How Will Higher Minimum Wages Affect Family Life and Children's Well-Being?

Racial, ethnic, and gender differences in the association between higher state minimum wages and health and mental well-being in US adults with low educational attainment

BACKGROUND

To date, research evaluating the association between minimum wage and health has been heterogenous and varies based on the specific subpopulation or health outcomes under evaluation while associations across racial, ethnic, and gender identities have been understudied.

METHODS

A triple difference-in-differences strategy using modified Poisson regression was used to evaluate the associations between minimum wage and obesity, hypertension, fair or poor general health, and moderate psychological distress in 25-64-year-old adults with a high school education/GED or less. Data from the 1999-2017 Panel Study of Income Dynamics was linked to state policies and characteristics to estimate the risk ratio (RR) associated with a $1 increase in current and 2-year lagged state minimum wages overall and by race, ethnicity, and gender (non-Hispanic or non-Latino (NH) White men, NH White women, Black, indigenous, or people of color (BIPOC) men, and BIPOC women) adjusting for individual and state-level confounding.

RESULTS

No associations between minimum wage and health were observed overall. Among NH White men 2-year lagged minimum wage was associated with reduced risk of obesity (RR = 0.82, 95% CI = 0.67, 0.99). Among NH White women, current minimum wage was associated lower risk of moderate psychological distress (RR = 0.73, 95% CI = 0.54, 1.00) while 2-year lagged minimum wage was associated with higher obesity risk (RR = 1.35, 95% CI = 1.12, 1.64) and lower risk of moderate psychological distress (RR = 0.75, 95% CI = 0.56, 1.00). Among BIPOC women, current minimum wage was associated with higher risk of fair or poor health (RR = 1.19, 95% CI = 1.02, 1.40). No associations were observed among BIPOC men.

CONCLUSION

While no associations were observed overall, heterogeneous associations between minimum wage, obesity, and psychological distress by racial, ethnic, and gender strata warrant further study and have implications for health equity research.

Parenting Practices and Adolescent Internalizing Symptoms in the United States, 1991-2019

PURPOSE

Adolescent internalizing symptoms are increasing in the United States. Changes in parenting practices, including monitoring and communication, have been hypothesized to contribute to these increases. We aimed to estimate trends in parenting practices and understand whether shifts in such practices explain increases in internalizing symptoms.

METHODS

Using 1991-2019 Monitoring the Future data (N = 933,645), we examined trends in five parental practices (i.e., knowledge [three combined indicators], monitoring [four combined indicators], communication, weekend curfew, social permission) with ordinal regressions. We tested associations between parental practices and indicators of being in the top decile of depressive affect, low self-esteem, and self-derogation using survey-weighted logistic regressions, adjusted for gender, race/ethnicity, grade, and parental education.

RESULTS

The prevalences of parental practices have not changed over time, with the exception of increases in parental knowledge, specifically parents knowing where an adolescent is after school (1999-2019 mean increase: 4.34 to 4.61 out of 5) and knowing an adolescent's location (4.16-4.49) and company at night (4.26-4.51). Higher levels of each practice were associated with lower internalizing symptoms (e.g., adjusted odds ratio for a high depressive affect based on a one-unit increase in parental knowledge: 0.89, 95% confidence interval: 0.88, 0.90). Patterns were consistent across internalizing outcomes and decade.

DISCUSSION

Parental knowledge, monitoring, and other practices are stable protective factors for adolescent mental health. These factors are not changing in a manner that would plausibly underlie increases in internalizing symptoms. Future interventions should provide resources that support these parental practices which are tied to adolescent internalizing symptoms.

The minimum wage and parent time use

This study used a differences-in-differences strategy with national time diary data from 2003 to 2018 to examine the effects of minimum wage changes on parents' time with children and in child-related activities. Findings indicate that a $1 increase in the minimum wage was associated with a small increase (2.6%) in the likelihood parents with one or more children under age 16 spent time actively caring for or helping children on weekends, and in more total time with children (a 2% increase in secondary child care time). In general, coefficients were larger for mothers' time use, particularly non-employed mothers, with potential implications for gender disparities in caregiving. Unmarried parents and parents of color showed increases in their time spent in activities related to children's health (~55% increase). Mothers showed an increase (8%) in the likelihood they spent any time in child education-related activities, and increases in child care time appeared concentrated among parents whose youngest child was 6-15 years of age. Findings suggest that increases in state minimum wages may lead to small increases in parents' time investments in children, with some variation among subgroups.

