At What Cost? Payment for Abortion Care by U.S. Women

Lifetime abortion incidence when abortion care is covered by Medicaid: Maryland versus five comparison states

OBJECTIVE

To estimate the association of Medicaid coverage of abortion care with cumulative lifetime abortion incidence among women insured by Medicaid.

DATA SOURCES AND STUDY SETTING

We use 2016-2019 (Pre-Dobbs) data from the Survey of Women studies that represent women aged 18-44 living in six U.S. states. One state, Maryland, has a Medicaid program that has long covered the cost of abortion care. The other five states, Alabama, Delaware, Iowa, Ohio, and South Carolina, have Medicaid programs that do not cover the cost of abortion care. Our sample includes 8972 women residing in the study states.

STUDY DESIGN

Our outcome, cumulative lifetime abortion incidence, is identified using an indirect survey method, the double list experiment. We use a multivariate regression of cumulative lifetime abortion on variables including whether women were Medicaid-insured and whether they were residing in Maryland versus in one of the other five states.

DATA COLLECTION/EXTRACTION METHODS

This study used secondary survey data.

PRINCIPAL FINDINGS

We estimate that Medicaid coverage of abortion care in Maryland is associated with a 37.0 percentage-point (95% CI: 12.3-61.4) higher cumulative lifetime abortion incidence among Medicaid-insured women relative to women not insured by Medicaid compared with those differences by insurance status in states whose Medicaid programs do not cover the cost of abortion care.

CONCLUSIONS

We found that Medicaid coverage of abortion care is associated with a much higher lifetime incidence of abortion among individuals insured by Medicaid. We infer that Medicaid coverage of abortion care costs may have a very large impact on the accessibility of abortion care for low-income women.

Estimating the cost of Rh testing and prophylaxis in early pregnancy: A time-driven activity-based costing study

OBJECTIVE

To estimate the cost of Rhesus (Rh) testing and prophylaxis for first-trimester vaginal bleeding in the ambulatory setting.

STUDY DESIGN

We used time-driven, activity-based costing to analyze tasks associated with Rh testing and prophylaxis of first-trimester vaginal bleeding at one hospital-based outpatient and two independent reproductive health clinics. At each site, we observed 10 patients undergoing Rh-typing and two patients undergoing Rh prophylaxis. We computed the costs of blood Rh-typing by both fingerstick and phlebotomy, cost of locating previous blood type in the electronic health record (available for 69.8% of hospital-based patients), and costs associated with Rh immune globulin prophylaxis. All costs are reported in 2021 US dollars.

RESULTS

The hospital-based clinic reviewed the electronic health record to confirm Rh-status (cost, $26.18 per patient) and performed a phlebotomy, at $47.11 per patient, if none was recorded. The independent clinics typed blood by fingerstick, at a per-patient cost of $4.07. Rh-immune globulin administration costs, including the medication, were similar across facilities, at a mean of $145.66 per patient. Projected yearly costs for testing and prophylaxis were $55,831 for the hospital-based clinic, which was the lowest-volume site, $47,941 for Clinic A, which saw 150 patients/month, and $185,654 for Clinic B, which saw 600 patients/month.

CONCLUSIONS

Rh testing and prophylaxis for first-trimester vaginal bleeding generates considerable costs for outpatient facilities, even for Rh-positive patients with a prior blood type on record.

IMPLICATIONS

Rh testing and prophylaxis for first-trimester bleeding generate considerable costs even for Rh-positive patients and those with a previously known blood type. These findings highlight the need to reconsider this practice, which is no longer supported by evidence and already safely waived in multiple medical settings in the United States and around the world.

The impact of abortion restrictions on American mental health

The overturning of Roe v. Wade has led to numerous states enacting new abortion restrictions. However, limited empirical evidence exists regarding the general mental health impact of these bans. Leveraging the nationwide Household Pulse Survey, we evaluate the impact of emergent gestational limits and outright bans on self-reported mental health status between July 2021 and June 2023 using a difference in difference approach. Responses indicate a significant increase in reports of mental distress after the institution of such restrictions. These effects appear to persist at least 4 months following a ban and are moderated by household income and education but not by sex, race, age, marital status, or sexual orientation. Less educated and less wealthy subjects reported greater mental health distress compared to wealthier, more educated groups. These results suggest that the institution of abortion restrictions has had broad negative implications for the mental health of people living in the US, particularly those of lower education and personal wealth.

Pricing of medication abortion in the United States, 2021-2023

INTRODUCTION

Financial costs remain one of the greatest barriers to abortion, leading to delays in care and preventing some from getting a desired abortion. Medication abortion is available through in-person facilities and telehealth services. However, whether telehealth offers a more affordable option has not been well-documented.

METHODS

We used Advancing New Standards in Reproductive Health (ANSIRH)'s Abortion Facility Database, which includes data on all publicly advertising abortion facilities and is updated annually. We describe facility out-of-pocket prices for medication abortion in 2021, 2022, and 2023, comparing in-person and telehealth provided by brick-and-mortar and virtual clinics, and by whether states allowed Medicaid coverage for abortion.

RESULTS

The national median price for medication abortion remained consistent at $568 in 2021 and $563 in 2023. However, medications provided by virtual clinics were notably lower in price than in-person care and this difference widened over time. The median cost of a medication abortion offered in-person increased from $580 in 2021 to $600 by 2023, while the median price of a medication abortion offered by virtual clinics decreased from $239 in 2021 to $150 in 2023. Among virtual clinics, few (7%) accepted Medicaid. Median prices in states that accept Medicaid were generally higher than in states that did not.

DISCUSSION

Medication abortion is offered at substantially lower prices by virtual clinics. However, not being able to use Medicaid or other insurance may make telehealth cost-prohibitive for some people, even if prices are lower. Additionally, many states do not allow telehealth for abortion, deepening inequities in healthcare.

Seeking financial and practical support in an abortion-hostile state: Analysis of abortion fund data in Kentucky, 2014-2021: Analysis of abortion fund data in Kentucky

OBJECTIVES

Philanthropic abortion funds are integral to accessing care in the United States, providing both financial and practical assistance. Yet relatively little is known about those who seek these essential services. In this study, we analyzed data from a Kentucky abortion fund to assess characteristics of abortion fund callers.

METHODS

We analyzed 2014-2021 administrative data from the Kentucky Health Justice Network's (KHJN) Abortion Support Fund and compared them to abortion data from the Kentucky Department for Public Health (KDPH). We analyzed age, race, and pregnancy gestation at calling (KHJN) and abortion (KDPH), and calculated Z-scores and p-values to compare proportions in each category between the two data sources.

RESULTS

The fund supported 6162 people from 2014 to 2021, when 28,741 people had abortions in Kentucky. Compared with KDPH data, KHJN had a higher percentage of callers who were under age 30, a higher percentage of callers who were Black or another race, and a higher percentage of callers at 14 weeks' gestation or higher.

CONCLUSIONS

Compared with state data, KHJN supported a higher percentage of young people, people of color, and people at later gestations. These findings support evidence that structurally vulnerable groups are more likely to face barriers to care and that abortion funds provide essential support necessary for reproductive equity.

Sampling strategies among studies of barriers to abortion in the United States: A scoping review of abortion access research

OBJECTIVES

Understanding barriers to abortion care is particularly important post-Dobbs. However, many abortion access studies recruit from abortion-providing facilities, which overlook individuals who do not present for clinic-based care. To our knowledge, no studies have reviewed research recruitment strategies in the literature or considered how they might affect our knowledge of abortion barriers. We aimed to identify populations included and sampling methods used in studies of abortion barriers in the United States.

STUDY DESIGN

We used a scoping review protocol to search five databases for articles examining US-based individuals' experiences accessing abortion. We included English-language articles published between January 2011 and February 2022. For included studies, we identified the sampling strategy and population recruited.

RESULTS

Our search produced 2763 articles, of which 71 met inclusion criteria. Half of the included papers recruited participants at abortion-providing facilities (n = 35), while the remainder recruited from online sources (n = 14), other health clinics (n = 10), professional organizations (n = 8), abortion funds (n = 2), community organizations (n = 2), key informants (n = 2), and an abortion storytelling project (n = 1). Most articles (n = 61) reported information from people discussing their own abortions; the rest asked nonabortion seekers (e.g., physicians, genetic counselors, attorneys) about barriers to care.

CONCLUSIONS

Studies of abortion barriers enroll participants from a range of venues, but the majority recruit people who obtained abortions, and half recruit from abortion clinics.

IMPLICATIONS

As abortion access becomes constrained and criminalized in the post-Roe context, our findings indicate how investigators might recruit study participants from a variety of settings to fully understand the abortion seeking experience.

