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Costello TH, Zmigrod L, Tasimi A. Thinking outside the ballot box. Trends Cogn Sci 2023; 27:605-615. [PMID: 37080806 DOI: 10.1016/j.tics.2023.03.012] [Citation(s) in RCA: 2] [Impact Index Per Article: 2.0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [MESH Headings] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 06/07/2022] [Revised: 03/27/2023] [Accepted: 03/28/2023] [Indexed: 04/22/2023]
Abstract
A deeply heterogeneous set of ideological cohorts have shaped the course of history. From anarchists and authoritarians to Zionists and Zapatistas, the expansive alphabet of politics demands an equally expansive psychological vocabulary to describe political belief systems. We propose that constructing such a vocabulary is best facilitated by decentering familiar models that emphasize psychological differences between leftists and rightists. Synthesizing recent developments in the fields of personality, political science, and psychopathology, we characterize individual variation in politics as high-dimensional, heterarchical, intrapersonally eclectic, and contextually shaped and activated. Developing a data-driven taxonomic model of political-psychological phenomena will help create a foundational base of knowledge within political psychology that is more rigorous, more replicable, and certainly richer to investigate.
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Affiliation(s)
- Thomas H Costello
- Emory University, Department of Psychology, Atlanta, GA 30322, USA; Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Sloan School of Management, Cambridge, MA 02142, USA; University of Regina, Hill-Levene School of Business, Regina, Saskatchewan S4S 0A2, Canada.
| | - Leor Zmigrod
- University of Cambridge, Department of Psychology, Cambridge CB2 1TN, UK; Wissenschaftskolleg zu Berlin, Institute for Advanced Study, Berlin 14193, Germany
| | - Arber Tasimi
- Emory University, Department of Psychology, Atlanta, GA 30322, USA
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2
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Jedinger A, Kaminski S. The association between system-justifying ideologies and attitudes toward the social market economy in Germany. CURRENT PSYCHOLOGY 2023:1-11. [PMID: 37359577 PMCID: PMC10064620 DOI: 10.1007/s12144-023-04483-7] [Citation(s) in RCA: 0] [Impact Index Per Article: 0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [Grants] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Accepted: 02/28/2023] [Indexed: 04/03/2023]
Abstract
Although the legitimacy of an economic system is often dependent on citizen support, psychological research has paid little attention to attitudes toward economic systems. In the present study, we examined the link between two system-justifying ideologies, namely, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO), and attitudes toward the social market economy in Germany. Drawing on system justification theory, we hypothesized that RWA would be positively and SDO negatively associated with support for the social market economy because the social component of the German economic system conflicts with beliefs inherent in SDO favoring a group-based hierarchy. Based on a quota sample of German adults (N = 886), we found support for the predicted associations of both system-justifying ideologies with economic system support, except that RWA was negatively associated with support for the welfare component of the social market economy. However, the positive relationship of RWA with support for the social market economy only emerged after SDO was statistically controlled, suggesting a suppressor situation. These findings demonstrate that system-justifying ideologies bear different relations to pro-market attitudes depending on the type of economic regime. Implications for system justification theory are discussed. Supplementary Information The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s12144-023-04483-7.