How Low-Paid Parents Navigate The Complex Financial Landscape Of Benefits Cliffs And Disincentive Deserts

Policy makers are concerned that benefits cliffs-the phenomenon by which low-paid workers abruptly lose public benefits as their wages increase-may disincentivize work. The related concept of disincentive deserts refers to occasions when pay increases have little or no effect on a worker's financial well-being because of the resulting gradual reductions in public benefits. Little is known about how low-paid workers navigate this complex financial terrain. Based on in-depth interviews with twenty-five low-paid parents, this article reveals that parents' decisions about how much to work when facing benefits cliffs and disincentive deserts are based on their nuanced assessments of their currently available resources-financial, material, and emotional-of which public benefits are just one small piece. The primary driver of parents' decision making is their ability to care for their families. In no case did they base their decisions solely on a particular wage, income level, or ability to maintain public benefits. Thus, economic modeling, which draws conclusions about the impact of public benefits policies based solely on financial resources from work and benefits, is insufficient for understanding how parents make difficult choices when time, stress, and health are also relevant factors. The article concludes with recommendations for policy makers to expand and simplify public benefits.

The impact of minimum wage on parental time allocation to children: evidence from the American Time Use Survey

In this study, using data from the 2003-2019 American Time Use Survey (ATUS), we investigate whether changes in the minimum wage have impacted time allocation to children among low-educated mothers and fathers. Relying on geographic and temporal variation in minimum wage changes across US states, we investigate the impacts of minimum wage increases on total time spent at home with children, time spent on primary childcare, and time spent on enriching childcare activities. Our results indicate that an increase in the minimum wage has a large positive effect on the time low-educated mothers spend on primary childcare and enriching time, with no effect among low-educated fathers. We find that Black mothers with less than a high school education see the biggest gains, with an increase in time spent on childcare and time spent on enriching childcare activities by 13.8 and 15.8 min per day, respectively, for each $1 increase in the minimum wage. We also see that single mothers' time investment is largely unaffected by minimum wage changes, suggesting that there are still considerable income constraints facing these families. Lastly, we see that less educated families with children under the age of 7 significantly increase time spent on primary childcare and enriching time from minimum wage increases, given that they may not have the ability to afford private childcare.

The effect of increased minimum wage on child externalizing behaviors

The Family Stress Model (FSM) has been used to show the relationship between socioeconomic disadvantage and child externalizing behaviors and suggests that interventions promoting economic security may be a promising approach to reduce child externalizing behavior. Using longitudinal data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing study from 2002 to 2010 we examined the effect of minimum wage laws on child externalizing behaviors through a difference in difference in differences (DDD) study design. Externalizing behavior was assessed with the Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL) using the rule breaking, attention problems, and violence subscales. DDD analyses suggest a $1 increase in the minimum wage was associated with a 2% reduction in violent behaviors (β = -1.90, 95%CI[-3.12, -0.68], p = 0.003) for the most vulnerable families headed by a primary caregiver with less than a high school education. The study results suggest that increases in the minimum wage are associated with reductions in the most severe and costly externalizing behaviors among children. Study results contribute to a growing body of literature showing that increased family incomes have positive impacts on child development, and that minimum wage policy is potentially an effective mechanism for the primary prevention of violence.

The Initial Nonprofit Exposure and Response to Seattle's Minimum Wage Ordinance

Nearly 40 local governments adopted minimum wage rates higher than the federal minimum in the last decade. Research on such laws focuses on employment and price adjustments of for-profit firms. Higher minimum wage rates, however, may pose unique challenges to community-based nonprofit organizations, many of which serve vulnerable communities and have limited ability to modify business practices. We use survey and in-depth interview data with more than 125 nonprofit executives to explore how nonprofit organizations were exposed to, understood, and responded to the initial phase-in of Seattle's $15 minimum wage ordinance. Although most nonprofits with low-wage workers do not report substantial programmatic changes in response to the minimum wage, we do find evidence nonprofits are pursuing several avenues to raise revenue to cover higher anticipated labor costs. Results suggest that the channels of adjustment available to nonprofits have a different character than those available to for-profit firms.

Responding to an Increased Minimum Wage: A Mixed Methods Study of Child Care Businesses during the Implementation of Seattle's Minimum Wage Ordinance

Low wages are a persistent feature of child care jobs and affect the quality of children's care. In this article, we examine how Seattle's $15 minimum wage affects the local child care sector using three datasets: (1) state administrative records on approximately 200 Seattle-based child care businesses; (2) a longitudinal employer survey of 41 child care centers; and (3) in-depth interviews of 15 Seattle child care center directors. Findings suggest that the increase to $15/hour affects the majority of child care businesses. Providers' most commonly responded to higher labor costs by raising tuition and reducing staff hours or headcount-strategies that may negatively impact low-income families and staff. While raising wages may help some child care employees, considering the full range of effects of this policy underscores the need for a systems approach to supporting the child care sector as a whole.