The "abortion imaginary": Shared perceptions and personal representations among everyday Americans

Drawing upon 217 in-depth interviews and the concept of the "social imaginary," we introduce the "abortion imaginary"-a set of shared understandings regarding abortion and abortion patients. We identify four interrelated facets of the U.S. abortion imaginary pertaining to who gets an abortion and why: maternal inevitability, economic decision-making, relationship precarity, and emotional fragility. We then show how shared perceptions of abortion patients diverge into polarized opinions, revealing how those who know someone who has had an abortion differ from those who do not. Centering personal "exemplars," we integrate conceptual work on social imaginaries with contact theory to illuminate how divergent opinions coexist with shared cultural understandings.

Abortion patients' decision making about where to obtain out-of-state care following Texas' 2021 abortion ban

OBJECTIVE

To assess pregnant Texans' decisions about where to obtain out-of-state abortion care following the September 2021 implementation of Senate Bill 8 (SB8), which prohibited abortions after detectable embryonic cardiac activity.

DATA SOURCE

In-depth telephone interviews with Texas residents ≥15 years of age who obtained out-of-state abortion care after SB8's implementation.

STUDY DESIGN

This qualitative study explored participants' experiences identifying and contacting abortion facilities and their concerns and considerations about traveling out of state. We used inductive and deductive codes in our thematic analysis describing people's decisions about where to obtain care and how they evaluated available options.

DATA COLLECTION

Texas residents self-referred to the study from flyers we provided to abortion facilities in Arkansas, Colorado, Kansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, New Mexico, and Oklahoma. We also enrolled participants from a concurrent online survey of Texans seeking abortion care.

PRINCIPAL FINDINGS

Participants (n = 65) frequently obtained referral lists for out-of-state locations from health-care providers, and a few received referrals to specific facilities; however, referrals rarely included the information people needed to decide where to obtain care. More than half of the participants prioritized getting the soonest appointment and often contacted multiple locations and traveled further to do so; others who could not travel further typically waited longer for an appointment. Although the participants rarely cited state abortion restrictions or cost of care as their main reason for choosing a location, they often made sacrifices to lessen the logistical and economic hardships that state restrictions and out-of-state travel costs created. Informative abortion facility websites and compassionate scheduling staff solidified some participants' facility choice.

CONCLUSIONS

Pregnant Texans made difficult trade-offs and experienced travel-related burdens to obtain out-of-state abortion care. As abortion bans prohibit more people from obtaining in-state care, efforts to strengthen patient navigation are needed to reduce care-seeking burdens as this will support people's reproductive autonomy.

Barriers and delays in access to abortion care: a cross-sectional study of people traveling to obtain care in England and the Netherlands from European countries where abortion is legal on broad grounds

INTRODUCTION

This study characterized the extent to which (1) financial barriers and (2) abortion care-seeking within a person's country of residence were associated with delays in abortion access among those travelling to England and the Netherlands for abortion care from European countries where abortion is legal on broad grounds in the first trimester but where access past the first trimester is limited to specific circumstances.

METHODOLOGY

We drew on cross-sectional survey data collected at five abortion clinics in England and the Netherlands from 2017 to 2019 (n = 164). We assessed the relationship between difficulty paying for the abortion/travel, acute financial insecurity, and in-country care seeking on delays to abortion using multivariable discrete-time hazards models.

RESULTS

Participants who reported facing both difficulty paying for the abortion procedure and/or travel and difficulty covering basic living costs in the last month reported longer delays in accessing care than those who had no financial difficulty (adjusted hazard odds ratio: 0.39 95% CI 0.21-0.74). This group delayed paying other expenses (39%) or sold something of value (13%) to fund their abortion, resulting in ~ 60% of those with financial difficulty reporting it took them over a week to raise the funds needed for their abortion. Having contacted or visited an abortion provider in the country of residence was associated with delays in presenting abroad for an abortion.

DISCUSSION

These findings point to inequities in access to timely abortion care based on socioeconomic status. Legal time limits on abortion may intersect with individuals' interactions with the health care system to delay care.

Recruiting pregnant people considering abortion: An analysis of differences in participant characteristics by recruitment site across online, abortion fund, and clinic-based sources

OBJECTIVES

This study aimed to evaluate differences by recruitment method in the characteristics of participants who are considering abortion.

STUDY DESIGN

Between June 2021 and April 2022, we recruited pregnant people considering abortion in Indiana from (1) online posts, (2) abortion funds, and (3) abortion clinics. We compared participant characteristics reported in an online survey by recruitment source.

RESULTS

Compared to those recruited from clinics (n = 94), participants recruited online (n = 84) and through abortion funds (n = 239) were later in their pregnancy, were already parenting, received less formal education, struggled financially, and were more likely to be Black or African American, queer, transgender, or nonbinary.

CONCLUSIONS

Recruitment from online sources and abortion funds reaches more people who face greater barriers to abortion care than recruitment from clinics.

IMPLICATIONS

Augmenting clinic-based recruitment with online and abortion fund recruitment could capture a more complete sample of people considering abortion.

Travel for abortion care: implications for clinical practice

PURPOSE OF REVIEW

Traveling long distances to obtain abortion care due to restrictions and scarce availability is associated with significant obstacles. We review clinical strategies that can facilitate abortion access and outline considerations to ensure person-centered and equitable care.

RECENT FINDINGS

Establishing a patient's gestational duration prior to travel may be beneficial to ensure they are eligible for their desired abortion method at the preferred facility or to determine if a multiday procedure is required. If a local ultrasound cannot be obtained prior to travel, evidence demonstrates people can generally estimate their gestational duration accurately. If unable to provide care, clinicians should make timely referrals for abortion. Integration of telemedicine into abortion care is safe and well regarded by patients and should be implemented into service delivery where possible to reduce obstacles to care. Routine in-person follow-up care is not necessary. However, for those who want reassurance, formalized pathways to care should be established to ensure people have access to care in their community. To further minimize travel-related burdens, facilities should routinely offer information about funding and practical support, emotional support, and legal resources.

SUMMARY

There are many opportunities to optimize clinical practice to support those traveling for abortion care.

Abortion assistance fund staff and volunteers as patient navigators following an abortion ban in Texas

CONTEXT

Abortion assistance funds constitute an important part of the healthcare safety net by covering some of abortion patients' out-of-pocket costs. Few studies have examined the other ways abortion assistance fund staff and volunteers support callers who need help obtaining care.

METHODS

Between June and September 2020, we conducted in-depth interviews with 23 staff and volunteers at 11 local abortion assistance funds that helped Texans seeking abortion care following a March 2020 state executive order that prohibited most abortions. Interviewers explored respondents' experiences with callers whose appointments had been canceled or who traveled out of state and subsequent operational changes. We used both inductive and deductive codes in the thematic analysis.

RESULTS

Abortion assistance fund staff and volunteers bridged callers' information gaps about the services and financial resources available and helped create plans to secure care that accounted for callers' specific needs. They provided emotional support so callers felt it was possible to overcome logistical hurdles to get an abortion, even if that required out-of-state travel. Respondents described greater collaboration between Texas-based abortion assistance funds and out-of-state organizations to support callers' more complex logistical needs and increased costs. Some callers who encountered multiple barriers to care, including interpersonal violence, were unable to obtain an abortion, even with additional supports.

CONCLUSIONS

Local abortion assistance funds worked with Texas callers to co-create person-centered plans for care and expanded inter-organization collaborations. Initiatives that bolster local assistance funds' infrastructure and capacity will be needed as the abortion access landscape becomes further restricted and complex.

Food Insecurity: A Barrier to Reproductive Justice Globally

Objective: Reproductive Justice identifies three core reproductive rights for all people: (1) the right to not have a child; (2) the right to have a child; and (3) the right to parent children in safe and healthy environments. We aim to illustrate that food insecurity infringes upon on all three of these rights and so is a pressing issue for reproductive justice and for sexual and reproductive health more broadly. Methods: Using a phenomenological approach, we outline potential pathways between food insecurity and reproductive justice. Results: There are numerous potential pathways between food insecurity and reproductive justice, including entry into sexual relationships for material support, links to sexually transmitted infections and infertility, structural violence, prioritization and spending tradeoffs between food and other basic necessities, biological impacts of malnutrition, restricted reproductive choices, population control measures, and social stigma and exclusion. Marginalized people are disproportionately impacted by food insecurity and its consequences, with implications for sexual health and pleasure and for reproductive justice. Conclusions:Meaningful and equitable collaboration between people with lived experience of food insecurity, human rights and reproductive justice activists, and academics is critical to sensitively contextualize this work and mobilize broader social change.

