was 45%. Prevention programs targeting youth at high risk for engaging in maltreatment should begin during early adolescence when risk factors are already at play. These programs need to be comprehensive, capable of addressing the multiple and interwoven nature of risk that is associated with maltreatment.

Resilience after maltreatment: the importance of social services as facilitators of positive adaptation

This practice note will show that resilience among children who have been maltreated is the result of multiple protective factors, including the quality of the services provided to children exposed to chronic adversity. This social ecological perspective of resilience suggests that resilience is a process resulting from interactions between individuals and their environments, and depends upon individual characteristics (temperament and personality), the social determinants of health that affect children and children's families, formal interventions by multiple service providers (child welfare, special education, mental health, addictions, public health, and juvenile corrections), and the social policies that influence service provision to vulnerable populations. Clinicians and researchers concerned with the resilience of chronically abused and neglected children have tended to overlook the protective processes unique to children who have been abused that are different from the protective processes that promote positive development among children who have experienced no maltreatment. Most importantly, studies of resilience among maltreated children have rarely investigated the impact child welfare interventions have on the resilience of children who have been maltreated, mistakenly attributing children's abilities to cope to be the result of individual factors rather than the responsiveness of service providers and governments to tailor interventions to children's needs. To enhance the likelihood of resilience among maltreated children, those who design and implement interventions need to address three aspects of resilience-related programming: make social supports and formal services more available and accessibility; design programs flexibly so that they can respond to the differential impact specific types of interventions have on children who are exposed to different forms of maltreatment; and design interventions to be more focused on subpopulations of children who have experienced maltreatment rather than diffuse population-wide initiatives.

Resilience in the context of child maltreatment: connections to the practice of mandatory reporting

A human rights perspective places the care for children in the obligation sphere. The duty to protect from violence is an outcome of having a declaration confirming inalienable human rights. Nationally, rights may be reflected in constitutions, charters, and criminal codes. Transnationally, the United Nation's (UN) Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) prioritizes a child's basic human rights, given their dependent status. UN CRC signatory countries commit to implementing minimal standards of care for minors. Laws requiring professionals to report child maltreatment to authorities is one practical strategy to implement minimal child protection and service standards. Mandatory reporting laws officially affirm the wrong of maltreatment and the right of children. Mandatory reporting can be conceptualized as part of a resilience process, where the law sets the stage for child safety and well-being planning. Although widely enacted law, sizeable research gaps exist in terms of statistics on mandatory reporting compliance in key settings; obstacles and processes in mandatory reporting; the provision of evidence-based training to support the duty to report; and the training-reporting-child outcomes relationship, this latter area being virtually non-existent. The fact that mandatory reporting is not presently evidence-based cannot be separated from this lack of research activity in mandatory reporting. Reporting is an intervention that requires substantial inter-professional investment in research to guide best practices, with methodological expectations of any clinical intervention. Child abuse reporting is consistent with a clinician's other duties to report (i.e., suicidality, homicidality), practice-based skills (e.g., delivering "bad" news, giving assessment feedback), and the pervasive professional principle of best interests of the child. Resilience requires the presence of resources and, mandated reporting, is one such resource to the maltreated child. Practice strategies identified in the literature are discussed.

Bridge over troubled water: using implementation science to facilitate effective services in child welfare

To maximize benefits to children and their families, effective practices need to be used competently in child welfare settings. Since the 1990s, researchers and policy makers have focused attention on empirically supported interventions (ESIs). Much less attention has been paid to what is needed to implement these in a range of real-world settings. Without proper implementation, which includes an evaluation strategy from feasibility to fidelity to on-going work on moderators and mediators of program effects, established effective programs can be rendered ineffective in practical application. The paper will touch on progress, to date, of implementation science, its application to child welfare programs and practices, and will highlight a set of practical strategies for implementing empirically supported interventions in child welfare.