Spectral information in nonspeech contexts influences children's categorization of ambiguous speech sounds

Internal Cognitive Load Differentially Influences Acoustic and Lexical Context Effects in Speech Perception: Evidence From a Population With Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder

BACKGROUND

To overcome variability in spoken language, listeners utilize various types of context information for disambiguating speech sounds. Context effects have been shown to be affected by cognitive load. However, previous results are mixed regarding the influence of cognitive load on the use of context information in speech perception.

PURPOSE

We tested a population characterized by an attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) to better understand the relationship between attention (or internal cognitive load) and context effects.

METHOD

The use of acoustic versus lexical properties of the surrounding signal to disambiguate speech sounds was examined in listeners with ADHD and neurotypical listeners.

RESULTS

Compared to neurotypicals, individuals with ADHD relied more strongly on lexical context for speech perception; however, reliance on acoustic context information from speech rate did not differ.

CONCLUSION

These findings confirm that cognitive load impacts the use of high-level but not low-level context information in speech and imply that speech recognition deficits in ADHD likely arise due to impaired higher order cognitive processes.

Intact Utilization of Contextual Information in Speech Categorization in Autism

Current theories of Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) suggest atypical use of context in ASD, but little is known about how these atypicalities influence speech perception. We examined the influence of contextual information (lexical, spectral, and temporal) on phoneme categorization of people with ASD and in typically developed (TD) people. Across three experiments, we found that people with ASD used all types of contextual information for disambiguating speech sounds to the same extent as TD; yet they exhibited a shallower identification curve when phoneme categorization required temporal processing. Overall, the results suggest that the observed atypicalities in speech perception in ASD, including the reduced sensitivity observed here, cannot be attributed merely to the limited ability to utilize context during speech perception.

Nevertheless, it persists: Dimension-based statistical learning and normalization of speech impact different levels of perceptual processing

Speech is notoriously variable, with no simple mapping from acoustics to linguistically-meaningful units like words and phonemes. Empirical research on this theoretically central issue establishes at least two classes of perceptual phenomena that accommodate acoustic variability: normalization and perceptual learning. Intriguingly, perceptual learning is supported by learning across acoustic variability, but normalization is thought to counteract acoustic variability leaving open questions about how these two phenomena might interact. Here, we examine the joint impact of normalization and perceptual learning on how acoustic dimensions map to vowel categories. As listeners categorized nonwords as setch or satch, they experienced a shift in short-term distributional regularities across the vowels' acoustic dimensions. Introduction of this 'artificial accent' resulted in a shift in the contribution of vowel duration in categorization. Although this dimension-based statistical learning impacted the influence of vowel duration on vowel categorization, the duration of these very same vowels nonetheless maintained a consistent influence on categorization of a subsequent consonant via duration contrast, a form of normalization. Thus, vowel duration had a duplex role consistent with normalization and perceptual learning operating on distinct levels in the processing hierarchy. We posit that whereas normalization operates across auditory dimensions, dimension-based statistical learning impacts the connection weights among auditory dimensions and phonetic categories.

Another Temporal Processing Deficit in Individuals With Developmental Dyslexia: The Case of Normalization for Speaking Rate

Purpose Developmental dyslexia (DD) has mostly been attributed to arise from phonological impairments; however, several theories indicate a temporal processing deficit as the underlying cause of DD. So far, research examined the influence of temporal cues on concurrent speech sound categorization in DD, but effects of temporal information from a context (e.g., speaking rate) on the perception of subsequent sounds (i.e., "rate normalization") have not been considered. This study examined whether individuals with DD are capable of implicitly extracting temporal information embedded in context and use it for phoneme categorization to the same extent as healthy readers. Method Fifteen individuals diagnosed with DD and 16 healthy readers, all native speakers of Hebrew, listened to context sentences followed by target words. They had to indicate whether the target word sounded more like taam ("taste"; a long-vowel response) or tam ("naïve"; a short-vowel response). Temporal information of the context was manipulated (slow vs. fast speaking rate sentences) as well as the vowel duration of the target in a 5-step continuum. Results Listeners with DD did use the rate context to inform their decisions but to a significantly lesser extent than healthy listeners. In addition, their categorization of the vowel duration continuum was somewhat less distinct than that of the control group. Conclusions Individuals with DD are impaired not only in tasks involving direct temporal processing, as shown in previous studies but also in the use of temporal information of a context that impacts the perception of subsequent target words. This inability to fully utilize rate normalization processes may influence the formation of abstract phonological representations in individuals with DD.

Short-term adaptation to sound statistics is unimpaired in developmental dyslexia

Developmental dyslexia is presumed to arise from phonological impairments. Accordingly, people with dyslexia show speech perception deficits taken as indication of impoverished phonological representations. However, the nature of speech perception deficits in those with dyslexia remains elusive. Specifically, there is no agreement as to whether speech perception deficits arise from speech-specific processing impairments, or from general auditory impairments that might be either specific to temporal processing or more general. Recent studies show that general auditory referents such as Long Term Average Spectrum (LTAS, the distribution of acoustic energy across the duration of a sound sequence) affect speech perception. Here we examine the impact of preceding target sounds' LTAS on phoneme categorization to assess the nature of putative general auditory impairments associated with dyslexia. Dyslexic and typical listeners categorized speech targets varying perceptually from /ga/-/da/ preceded by speech and nonspeech tone contexts varying. Results revealed a spectrally contrastive influence of the preceding context LTAS on speech categorization, with a larger magnitude effect for nonspeech compared to speech precursors. Importantly, there was no difference in the presence or magnitude of the effects across dyslexia and control groups. These results demonstrate an aspect of general auditory processing that is spared in dyslexia, available to support phonemic processing when speech is presented in context.

Contribution of bimodal hearing to lexical tone normalization in Mandarin-speaking cochlear implant users

Native Mandarin normal-hearing (NH) listeners can easily perceive lexical tones even under conditions of great voice pitch variations across speakers by using the pitch contrast between context and target stimuli. It is however unclear whether cochlear implant (CI) users with limited access to pitch cues can make similar use of context pitch cues for tone normalization. In this study, native Mandarin NH listeners and pre-lingually deafened unilaterally implanted CI users were asked to recognize a series of Mandarin tones varying from Tone 1 (high-flat) to Tone 2 (mid-rising) with or without a preceding sentence context. Most of the CI subjects used a hearing aid (HA) in the non-implanted ear (i.e., bimodal users) and were tested both with CI alone and CI + HA. In the test without context, typical S-shaped tone recognition functions were observed for most CI subjects and the function slopes and perceptual boundaries were similar with either CI alone or CI + HA. Compared to NH subjects, CI subjects were less sensitive to the pitch changes in target tones. In the test with context, NH subjects had more (resp. fewer) Tone-2 responses in a context with high (resp. low) fundamental frequencies, known as the contrastive context effect. For CI subjects, a similar contrastive context effect was found statistically significant for tone recognition with CI + HA but not with CI alone. The results suggest that the pitch cues from CIs may not be sufficient to consistently support the pitch contrast processing for tone normalization. The additional pitch cues from aided residual acoustic hearing can however provide CI users with a similar tone normalization capability as NH listeners.