Estimation of Multiyear Consequences for Abortion Access in Georgia Under a Law Limiting Abortion to Early Pregnancy

Importance

Following the US Supreme Court ruling in Dobbs v Jackson Women's Health Organization, Georgia's law limiting abortion to early pregnancy, House Bill 481 (HB481), was allowed to go into effect in July 2022.

Objectives

To estimate anticipated multiyear effects of HB481, which prohibits abortions after detection of embryonic cardiac activity, on abortion incidence in Georgia, and to examine inequities by race, age, and socioeconomic status.

Design, Setting, and Participants

This repeated cross-sectional analysis used abortion surveillance data from January 1, 2007, to December 31, 2017, to estimate future effects of HB481 on abortion care in Georgia, with a focus on the 2 most recent years of data (2016 and 2017). Abortion surveillance data were obtained from the 2007-2017 Georgia Department of Public Health's Induced Termination of Pregnancy files. Linear regression was used to estimate trends in abortions provided at less than 6 weeks' gestation and at 6 weeks' gestation or later in Georgia, and χ2 analyses were used to compare group differences by race, age, and educational attainment. Data were analyzed from July 26 to September 22, 2022.

Exposures

HB481, Georgia's law limiting abortion to early pregnancy.

Main Outcome and Measures

Weeks' gestation at abortion (<6 vs ≥6 weeks).

Results

From January 1, 2007, to December 31, 2017, there were 360 972 reported abortions in Georgia, with an annual mean (SD) of 32 816 (1812) abortions. Estimates from 2016 to 2017 suggest that 3854 abortions in Georgia (11.6%) would likely meet eligibility requirements for abortion care under HB481. Fewer abortions obtained by Black patients (1943 [9.6%] vs 1280 [16.2%] for White patients), patients younger than 20 years (261 [9.1%] vs 168 [15.0%] for those 40 years and older), and patients with fewer years of education (392 [9.2%] with less than a high school diploma and 1065 [9.6%] with a high school diploma vs 2395 [13.5%] for those with some college) would likely meet eligibility requirements under HB481.

Conclusions and Relevance

These findings suggest that Georgia's law limiting abortion to early pregnancy (HB481) would eliminate access to abortion for nearly 90% of patients in Georgia, and disproportionately harm patients who are Black, younger, and in lower socioeconomic status groups.

Unwanted abortion disclosure and social support in the abortion decision and mental health symptoms: A cross-sectional survey

OBJECTIVES

To assess the extent of unwanted abortion disclosure and levels of social support in the abortion decision and their association with depression, anxiety, and stress.

STUDY DESIGN

From January to June 2019, we surveyed people presenting for abortion at four clinics in California, New Mexico, and Illinois regarding their experiences accessing abortion. We used multivariable regression to examine associations between unwanted abortion disclosure and social support in the abortion decision, and symptoms of depression, anxiety and stress.

RESULTS

Among 1092 people approached, 784 (72% response rate) eligible individuals initiated the survey, and 746 responded to the unwanted abortion disclosure item and were included in analyses. Over one-quarter (27%) told someone they would have preferred not to tell about their decision, mostly due to obstacles getting to the appointment-time to appointment (46%), travel distance (33%), and costs (32%). Three-quarters (74%, n=546) had at least one person in their life who supported the abortion decision "very much"; 20% had someone who supported the decision "not at all." In adjusted analyses, unwanted abortion disclosure was associated with more symptoms of depression (B = 0.62, 95% confidence interval: 0.28, 0.95), anxiety (B = 1.79; 95% CI: 0.76, 2.82) and stress (B = 1.80, 95% CI: 0.64, 1.72). People also had more symptoms of depression and stress when one or more person (B = 0.64; 95% CI: 0.27, 1.02 and B = 0.75, 95% CI: 0.15, 1.35, respectively) or the man involved in the pregnancy (B = 0.67, 95% CI: 0.16, 1.18 and B = 0.96, 95% CI: 0.13, 1.78, respectively) supported their decision "not at all" (vs "very much" support).

CONCLUSION

Being forced to disclose the abortion decision due to logistical and cost constraints may be harmful to people's mental health.

IMPLICATIONS

Logistical burdens such as travel, time to access care, and costs needed to access abortion may force people seeking abortion to involve others who are unsupportive in the abortion decision having negative implications for their mental health.

Texas Senate Bill 8 and Abortion Experiences in Patients With Fetal Diagnoses: A Qualitative Analysis

OBJECTIVE

To describe experiences with abortion counseling and access in patients with lethal or life-limiting fetal diagnoses in Texas after enactment of Senate Bill 8 (SB8).

METHODS

In this qualitative study, we interviewed patients who obtained abortions after enactment of SB8, using semi-structured interviews to explore how restrictions affected abortion care. Two researchers coded all transcripts using an inductive technique and analyzed themes in an iterative approach.

RESULTS

We interviewed 16 participants who reported gestational durations from 13 to 29 weeks at the time of abortion. Participants described loss of the therapeutic patient-physician relationship and feelings of isolation while pursuing abortion due to the limitations imposed by SB8. For example, participants felt there was a physician "gag rule" regarding abortion ("the unspoken word of termination"), resulting in the need to find information about pregnancy options outside of the medical community and further highlighting the privilege of financial resources necessary to obtain an abortion on their own. Participants also expressed fears regarding confidentiality with their support systems and clinicians ("I would joke around and say, well don't sue me, but halfway mean it") and personal safety when self-referring for abortion ("…am I making the right choice on where I need to go? Is it safe?").

CONCLUSION

Abortion restrictions and bans such as SB8 erode the patient-physician relationship, evoking fear and safety concerns during a vulnerable time for those undergoing abortion for lethal or life-limiting fetal diagnoses. They force patients to shoulder the significant burden of understanding pregnancy options and navigating the process of abortion alone, which is likely to have greater effects on those with fewer resources.

Assessing psychosocial costs: Ohio patients' experiences seeking abortion care

OBJECTIVES

Existing research has not thoroughly characterized the psychosocial costs associated with seeking abortion care in restrictive states. Our study seeks to fill this gap by analyzing the accounts of Ohio abortion patients from 2018 to 2019.

STUDY DESIGN

Using inductive and deductive approaches, we analyzed semi-structured in-depth qualitative interviews with 41 Ohio residents who obtained abortion care from one of three clinics in Ohio or Pennsylvania.

RESULTS

Ohioans seeking abortion care often experienced fear of judgment, interpersonal strain, and stress as a result of efforts to overcome pre-Dobbs financial, geographic, and timing challenges. Those who needed financial assistance or traveled more than an hour generally reported greater exposure to psychosocial costs.

CONCLUSIONS

Participants in this study incurred a complex set of psychosocial costs. Psychosocial costs often resulted from, or were exacerbated by, the financial, geographic, and time-sensitive burdens that patients experienced seeking care.

IMPLICATIONS

The psychosocial costs incurred by patients seeking abortion care may be exacerbated in restrictive contexts, especially those who do not have access to insurance coverage for care. Psychosocial costs associated with care seeking are likely to increase as states implement more severe restrictions post-Dobbs. To fully understand abortion costs, researchers must examine costs comprehensively, including both financial and psychosocial costs.

Intimate relationships after receiving versus being denied an abortion: A 5-year prospective study in the United States

CONTEXT

When an individual seeking an abortion cannot obtain one, carrying that pregnancy to term may affect both her relationship with the man involved in the pregnancy and her prospects for new intimate relationships. We aimed to assess the impact of receiving versus being denied a wanted abortion on women's intimate relationships, up to 5 years after seeking an abortion in the United States.

METHODS

Using mixed-effects regression models, we compared relationship outcomes among women who presented for abortion care just under facilities' gestational age limits ("Near-limit abortion patients," n = 452) with those who presented just over, were denied an abortion ("Turnaways," n = 146) at 30 US facilities.

RESULTS

At 1 week post-abortion seeking, the predicted probability of being in a relationship with the man involved in the pregnancy was 58%, gradually declining to 27% at 5 years with no significant differences between those who received and those who were denied an abortion. However, from 2 to 5 years post-abortion seeking, participants who were denied an abortion had double the odds (aOR = 2.01, 95% CI: 1.09-3.69) of being in a poor intimate relationship, with a predicted probability of being in a poor relationship of 14% among those denied an abortion compared with 9% among those who received one (p < 0.05).

CONCLUSIONS

Carrying an unwanted pregnancy to term does not increase the chance of being in an intimate relationship with the man involved in the pregnancy but may have negative implications for the quality of future relationships up to 5 years post-abortion seeking.

Association of Availability of State Medicaid Coverage for Abortion With Abortion Access in the United States

OBJECTIVE

To evaluate the association between state Medicaid coverage for abortion and abortion access measures among U.S. patients.