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Costello TH, Clark CJ, Tetlock PE. Shoring Up the Shaky Psychological Foundations of a Micro-Economic Model of Ideology: Adversarial Collaboration Solutions. PSYCHOLOGICAL INQUIRY 2022. [DOI: 10.1080/1047840x.2022.2065130] [Citation(s) in RCA: 0] [Impact Index Per Article: 0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Submit a Manuscript] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 10/17/2022]
Affiliation(s)
| | - Cory J. Clark
- Department of Psychology, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
| | - Phillip E. Tetlock
- Department of Psychology, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
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4
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Affiliation(s)
- Thomas Gries
- Department of Economics, University of Paderborn, Paderborn, Germany
| | - Veronika Müller
- School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University, Washington, D.C
| | - John T. Jost
- Departments of Psychology, Politics, & Data Science, New York University, New York, New York
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Turska-Kawa A, Pilch I. Political beliefs and the acceptance of the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic restrictions. The case of Poland. PLoS One 2022; 17:e0264502. [PMID: 35231046 PMCID: PMC8887724 DOI: 10.1371/journal.pone.0264502] [Citation(s) in RCA: 2] [Impact Index Per Article: 1.0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [MESH Headings] [Grants] [Track Full Text] [Download PDF] [Figures] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 03/05/2021] [Accepted: 02/11/2022] [Indexed: 11/18/2022] Open
Abstract
We investigated the relationships between political beliefs regarding two aspects of the right-left distinction (cultural and economic) and the acceptance of the pandemic restrictions using variable-centred and person-centred approaches. The community sample consisted of 305 participants. Four groups of the restrictions were considered. Religious fundamentalism predicted positively the acceptance of the restrictions associated with the limitations of labour rights and those limiting civil rights without a direct impact on safety. Anti-welfare negatively predicted the acceptance of the restrictions regarding social distancing and those limiting civil rights and increasing safety. These associations were discussed in relation to basic needs and values which motivate persons who endorse right-wing or left-wing political views. The latent profile analysis revealed three profiles of political beliefs, which were termed "Conservative Statists," "Liberal Laissez-fairists," and "Conservative Laissez-fairists." The profiles differed in terms of acceptance of the pandemic restrictions, and the patterns of these relationships were different for particular groups of restrictions.
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Affiliation(s)
- Agnieszka Turska-Kawa
- Institute of Political Science, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Silesia, Katowice, Poland
| | - Irena Pilch
- Institute of Psychology, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Silesia, Katowice, Poland
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Costello TH, Bowes SM. Absolute Certainty and Political Ideology: A Systematic Test of Curvilinearity. SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGICAL AND PERSONALITY SCIENCE 2022. [DOI: 10.1177/19485506211070410] [Citation(s) in RCA: 1] [Impact Index Per Article: 0.5] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 11/16/2022]
Abstract
The present investigation examined curvilinear relations between political ideology, on the one hand, and absolute certainty and dogmatism, on the other, across six online samples ( N = 2,889). Ideological extremists were more likely than others to be absolutely certain: About one in three extremists reported being absolutely (i.e., 100%) certain of the correctness of their political beliefs, whereas about one in 15 non-extremists reported being absolutely certain. Although absolute political certainty was relatively symmetrical across the political left and right, conservatives tended to report greater domain-general dogmatism than liberals. Extremism effects for domain-general dogmatism were also present, however; and ideological asymmetries in dogmatism appeared to be driven by social, rather than economic, ideology. Taken together, these findings underscore the complexity of relations between absolute certainty, dogmatism, and ideology, ultimately challenging the sufficiency of contemporary psychological accounts of ideological (a)symmetries to describe our complex political reality.
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Conway LG, McFarland JD, Costello TH, Lilienfeld SO. The Curious Case of Left-Wing Authoritarianism: When Authoritarian Persons Meet Anti-Authoritarian Norms. JOURNAL OF THEORETICAL SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 2021; 5:423-442. [PMID: 35155980 PMCID: PMC8837383 DOI: 10.1002/jts5.108] [Citation(s) in RCA: 3] [Impact Index Per Article: 1.0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [Grants] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 01/20/2021] [Accepted: 07/11/2021] [Indexed: 12/22/2022]
Abstract
Left-Wing Authoritarianism (LWA) has a controversial history in psychology. Some researchers have expressed skepticism about the existence of LWA, whereas others have argued that LWA is a valid construct. In the present article, we offer a framework to reconcile these two perspectives by proposing that ideologically-based authoritarian norms are sometimes in conflict with the processes that create authoritarian individuals. In Western political contexts, authoritarian norms are more likely to occur on the conservative side of the political spectrum; but authoritarian attributes can occur in both conservatives and liberals. In our model, left-wing authoritarians thus often occupy the space where forces influencing authoritarianism are in conflict. We review existing evidence related to the model, present novel evidence related to the model, derive four hypotheses from the model, and discuss criteria for falsifying the model. We conclude by considering the model's place in current research on the complexities of ideology.