METHODS

We analyzed data from the Guttmacher Institute's 2014 Abortion Patient Survey. Respondents were included if they reported being enrolled in Medicaid, regardless of whether Medicaid covered the abortion. The exposure was self-report of residence in a state where Medicaid can be used to pay for abortion. Access outcomes included more than 14 days' wait time between decision for abortion and abortion appointment, presentation at more than 10 weeks of gestation when in the first trimester, and travel time more than 60 minutes to the clinic. Multivariable regression was performed to test the association between state Medicaid abortion coverage and dichotomous access outcomes, controlling for patient demographics.

RESULTS

Of 2,579 respondents enrolled in Medicaid who reported state of residence, 1,694 resided in states with Medicaid coverage for abortion and 884 resided in states without Medicaid coverage for abortion. Patients residing in states with Medicaid coverage for abortion had lower odds and rates of waiting more than 14 days between deciding to have an abortion and the appointment (adjusted odds ratio [aOR] 0.70; 95% CI 0.57-0.85, 66.8% vs 74.1%, P <.001), having abortions at more than 10 weeks of gestation when in the first trimester (aOR 0.62; 95% CI 0.49-0.80, 13.6% vs 20.1%, P <.001), and traveling more than 60 minutes to the abortion clinic (aOR 0.63; 95% CI 0.51-0.78, 18.7% vs 27.6%, P <.001) when compared with patients residing in states without Medicaid coverage for abortion.

CONCLUSION

Availability of state Medicaid coverage for abortion is associated with increased abortion access. Our findings support repealing the Hyde Amendment to promote equitable access to reproductive health care, particularly in the post-Roe era.

Potential Impact of Telemedicine for Medication Abortion Policy and Programming Changes on Abortion Accessibility in the United States

Objectives. To quantify the impact of telemedicine for medication abortion (TMAB) expansion or ban removal on abortion accessibility. Methods. We included 1091 facilities from the 2018 Advancing New Standards in Reproductive Health facility database and Planned Parenthood Web site, among which 241 did not offer abortion as sites for TMAB expansion. Accessibility was defined as the proportion of reproductive-aged women living within a 30-, 60-, or 90-minute drive time from an abortion-providing facility. We calculated accessibility differences between 3 scenarios: (1) facilities offering abortion in 2018 (reference), (2) the reference scenario in addition to all facilities in states without TMAB bans (TMAB expansion), and (3) all facilities (TMAB ban removal). We also stratified by state and urban-rural status. Results. In 2018, 65%, 81%, and 89% of women lived within a 30-, 60-, or 90-minute drive time from an abortion-providing facility, respectively. Expansion and ban removal expanded abortion accessibility relative to the current accessibility scenario (range: 1.25-5.66 percentage points). Women in rural blocks experienced greater increases in accessibility than those in urban blocks. Conclusions. TMAB program and policy changes could expand abortion accessibility to an additional 3.5 million reproductive-aged women. Public Health Implications. Our findings can inform where to invest resources to improve abortion accessibility. (Am J Public Health. 2022;112(8):1202-1211. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2022.306876).

Remote Delivery in Reproductive Health Care: Operation of Direct-to-Patient Telehealth Medication Abortion Services in Diverse Settings

PURPOSE

Established models of reproductive health service delivery were disrupted by the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic. This study examines rapid innovation of remote abortion service operations across health care settings and describes the use of telehealth consultations with medications delivered directly to patients.

METHODS

We conducted semi-structured interviews with 21 clinical staff from 4 practice settings: family planning clinics, online medical services, and primary care practices-independent or within multispecialty health systems. Clinicians and administrators described their telehealth abortion services. Interviews were recorded, transcribed, and analyzed. Staff roles, policies, and procedures were compared across practice settings.

RESULTS

Across all practice settings, telehealth abortion services consisted of 5 operational steps: patient engagement, care consultations, payment, medication dispensing, and follow-up communication. Online services and independent primary care practices used asynchronous methods to determine eligibility and complete consultations, resulting in more efficient services (2-5 minutes), while family planning and health system clinics used synchronous video encounters requiring 10-30 minutes of clinician time. Family planning and health system primary care clinics mailed medications from clinic stock or internal pharmacies, while independent primary care practices and online services often used mail-order pharmacies. Online services offered patients asynchronous follow-up; other practice settings scheduled synchronous appointments.

CONCLUSIONS

Rapid innovations implemented in response to disrupted in-person reproductive health care included remote medication abortion services with telehealth assessment/follow-up and mailed medications. Though consistent operational steps were identified across health care settings, variation allowed for adaptation of services to individual sites. Understanding remote abortion service operations may facilitate dissemination of a range of patient-centered reproductive health services.Annals "Online First" article.

How Ohio's proposed abortion bans would impact travel distance to access abortion care

CONTEXT

Since March 2021, the Ohio legislature has been actively considering laws that would ban abortion if the United States Supreme Court overturns the Roe v. Wade decision that legalized abortion nationally in 1973.

METHODS

We used a national database of publicly advertised abortion facilities to calculate driving distances for Ohioans before and after the activation of proposed abortion bans. Using a legal analysis of abortion laws following the overturn of Roe, we determined which states surrounding Ohio would continue providing abortion care. We calculated distances from each Ohio county centroid to the nearest open abortion facility in three scenarios: (1) as of February 2022, (2) the best-case post-Roe scenario (two of the five surrounding states continue to offer abortion care), and (3) worst-case post-Roe scenario (no surrounding states continue to offer abortion care). We calculated population-weighted distances using county-level data about women aged 15-44 years from the 2019 American Community Survey.

RESULTS

In February 2022, all Ohio county centroids were at most 99 miles from an abortion facility (median = 50 miles). The best-case post-Roe scenario shows 62 of Ohio's 88 counties to be 115-279 miles away from the nearest facility (median = 146). The worst-case shows 85 counties to be 191-339 miles away from the nearest facility (median = 264). The current average population-weighted driving distance from county centroid to the nearest facility is 26 miles; the post-Roe scenarios would increase this to 157 miles (best-case) or 269 miles (worst-case).

CONCLUSIONS

Ohio's proposed abortion bans would substantially increase travel distances to abortion care, impacting over 2.2 million reproductive-aged Ohioans.

The Effect of Illinois Medicaid Coverage of Induced Abortion on Patient Access at the University of Illinois in Chicago

OBJECTIVES

Beginning January 1, 2018, Illinois House Bill 40 (HB40) requires Medicaid coverage of induced abortion. The objective of this study was to describe the impact of HB40 on gestational age at time of induced abortion at a single academic medical center in Chicago, IL.

STUDY DESIGN

We used Current Procedural Terminology (CPT) codes to identify patients who induced abortion one year before (2016) and one year immediately after (2018) HB40 implementation. We collected demographic and clinical information from the electronic medical record. We used ANOVA and Chi-square tests to evaluate differences in gestational age and patient characteristics before and after the policy change.

RESULTS

Patient characteristics and indication for induced abortion before (N=274) and after (N=249) HB40 were similar. The mean gestational age of induced abortion was higher after HB40 (83.3 days +/- 38.9 days vs 91.6 days +/- 38.0 days, p=.01). While not statistically significant, the proportion of second trimester (>14 weeks) induced abortions increased (32.8% vs 40.6%, p=.07). After HB40, a smaller proportion of patients paid out-of-pocket for abortion care (2.4% vs 40.5%, p<.001) and more patients had an abortion with sedation (37.3% vs 49.8%, p=.007).

CONCLUSIONS

After passage of HB40, the gestational age at time of induced abortion increased by a median of eight days, access to abortion care was less costly to patients and more procedures were completed with sedation. To further the impact of HB40, increased awareness of expanded coverage continues to be essential.

IMPLICATIONS

With Medicaid coverage of induced abortion in Illinois, out-of-pocket cost decreased and sedation use increased in our academic medical center. To further the impact of HB40, increased awareness of expanded coverage continues to be essential.

Child Protection Intervention and the Sexual and Reproductive Health of Female Adolescents Ages 13 to 17 Years

Importance

Child maltreatment adversely affects health and development, but evidence is needed regarding whether and how Child Protective Services (CPS) interventions may mitigate risks.

Objective

To assess whether different forms of CPS intervention are associated with sexual and reproductive health outcomes among female adolescents investigated by CPS for suspected exposure to maltreatment during childhood.

Design, Setting, and Participants

This cohort study used linked, longitudinal, statewide administrative data from Wisconsin, including medical assistance and CPS records, to examine the rates and correlates of sexual and reproductive health outcomes (sexual transmitted infections, pregnancies, births, and high-risk sexual behavior) among 9392 female adolescents tracked from age 13 through 17 years who were investigated by CPS for suspected exposure to maltreatment prior to their 13th birthday. The study assesses how these outcomes were associated with types and frequency of CPS involvement and intervention and with adolescent and family demographic characteristics. Participants were female adolescents born from 2000 through 2002 who were investigated by Wisconsin CPS for suspected exposure to maltreatment before 13 years of age and who were covered by medical assistance at least 85% of the time from 13 to 17 years of age.

Exposures

Varying levels and intensities of CPS interventions, ranging from a single investigation to adoption from foster care.

Main Outcomes and Measures

Dependent variables were pregnancy, birth, sexually transmitted infection, and an aggregate measure of sexual health concerns from 13 to 17 years of age. Primary explanatory variables were the intensity of CPS intervention (investigation only, in-home services, and foster care) and frequency of maltreatment concerns (number of investigations, continued involvement during adolescence). Logistic regression was used to assess the association of CPS measures with differences in sexual health outcomes. Data were analyzed from March 1 to October 12, 2021.

Results

This cohort study included 9392 female adolescents, among whom 3156 (33.6%) were born in 2000, 3064 (32.6%) in 2001, and 3173 (33.8%) in 2002; 2501 adolescents [26.6%] were Black, 1568 [16.7%] were Hispanic, 1024 [10.9%] were multiracial, 4024 [42.8%] were White, and 275 [2.9%] were listed as other [which included American Indian, Asian or Pacific Islander, or unknown race or ethnicity]). By 18 years of age, sizable proportions of maltreated female adolescents had at least 1 concerning sexual health outcome (23.5%), including diagnoses of gonorrhea, chlamydia, or trichomoniasis (8.4%), pregnancy (11.2%), and parenthood (6.1%). Compared with CPS investigation without formal intervention, foster care was associated with lower odds of pregnancy (adjusted odds ratio, 0.82; 95% C, 0.69-0.98) and live birth (adjusted odds ratio, 0.78; 95% CI, 0.61-0.99). Recurrent and ongoing CPS involvement was associated with adverse sexual health outcomes.

Conclusions and Relevance

This cohort study found that maltreated girls face increased risks of adverse sexual health outcomes in adolescence, but CPS interventions were associated with limited influence. More effective interventions are needed to help maltreated girls avoid teen pregnancy, sexually transmitted infections, and risky sexual behaviors in adolescence.

Financial Hardships Caused by Out-of-Pocket Abortion Costs in Texas, 2018

Objectives. To identify financial hardships related to costs of obtaining abortion care in Texas, which has the highest uninsured rate in the United States and restricts insurance coverage for abortions. Methods. We surveyed patients seeking abortion at 12 Texas clinics in 2018 regarding costs and financial hardships related to abortion care. We compared mean out-of-pocket costs and the percentage reporting hardships across income and insurance categories. Results. Of 603 respondents, 42% were Latinx, 25% White, and 21% Black or African American, and most (62.0%) reported having low incomes (< 200% federal poverty level). Mean out-of-pocket costs were $634, which varied little across insurance groups. Patients with low incomes were more likely to obtain financial assistance from an abortion fund than were wealthier patients (12.3% vs 1.6%, respectively; P < .05). Financial hardships related to abortion costs were more common among uninsured (57.6%) and publicly insured (55.1%) patients than those with private insurance (48.2%). One in 5 (19.8%) uninsured respondents delayed buying food to pay for abortion care. Conclusions. Restrictions on insurance coverage for abortions result in high out-of-pocket costs and major financial hardships for most patients with low incomes in Texas. (Am J Public Health. 2022;112(5):758-761. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2021.306701).

"It just seemed like a perfect storm": A multi-methods feasibility study on the use of Facebook, Google Ads, and Reddit to collect data on abortion-seeking experiences from people who considered but did not obtain abortion care in the United States

Most studies of abortion access have recruited participants from abortion clinics, thereby missing people for whom barriers to care were insurmountable. Consequently, research may underestimate the nature and scope of barriers that exist. We aimed to recruit participants who had considered, but failed to obtain, an abortion using three online platforms, and to evaluate the feasibility of collecting data on their abortion-seeking experiences in a multi-modal online study. In 2018, we recruited participants for this feasibility study from Facebook, Google Ads, and Reddit for an online survey about experiences seeking abortion care in the United States; we additionally conducted in-depth interviews among a subset of survey participants. We completed descriptive analyses of survey data, and thematic analyses of interview data. Recruitment results have been previously published. For the primary outcomes of this analysis, over one month, we succeeded in capturing data on abortion-seeking experiences from 66 individuals who were not currently pregnant and reported not having obtained an abortion, nor visited an abortion facility, despite feeling that abortion could have been the best option for a recent pregnancy. A subset of survey respondents (n = 14) completed in-depth interviews. Results highlighted multiple, reinforcing barriers to abortion care, including legal restrictions such as gestational limits and waiting periods that exacerbated financial and other burdens, logistical and informational barriers, as well as barriers to abortion care less frequently reported in the literature, such as a preference for medication abortion. These findings support the use of online recruitment to identify and survey an understudied population about their abortion-seeking experiences. Further, findings contribute to a more complete understanding of the full range of barriers to abortion care that people experience in the United States, and how these barriers intersect to not just delay, but to prevent people from obtaining abortion.

Trends In Self-Pay Charges And Insurance Acceptance For Abortion In The United States, 2017-20

The Hyde Amendment prevents federal funds, including Medicaid, from covering abortion care, and many states have legal restrictions that prevent private insurance plans from covering abortion. As a result, most people pay for abortion out of pocket. We examined patient self-pay charges for three abortion types (medication abortion, first-trimester procedural abortion, and second-trimester abortion), as well as facilities' acceptance of health insurance, during the period 2017-20. We found that during this time, median patient charges increased for medication abortion (from $495 to $560) and first-trimester procedural abortion (from $475 to $575) but not second-trimester abortion (from $935 to $895). The proportion of facilities that accept insurance decreased over time (from 89 percent to 80 percent). We noted substantial regional variation, with the South having lower costs and lower insurance acceptance. Charges for first-trimester procedural abortions are increasing, and acceptance of health insurance is declining. According to the Federal Reserve, one-quarter of Americans could not pay for a $400 emergency expense solely with the money in their bank accounts-an amount lower than any abortion cost in 2020. Lifting Hyde restrictions and requiring public and private health insurance to cover this essential, time-sensitive health service without copays or deductibles would greatly reduce the financial burden of abortion.

Digital Multisided Platforms and Women’s Health: An Empirical Analysis of Peer-to-Peer Lending and Abortion Rates

Access to short-term capital remains a pressing problem for many people, especially those facing medical emergencies or needing immediate care. Peer-to-peer lending platforms have the ability to resolve these capital constraints by providing access to small to medium sums of money in an environment that is private and protective of personal information. In this study, we consider how the introduction of P2P lending platforms, and the resulting access to capital, influences local abortion rates, a medical procedure characterized by significant financial barriers and social stigma. We find that the entry of the P2P platform LendingClub is associated with an increase in the rate at which women choose to not carry to term. We argue that the availability of capital through these platforms, when combined with privacy protections, is able to reduce the financial barriers women face when accessing abortion services. This observed effect is stronger in more religious areas and areas with lower levels of education, indicating that social frictions and stigma may be higher in these areas, and also showing where providing an additional channel for funding is more influential.

Provider and community stakeholder perspectives of expanding Medicaid coverage of abortion in Illinois

Background

Many people seeking abortion encounter financial difficulties that delay or prevent them from accessing care. Although some patients qualify for Medicaid (a public program that can help cover health care costs), laws in some states restrict the use of Medicaid for abortion care. In 2017, Illinois passed House Bill 40 (HB-40), which allowed patients with Medicaid to receive coverage for their abortion. This study aimed to understand how HB-40 affected abortion affordability from the perspectives of individuals that work directly or indirectly with abortion patients or facilities providing abortion care.

Methods

We conducted interviews with clinicians and administrators from facilities that provided abortion services; staff from organizations that provided resources to abortion providers or patients; and individuals at organizations involved in the passage and/or implementation of HB-40. Interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed. We created codes based on the interview guides, coded each transcript using the web application Dedoose, and summarized findings by code.

Results

Interviews were conducted with 38 participants. Participants reflected that HB-40 seemed to remove a significant financial barrier for Medicaid recipients and improve the experience for patients seeking abortion care. Participants also described how the law led to a shift in resource allocation, allowing financial support to be directed towards uninsured patients. Some participants thought HB-40 might contribute to a reduction in abortion stigma. Despite the perceived positive impacts of the law, participants noted a lack of public knowledge about HB-40, as well as confusing or cumbersome insurance-related processes, could diminish the law’s impact. Participants also highlighted persisting barriers to abortion utilization for minors, recent and undocumented immigrants, and people residing in rural areas, even after the passage of HB-40.