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Rediscovering Tomkins' polarity theory: Humanism, normativism, and the psychological basis of left-right ideological conflict in the U.S. and Sweden. PLoS One 2020; 15:e0236627. [PMID: 32735591 PMCID: PMC7394437 DOI: 10.1371/journal.pone.0236627] [Citation(s) in RCA: 6] [Impact Index Per Article: 1.5] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Track Full Text] [Download PDF] [Figures] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 04/15/2019] [Accepted: 07/11/2020] [Indexed: 11/29/2022] Open
Abstract
According to Silvan Tomkins’ polarity theory, ideological thought is universally structured by a clash between two opposing worldviews. On the left, a humanistic worldview seeks to uphold the intrinsic value of the person; on the right, a normative worldview holds that human worth is contingent upon conformity to rules. In this article, we situate humanism and normativism within the context of contemporary models of political ideology as a function of motivated social cognition, beliefs about the social world, and personality traits. In four studies conducted in the U.S. and Sweden, normativism was robustly associated with rightist (or conservative) self-placement; conservative issue preferences; resistance to change and acceptance of inequality; right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation; system justification and its underlying epistemic and existential motives to reduce uncertainty and threat; and a lack of openness, emotionality, and honesty-humility. Humanism exhibited the opposite relations to most of these constructs, but it was largely unrelated to epistemic and existential needs. Humanism was strongly associated with preferences for equality, openness to change, and low levels of authoritarianism, social dominance, and general and economic system justification. We conclude that polarity theory possesses considerable potential to explain how conflicts between worldviews shape contemporary politics.
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Siltala J. In Search of the Missing Links Between Economic Insecurity and Political Protest: Why Does Neoliberalism Evoke Identity Politics Instead of Class Interests? FRONTIERS IN SOCIOLOGY 2020; 5:28. [PMID: 33869436 PMCID: PMC8022748 DOI: 10.3389/fsoc.2020.00028] [Citation(s) in RCA: 0] [Impact Index Per Article: 0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [Track Full Text] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 03/22/2019] [Accepted: 03/31/2020] [Indexed: 06/12/2023]
Abstract
The prospect of the social backsliding of middle-class groups in western countries has not benefited the left but fueled right-wing populism. This article examines mediating and moderating factors between economic threat and political choices. The shift of liberals toward conservatism and the activation of passive authoritarians explain sudden changes more than dispositional factors. Attachment to groups under stress activates coalitional mindsets, and coalitional competition for scarce resources matches the conservative propensity to detect threats from outgroups. Risk-averse right-wing authoritarians should recoil from social-dominance oriented risk-takers but they follow winners despite their mutual differences concerning family values. Authoritarian aggression unites RWA and SDO, but politically passive right-wing authoritarians can also follow their economic interests, when these are not entangled with cultural values. Right-wing populists have been able to compensate economic insecurity with epistemic security. Identity politics supports the coherence of right-wing populist parties but divides leftist/liberal groups due to intersectional competition for victimhood.
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Affiliation(s)
- Juha Siltala
- Department of Philosophy, History and Art Studies, University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland
- Department of Philosophy, History, Culture and Art Studies, Faculty of Arts, University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland
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Jost JT, Kende A. Setting the record straight: System justification and rigidity-of-the-right in contemporary Hungarian politics. INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY 2019; 55 Suppl 1:96-115. [PMID: 31745989 DOI: 10.1002/ijop.12631] [Citation(s) in RCA: 4] [Impact Index Per Article: 0.8] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 05/29/2019] [Accepted: 10/22/2019] [Indexed: 11/10/2022]
Abstract
Despite international concern about the resurgence of right-wing authoritarianism and xenophobic prejudice throughout Central and Eastern Europe, researchers have argued recently that rightists may be less cognitively rigid and system-justifying than liberals and leftists in the context of Hungary (Kelemen, Szabó, Mészáros, László, & Forgas, 2014; Lönnqvist, Szabó, & Kelemen, 2019). We identify shortcomings of the research on which these claims are based and provide evidence that "rigidity-of-the-right" does indeed characterise contemporary Hungarian politics. Specifically, we hired professional survey firms to administer measures of personal needs for order and structure, system justification and political orientation to two large, nationally representative samples in Hungary. Results revealed that self-identified rightists scored higher than leftists on needs for order and structure and system justification (Study 1, N = 1005) and that supporters of right-wing parties (Fidesz and Jobbik) scored higher on both general and economic system justification than supporters of liberal and leftist parties (Study 2, N = 886). In exploratory analyses, we also observed that rightists expressed more intolerance than leftists toward groups that are commonly mistreated in Eastern Europe, including the Roma, religious minorities and sexual minorities.