Conclusions

HB-40 was perceived to improve the affordability of abortion. However, participants identified additional obstacles to abortion care in Illinois that weakened the impact of HB-40 for patients and required further action, Findings suggest that policymakers must also consider how insurance coverage can be disrupted by other legal barriers for historically excluded populations and ensure clear information on Medicaid enrollment and abortion coverage is widely disseminated.

Supplementary Information

The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1186/s12913-022-07761-5.

Abortion travel within the United States: An observational study of cross-state movement to obtain abortion care in 2017

Background

In the United States, abortion access is often more limited for people who live in states with few abortion facilities and restrictive abortion legislation. Pregnant people seeking an abortion thus often travel to access care.

Methods

We calculated state-specific abortion rate (number of abortions per thousand women ages 15 to 44) and percentage of patients leaving for abortion care using CDC 2017 Abortion Surveillance data, the Guttmacher Institute's Abortion Provider Census and Pregnancies, Births and Abortions in the United States report, and US Census data. We categorized percent leaving by abortion policy landscape using the Guttmacher Institute's classification of state abortion laws, and by facility density (number of abortion facilities per million women ages 15 to 44), calculated using Census and Guttmacher data. We ran correlational tests between each of our variables (percent leaving, facility density, and policy environment), as well as between percent leaving and facility density within policy environment.

Findings

In 2017, an average of 8% of US patients left their state of residence for abortion care. Percent leaving varied widely by state: 74% left Wyoming, 57% left South Carolina, and 56% left Missouri, while 13 states had fewer than 4% of patients leaving. States with more restrictive laws averaged 12% of patients leaving, while states with middle ground or supportive laws averaged 10% and 3% leaving, respectively. Pairwise correlations between percent leaving, facility density, and policy score were all statistically significant, though correlations between percent leaving and facility density within policy environment were not.

Interpretation

Many patients travel across state lines for abortion care. While patients may leave for a range of reasons, restrictive state-level abortion policy and facility scarcity are associated with patients leaving their state of residence.

Funding

This study was supported by a philanthropic foundation that makes grants anonymously.

Selecting an Abortion Clinic: The Role of Social Myths and Risk Perception in Seeking Abortion Care

Recent shifts in the abortion provision landscape have generated increased concern about how people find abortion care as regulations make abortion less accessible and clinics close. Few studies examine the reasons that people select particular facilities in such constrained contexts. Drawing from interviews with 41 Ohio residents, we find that people's clinic selections are influenced by the risks they associate with abortion care. Participants' strategies for selecting an abortion clinic included: drawing on previous experience with clinics, consulting others online, discerning reputation through name recognition and clinic type, and considering location, especially perceptions about place (privacy, legality, safety). We argue that social myths inform the risks people anticipate when seeking health care facilities, shaping care seeking in ways that are both abortion-specific and more general. These findings can also inform research in other health care contexts where patients increasingly find their options constrained by rising costs, consolidation, and facility closure.

Revealing Economic and Racial Injustices: Demographics of Abortion Fund Callers on the U.S.-Mexico Border

There are multiple accessibility challenges to abortion care in the United States. Most abortion research relies on clinic data, whereas we utilized data from an abortion fund on the U.S.-Mexico border. The majority of the sample were Latinx (62.2%), were 20-29 years old (59.7%), were in the first trimester (65.4%), and traveled hundreds of miles to an abortion clinic. Younger age, being in the third trimester, not having insurance, and having some resources were associated with likelihood of receiving aid for an abortion procedure. There is still a great need for abortion funding and access, particularly for young, economically disadvantaged people of color.

Abortion attempts without clinical supervision among transgender, nonbinary and gender-expansive people in the United States

BACKGROUND

Transgender, nonbinary and gender-expansive (TGE) people face barriers to abortion care and may consider abortion without clinical supervision.

METHODS

In 2019, we recruited participants for an online survey about sexual and reproductive health. Eligible participants were TGE people assigned female or intersex at birth, 18 years and older, from across the United States, and recruited through The PRIDE Study or via online and in-person postings.

RESULTS

Of 1694 TGE participants, 76 people (36% of those ever pregnant) reported considering trying to end a pregnancy on their own without clinical supervision, and a subset of these (n=40; 19% of those ever pregnant) reported attempting to do so. Methods fell into four broad categories: herbs (n=15, 38%), physical trauma (n=10, 25%), vitamin C (n=8, 20%) and substance use (n=7, 18%). Reasons given for abortion without clinical supervision ranged from perceived efficiency and desire for privacy, to structural issues including a lack of health insurance coverage, legal restrictions, denials of or mistreatment within clinical care, and cost.

CONCLUSIONS

These data highlight a high proportion of sampled TGE people who have attempted abortion without clinical supervision. This could reflect formidable barriers to facility-based abortion care as well as a strong desire for privacy and autonomy in the abortion process. Efforts are needed to connect TGE people with information on safe and effective methods of self-managed abortion and to dismantle barriers to clinical abortion care so that TGE people may freely choose a safe, effective abortion in either setting.

The economic context of pursuing online medication abortion in the United States

Access to in-clinic abortion has become increasingly restricted in the U.S. and for many, the high cost of care is a significant barrier. However, little is known about how financial circumstances shape the alternate pathways to abortion care people seek when the clinic is out of reach. In a unique sample of people who used medication abortion pills from Aid Access, a non-profit telemedicine service, we examine the impact of economic circumstances on abortion care pathway decision-making and experiences seeking care. Between June and August 2019, we conducted 80 anonymous, semi-structured in-depth interviews with U.S. residents who self-managed their own abortions using medication abortion pills from Aid Access. Participants were asked about their experiences seeking abortion, and their motivations for using the service. We coded interviews using an iteratively developed coding guide and performed thematic analyses to identify key themes. The unaffordable cost of in-clinic abortion was a key reason why participants sought care using online telemedicine. Experiences of personal financial hardship exacerbated by restrictive policies impacted participants' ability to access the clinic. For participants with children, their financial decisions were further guided by the concerns of providing economic stability for their family. Although telemedicine was considered more affordable than in-clinic care, for some, the suggested donation of $90 still posed a financial burden and accessing pills at no cost or a reduced cost was necessary. The availability of affordable telemedicine and policy interventions addressing Medicaid and insurance coverage for abortion would democratize abortion access for populations with low incomes.

"We have to respect that option": The abortion aversion complex in safety-net healthcare organizations

In July 2019, the Trump administration began implementing its domestic gag rule to ban discussion of abortion in pregnancy options counseling and ensure physical separation of contraceptive and abortion services at clinical sites funded by the federal government's Title X Family Planning program. In this paper, we examine how organizational policy utilization correlated with organization-level protocols for discussing abortion in options counseling interactions while the domestic gag rule policy was under legal contest. From April 2018 to July 2019, we conducted in-depth interviews with 50 administrators in charge of setting clinical protocols regarding options counseling after a positive pregnancy test at 20 Title X-covered and 14 non-Title X-covered safety-net healthcare organizations in Ohio. We found that organizational characteristics and Title X policy utilization did not explain the heterogeneity in approaches to abortion referral that administrators reported. Administrators from 2 of 20 organizations covered by Title X policy requirements pre-emptively restricted discussion of abortion in their facilities in advance of policy enactment. Meanwhile, administrators from 10 of 14 non-Title X-covered organizations did not restrict discussion of abortion. Our analysis demonstrates how safety-net healthcare organizations' response to federal policy is shaped by administrators' institutional entrepreneurship within the abortion aversion complex: a pattern of policy miscomprehension and endorsed abortion stigma that facilitates the structural stigmatization of abortion within safety-net healthcare organizations. We conclude that current efforts to reverse the domestic gag rule will fail unless local abortion aversion complexes are targeted with intervention.

Abortion as obtainable: Insights into how pregnant people in the United States who considered abortion understand abortion availability. Contraception 2021;106:45-48. [PMID: 34587503 DOI: 10.1016/j.contraception.2021.09.012] [Citation(s) in RCA: 0] [Impact Index Per Article: 0]

OBJECTIVE

In the United States, restrictive abortion policies are concentrated in a subset of states. Little research has examined how people who consider abortion make sense of abortion obtainability and the extent of regulation of abortion care in their state.

STUDY DESIGN

We conducted in-depth interviews with 30 pregnant women in Maryland, a state with high abortion service availability and few policies restricting abortion, and 28 pregnant women in Louisiana, a state with low service availability and numerous restrictions, who had considered but not obtained an abortion for their pregnancy. We analyzed findings using inductive qualitative analytic techniques.

RESULTS

All participants were financially struggling. Most participants in Maryland considered abortion easy to get, while a plurality of participants in Louisiana considered abortion difficult to get. Yet, despite their measurable differences in access, participants in both states considered abortion generally obtainable. Participants in Louisiana who thought abortion difficult to get, but nonetheless obtainable, cited strategies that they already employed for other challenges in their lives as options for overcoming abortion barriers.

CONCLUSIONS

Pregnant women who consider abortion and are subject to restrictions do not necessarily perceive restrictions as barriers. Their accounts illustrate how those impacted by restrictions adapt to constraints on their reproductive autonomy just as they manage many other challenges that restrict their freedom to live self-determined lives.

IMPLICATIONS

Financially struggling pregnant people who considered abortion in Louisiana did not perceive restrictions as barriers to abortion, illustrating the broader adoption of strategies to deal with constraints among women living on low incomes.

Real-Time Effects of Payer Restrictions on Reproductive Healthcare: A Qualitative Analysis of Cost-Related Barriers and Their Consequences among U.S. Abortion Seekers on Reddit

Objective: The Hyde Amendment and related policies limit or prohibit Medicaid coverage of abortion services in the United States. Most research on cost-related abortion barriers relies on clinic-based samples, but people who desire abortions may never make it to a healthcare center. To examine a novel, pre-abortion population, we analyzed a unique qualitative dataset of posts from Reddit, a widely used social media platform increasingly leveraged by researchers, to assess financial obstacles among anonymous posters considering abortion. Methods: In February 2020, we used Python to web-scrape the 250 most recent posts that mentioned abortion, removing all identifying information and usernames. After transferring all posts into NVivo, a qualitative software package, the team identified all datapoints related to cost. Three qualitatively trained evaluators established and applied codes, reaching saturation after 194 posts. The research team used a descriptive qualitative approach, using both inductive and deductive elements, to identify and analyze themes related to financial barriers. Results: We documented multiple cost-related deterrents, including lack of funds for both the procedure and attendant travel costs, inability to afford desired abortion modality (i.e., medication or surgical), and for some, consideration of self-managed abortion options due to cost barriers. Conclusions: Findings from this study underscore the centrality of cost barriers and third-party payer restrictions to stymying reproductive health access in the United States. Results may contribute to the growing evidence base and building political momentum focused on repealing the Hyde Amendment.

Understanding women's provider choice for induced abortion in Turkey

In Turkey, women gained free access to induced abortion from public facilities through the legalization of abortion in 1983. However, due to unmet need and abortion stigma, women use predominantly private services. The political discourse on anti-abortion in the past decade has triggered a diminishing trend in public provision. This runs against both the 1983 Law and the healthcare reforms initiated in 2003, which aimed at universal access to health services. This study investigates the socioeconomic characteristics of women affecting the utilization of public services for induced abortion. Using "Turkey Demographic and Health Survey 2013", the results of Probit models indicate that women who were young, unmarried, wealthier and whose abortion decisions were made by themselves or their spouses were less likely to choose the public services for induced abortion. Regional differences in the utilization of public sector were also observed. Findings indicate a need to ensure and widen women's access to abortion nationwide; both at the hospital and outpatient level. Health education programs including family planning should give special emphasis to young, single and socioeconomically disadvantaged women who are more prone to apply for unsafe abortion when access to public and/or private sector is limited. A transparent referral system should be designed to timely direct women to abortion services.

Clinical and service delivery implications of omitting ultrasound before medication abortion provided via direct-to-patient telemedicine and mail

OBJECTIVES

To compare outcomes among patients who did or did not have pre-abortion ultrasound or pelvic exam before obtaining medication abortion (MA) via direct-to-patient telemedicine and mail.

STUDY DESIGN

We analyzed data from participants screened for enrollment into the TelAbortion study at five sites from March 25 to September 15, 2020. We compared participants who had preabortion ultrasound or pelvic exam ("test-MA") to those who did not ("no-test MA"). Outcomes were: abortion not complete with pills alone (i.e., had procedure intervention or ongoing pregnancy), ongoing pregnancy separately, ectopic pregnancy, hospitalization and/or blood transfusion, and unplanned clinical encounters. We used propensity score weighting and multivariable logistic regression to adjust for baseline characteristics.

RESULTS

Our analysis included 287 participants who had no-test MA and 125 who had test-MA. Abortion was not complete with pills alone in 16of 287 (5.6%) no-test MA patients compared to 2of 123 (1.9%) test-MA patients (adjusted risk difference [aRD] = 4.3%, 95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.4%-7.1%). No ectopic pregnancies were detected. Groups did not differ regarding hospitalization and/or blood transfusion (p = 0.76) or ongoing pregnancy diagnosis (p = 0.59). Unplanned clinical encounters were more common in no-test MA patients (35of 287, 12.5%) than test-MA patients (10of 125, 8.0%, aRD = 6.7%, 95% CI: 0.5%-13.1%).

CONCLUSIONS

Compared to patients who had pre-abortion ultrasound, patients who had no-test MA via telemedicine were more likely to have abortions that were not complete with pills alone and/or unplanned clinical encounters. However, both no-test and test-MA patients had similar and very low rates of ongoing pregnancy and hospitalization or blood transfusion.

IMPLICATIONS

Omitting pre-abortion ultrasound before provision of medication abortion via telemedicine does not appear to compromise safety or result in more ongoing pregnancies. However, compared to patients who have preabortion ultrasound, patients who do not have pre-abortion tests may be more likely to seek post-treatment care and have procedural interventions.

Estimating the Period Prevalence of Publicly Funded Abortion to Space Live Births, 1999 to 2014

INTRODUCTION/OBJECTIVES

Although a majority of women who have an abortion report having 1 or more children, there is no published research on the number of abortions which occur between live births, after a first child but before the last. The objectives of this research, therefore, were to estimate the period prevalence of an induced abortion separating live births in a population of Medicaid eligible enrollees and to identify the characteristics of enrollees significantly associated with the use of abortion to enable child spacing.

METHODS

A retrospective, cross-sectional, longitudinal analysis of the pregnancy outcome sequences of eligible enrollees over age 13 from the 17 states where Medicaid included coverage of all abortions, with at least one identifiable pregnancy outcome between 1999 and 2014. Eligibles with a defined sequence of birth-abortion-birth within up to 5 consecutive pregnancies were identified to estimate the number of eligibles who could have practiced birth spacing by abortion. Logistic regression was applied to identify the significant predictor variables of the birth-abortion-birth sequence.

RESULTS

There were 50 012 (1.02%) of 4 875 511 Medicaid eligible enrollees exhibited a birth-abortion-birth sequence. Eligibles with the birth-abortion-birth sequence are more likely to be Black than White (OR 2.641, CL 2.581-2.702), less likely to be Hispanic than White (OR 0.667, CL 0.648-0.687), and more likely to have received contraceptive counseling (OR 1.14, CL 1.118-1.163). Increases in months of Medicaid eligibility (OR 1.004, CL 1.003-1.004) and months from first pregnancy to second live birth (OR 1.015, CL 1.015-1.016) are associated with the likelihood of undergoing live births separated by one or more induced abortions. Increases in the age at first pregnancy are associated with a decreased likelihood of the birth-abortion-birth sequence (OR 0.962, CL 0.959-0.964).

CONCLUSION

Birth spacing via abortion is uncommon among a low-income population for whom the financial barriers to abortion are somewhat alleviated.

The microeconomics of abortion: A scoping review and analysis of the economic consequences for abortion care-seekers

Background

The economic consequences of abortion care and abortion policies for individuals occur directly and indirectly. We lack synthesis of the economic costs, impacts, benefit or value of abortion care at the micro-level (i.e., individuals and households). This scoping review examines the microeconomic costs, benefits and consequences of abortion care and policies.

Methods and findings

Searches were conducted in eight electronic databases and applied inclusion/exclusion criteria using the PRISMA extension for Scoping Reviews. For inclusion, studies must have examined at least one of the following outcomes: costs, impacts, benefits, and value of abortion care or abortion policies. Quantitative and qualitative data were extracted for descriptive statistics and thematic analysis. Of the 230 included microeconomic studies, costs are the most frequently reported microeconomic outcome (n = 180), followed by impacts (n = 84), benefits (n = 39), and values (n = 26). Individual-level costs of abortion-related care have implications for the timing and type of care sought, globally. In contexts requiring multiple referrals or follow-up visits, these costs are multiplied. The ways in which people pay for abortion-related costs are diverse. The intersection between micro-level costs and delay(s) to abortion-related care is substantial. Individuals forego other costs and expenditures, or are pushed further into debt and/or poverty, in order to fund abortion-related care. The evidence base on the economic impacts of policy or law change is from high-income countries, dominated by studies from the United States.