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Affiliation(s)
- John T Jost
- Department of Psychology, New York University, New York, New York, USA
| | - Anna Kende
- Department of Social Psychology, ELTE, Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, Hungary
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Nilsson A, Erlandsson A, Västfjäll D. The Complex Relation Between Receptivity to Pseudo-Profound Bullshit and Political Ideology. PERSONALITY AND SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY BULLETIN 2019; 45:1440-1454. [PMID: 30879398 DOI: 10.1177/0146167219830415] [Citation(s) in RCA: 24] [Impact Index Per Article: 4.8] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 11/16/2022]
Abstract
This research systematically mapped the relationship between political ideology and receptivity to pseudo-profound bullshit-that is, obscure sentences constructed to impress others rather than convey truth. Among Swedish adults (N = 985), bullshit receptivity was (a) robustly positively associated with socially conservative (vs. liberal) self-placement, resistance to change, and particularly binding moral intuitions (loyalty, authority, purity); (b) associated with centrism on preference for equality and even leftism (when controlling for other aspects of ideology) on economic ideology self-placement; and (c) lowest among right-of-center social liberal voters and highest among left-wing green voters. Most of the results held up when we controlled for the perceived profundity of genuine aphorisms, cognitive reflection, numeracy, information processing bias, gender, age, education, religiosity, and spirituality. The results are supportive of theoretical accounts that posit ideological asymmetries in cognitive orientation, while also pointing to the existence of bullshit receptivity among both right- and left-wingers.
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Affiliation(s)
| | | | - Daniel Västfjäll
- Linköping University, Sweden.,Decision Research, Eugene, OR, USA
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14
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Aichholzer J, Danner D, Rammstedt B. Facets of personality and “ideological asymmetries”. JOURNAL OF RESEARCH IN PERSONALITY 2018. [DOI: 10.1016/j.jrp.2018.09.010] [Citation(s) in RCA: 7] [Impact Index Per Article: 1.2] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 10/28/2022]
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15
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Pedersen WS, Muftuler LT, Larson CL. Conservatism and the neural circuitry of threat: economic conservatism predicts greater amygdala-BNST connectivity during periods of threat vs safety. Soc Cogn Affect Neurosci 2018; 13:43-51. [PMID: 29126127 PMCID: PMC5793824 DOI: 10.1093/scan/nsx133] [Citation(s) in RCA: 19] [Impact Index Per Article: 3.2] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [Track Full Text] [Download PDF] [Figures] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 06/12/2017] [Accepted: 10/28/2017] [Indexed: 11/30/2022] Open
Abstract
Political conservatism is associated with an increased negativity bias, including increased attention and reactivity toward negative and threatening stimuli. Although the human amygdala has been implicated in the response to threatening stimuli, no studies to date have investigated whether conservatism is associated with altered amygdala function toward threat. Furthermore, although an influential theory posits that connectivity between the amygdala and bed nucleus of the stria terminalis (BNST) is important in initiating the response to sustained or uncertain threat, whether individual differences in conservatism modulate this connectivity is unknown. To test whether conservatism is associated with increased reactivity in neural threat circuitry, we measured participants’ self-reported social and economic conservatism and asked them to complete high-resolution fMRI scans while under threat of an unpredictable shock and while safe. We found that economic conservatism predicted greater connectivity between the BNST and a cluster of voxels in the left amygdala during threat vs safety. These results suggest that increased amygdala–BNST connectivity during threat may be a key neural correlate of the enhanced negativity bias found in conservatism.