Conclusions

Delays underpinned by economic factors can thwart care-seeking, affect the type of care sought, and impact the gestational age at which care is sought or reached. The evidence base includes little evidence on the micro-level costs for adolescents. Specific sub-groups of abortion care-seekers (transgendered and/or disabled people) are absent from the evidence and it is likely that they may experience higher direct and indirect costs because they may experience greater barriers to abortion care.

Differences in Abortion Rates between Asian Populations by Country of Origin and Nativity Status in New York City, 2011-2015

Despite the size of the Asian population in New York City (NYC) and the city’s robust abortion surveillance system, abortion-related estimates for this population have not been calculated previously. This study examined the use of abortion services among specific Asian groups in NYC from 2011–2015. Using NYC surveillance data, we estimated abortion rates for Asians, disaggregated by five country of origin groups and nativity status, and for other major racial/ethnic groups. We compared rates between groups and over time. From 2014–2015, the abortion rate for Asian women in NYC was 12.6 abortions per 1000 women aged 15–44 years, lower than the rates for other major racial/ethnic groups. Among country of origin groups, Indian women had the highest rate (30.5 abortions per 1000 women), followed by Japanese women (17.0), Vietnamese women (13.0), Chinese women (8.8), and Korean women (5.1). Rates were higher for U.S.-born Asian groups compared to foreign-born groups, although the differential varied by country of origin. The abortion rate declined or remained steady for nearly all Asian groups from 2011–2015. These findings reinforce the importance of disaggregating data on this population at multiple levels and begin to provide much-needed evidence on the use of abortion services among Asian groups.

Identifying data for the empirical assessment of law (IDEAL): a realist approach to research gaps on the health effects of abortion law

Reproductive rights have been the focus of United Nations consensus documents, a priority for agencies like the WHO, and the subject of judgments issued by national and international courts. Human rights approaches have galvanised abortion law reform across numerous countries, but human rights analysis is not designed to empirically assess how legal provisions regulating abortion shape the actual delivery of abortion services and outcomes. Reliable empirical measurement of the health and social effects of abortion regulation is vital input for policymakers and public health guidance for abortion policy and practice, but research focused explicitly on assessing the health effects of abortion law and policy is limited at the global level. This paper describes a method for Identifying Data for the Empirical Assessment of Law (IDEAL), to assess potential health effects of abortion regulations. The approach was applied to six critical legal interventions: mandatory waiting periods, third-party authorisation, gestational limits, criminalisation, provider restrictions and conscientious objection. The IDEAL process allowed researchers to link legal interventions and processes that have not been investigated fully in empirical research to processes and outcomes that have been more thoroughly studied. To the extent these links are both transparent and plausible, using IDEAL to make them explicit allows both researchers and policy stakeholders to make better informed assessments and guidance related to abortion law. The IDEAL method also identifies gaps in scientific research. Given the importance of law to public health generally, the utility of IDEAL is not limited to abortion law.

Characterizing community-level abortion stigma in the United States

OBJECTIVE

Estimate community-level abortion stigma among U.S. adults and characterize factors associated with high stigma and less favorable opinions toward policies supportive of abortion care.

STUDY DESIGN

We recruited respondents (U.S. adults, English-speaking) from a nationally representative, probability-based online panel in December 2018. We used multivariable logistic regression to identify factors associated with high abortion stigma using the Community Attitudes Abortion Scale (CAAS), a Reproductive Events and Experiences Scale (REES) subscale, and a Community Level Abortion Stigma Scale (CLASS) subscale. We measured favorability toward policies supportive of abortion care using widely used polling questions.

RESULTS

Of 1800 eligible individuals contacted, 984 opened the invitation (54.6%) and 886 (90%) completed the survey. The majority demonstrated midrange stigma scores on all three scales. Increased likelihood of high stigma measured by CAAS was demonstrated among individuals reporting Catholic (OR 2.97, 95%CI 1.49-5.91) and Evangelical or Protestant religion (OR 4.78, 95%CI 2.53-9.00) compared to no religion, and Republican (OR 11.56, 95%CI 6.21-21.52) and Independent political affiliation (5.80, 95%CI, 3.17-10.60) compared to Democratic. Similar trends were seen with REES. Measured by CLASS, we found high stigma in Catholics compared to those with no religion (OR 1.91, 95%CI 1.09-3.32) and Blacks compared to Whites (OR 1.66, 95%CI 1.02-2.68). Identifying as Catholic, Evangelical or Protestant, and Republican were associated with holding less favorable opinions toward policies supportive of abortion care. Identifying as Catholic was the only characteristic associated with high stigma across all measures.

CONCLUSIONS

Across multiple measurement tools, factors associated with high stigma and less favorable opinions toward policies supportive of abortion care include Catholic, Evangelical or Protestant religion and Republican political affiliation.

IMPLICATIONS

Multiple measures are needed to fully understand the extent of and characteristics associated with community-level abortion stigma. Religion and political identity are frequently associated with high stigma. Understanding these relationships may aid in developing interventions to decrease stigma and in turn reduce barriers to abortion care.

The Economic Burden of Abortion and Its Complication Treatment Cares: A Systematic Review

Objective: Abortion related procedures contribute to a significant economic burden because it resulted in prolonged hospital stays for patients. We aimed to gather available evidence on the economic burden of abortion and post-abortion complication treatment cares worldwide.

Materials and methods: PubMed, Web of Science, Scopus, and Embase databases were searched through November 2019. Two researchers independently conducted the quality assessment and data extraction process. The latest web-based tool adjusted the estimates of costs expressed in one specific currency and price year into a specific target currency (the year 2016 $US).

Results: Totally, 2082 records were retrieved and 32 studies were deemed eligible for qualitative synthesis. The mean total costs per patient with abortion or post-abortion care ranged from $23 to $564. The annual costs ranged from 189,000 $US to 134 million $US.

Conclusion: Abortion and post-abortion care impose a substantial economic burden on society. Understanding the burdensome of abortion or pregnancy termination among policymakers provides vital information and enables informed decisions to be made to establish health care priorities and allocating scarce resources.

State abortion policies and Medicaid coverage of abortion are associated with pregnancy outcomes among individuals seeking abortion recruited using Google Ads: A national cohort study

OBJECTIVE

A major challenge to understanding barriers to abortion is that those individuals most affected may never reach an abortion provider, making the full impact of restrictive policies difficult to measure. The Google Ads Abortion Access Study used a novel method to recruit individuals much earlier in the abortion-seeking process. We aimed to understand how state-level abortion policies and Medicaid coverage of abortion influence individuals' ability to obtain wanted abortions.

METHODS

We employed a stratified sampling design to recruit a national cohort from all 50 states searching Google for abortion care. Participants completed online baseline and 4-week follow-up surveys. The primary independent variables were: 1) state policy environment and 2) state coverage of abortion for people with Medicaid. We developed multivariable multinomial mixed effects models to estimate the associations between each state-level independent variable and pregnancy outcome.

RESULTS

Of the 874 participants with follow-up data, 48% had had an abortion, 32% were still seeking an abortion, and 20% were planning to continue their pregnancies at 4 weeks follow-up. Individuals in restricted access states had significantly higher odds of planning to continue the pregnancy at follow-up than participants in protected access states (aOR = 1.70, 95% CI = 1.08, 2.70). Individuals in states that do not provide coverage of abortion for people with Medicaid had significantly higher odds of still seeking an abortion at follow-up (aOR = 1.80, 95% CI = 1.24, 2.60). Individuals living in states without Medicaid coverage were significantly more likely to report that having to gather money to pay for travel expenses or for the abortion was a barrier to care.

CONCLUSIONS

Restrictive state-level abortion policies are associated with not having an abortion at all and lack of coverage for abortion is associated with prolonged abortion seeking. Medicaid coverage of abortion appears critical to ensuring that all people who want abortions can obtain them.

Management of Postabortion Complications for the Emergency Medicine Clinician

Although induced abortion is generally a safe outpatient procedure, many patients subsequently present to the emergency department, concerned about a postabortion complication. It is helpful for emergency physicians to understand the medications and procedures used in abortion care in the United States to effectively and efficiently triage and treat women presenting with potential complications from an abortion. Furthermore, because many states are experiencing increased abortion restrictions that limit access to care, emergency medicine physicians may encounter more patients presenting after self-managed abortions, which presents additional challenges. This article reviews the epidemiology and background of abortion care, including the range of symptoms and adverse effects that are within the scope of an uncomplicated procedure. This review also offers a comprehensive overview of management of abortion complications, including algorithms for more common complications and descriptions of less common but more severe adverse events. The article concludes with a recognition of the social stigma and legal regulations unique to abortion care.