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Affiliation(s)
- Walker S Pedersen
- Psychology Department, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, Milwaukee, WI 53211, USA
| | - L Tugan Muftuler
- Department of Neurosurgery, Medical College of Wisconsin, Milwaukee, WI 53226, USA
| | - Christine L Larson
- Psychology Department, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, Milwaukee, WI 53211, USA
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Jedinger A, Burger AM. The role of right‐wing authoritarianism and political sophistication in shaping attitudes toward redistribution. EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 2018. [DOI: 10.1002/ejsp.2524] [Citation(s) in RCA: 6] [Impact Index Per Article: 1.0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 12/28/2022]
Affiliation(s)
| | - Axel M. Burger
- School of Social Sciences University of Mannheim Mannheim Germany
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17
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Ditto PH, Liu BS, Clark CJ, Wojcik SP, Chen EE, Grady RH, Celniker JB, Zinger JF. At Least Bias Is Bipartisan: A Meta-Analytic Comparison of Partisan Bias in Liberals and Conservatives. PERSPECTIVES ON PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE 2018; 14:273-291. [PMID: 29851554 DOI: 10.1177/1745691617746796] [Citation(s) in RCA: 130] [Impact Index Per Article: 21.7] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 11/16/2022]
Abstract
Both liberals and conservatives accuse their political opponents of partisan bias, but is there empirical evidence that one side of the political aisle is indeed more biased than the other? To address this question, we meta-analyzed the results of 51 experimental studies, involving over 18,000 participants, that examined one form of partisan bias-the tendency to evaluate otherwise identical information more favorably when it supports one's political beliefs or allegiances than when it challenges those beliefs or allegiances. Two hypotheses based on previous literature were tested: an asymmetry hypothesis (predicting greater partisan bias in conservatives than in liberals) and a symmetry hypothesis (predicting equal levels of partisan bias in liberals and conservatives). Mean overall partisan bias was robust ( r = .245), and there was strong support for the symmetry hypothesis: Liberals ( r = .235) and conservatives ( r = .255) showed no difference in mean levels of bias across studies. Moderator analyses reveal this pattern to be consistent across a number of different methodological variations and political topics. Implications of the current findings for the ongoing ideological symmetry debate and the role of partisan bias in scientific discourse and political conflict are discussed.
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Affiliation(s)
- Peter H Ditto
- 1 Department of Psychology & Social Behavior, University of California, Irvine
| | | | - Cory J Clark
- 3 Department of Psychology, Florida State University
| | - Sean P Wojcik
- 1 Department of Psychology & Social Behavior, University of California, Irvine
| | - Eric E Chen
- 1 Department of Psychology & Social Behavior, University of California, Irvine
| | - Rebecca H Grady
- 1 Department of Psychology & Social Behavior, University of California, Irvine
| | - Jared B Celniker
- 1 Department of Psychology & Social Behavior, University of California, Irvine
| | - Joanne F Zinger
- 1 Department of Psychology & Social Behavior, University of California, Irvine
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Saribay SA, Yilmaz O. Relationships between core ideological motives, social and economic conservatism, and religiosity: Evidence from a Turkish sample. ASIAN JOURNAL OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 2018. [DOI: 10.1111/ajsp.12213] [Citation(s) in RCA: 8] [Impact Index Per Article: 1.3] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 11/28/2022]
Affiliation(s)
| | - Onurcan Yilmaz
- Department of Psychology; Dogus University; Istanbul Turkey
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Napier JL, Huang J, Vonasch AJ, Bargh JA. Superheroes for change: Physical safety promotes socially (but not economically) progressive attitudes among conservatives. EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 2017. [DOI: 10.1002/ejsp.2315] [Citation(s) in RCA: 24] [Impact Index Per Article: 3.4] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 01/16/2023]
Affiliation(s)
- Jaime L. Napier
- Department of Psychology; New York University Abu Dhabi; Abu Dhabi UAE
| | - Julie Huang
- Stony Brook University; Stony Brook New York USA
| | - Andrew J. Vonasch
- Department of Psychology and Neuroscience; University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill; Chapel Hill North Carolina USA
| | - John A. Bargh
- Department of Psychology; Yale University; New Haven Connecticut USA
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Abstract
Research suggests that certain facets of people's political ideals can be motivated by different goals. Although it is widely accepted that emotions motivate goal-directed behavior, less is known about how emotion-specific goals may influence different facets of ideology. In this research, we examine how anger affects political ideology and through what mechanisms such effects occur. Drawing on the dual-process motivational model of ideology and the functionalist perspective of emotion, we propose that anger leads people to support conservative economic ideals, which promote economic independence and discourage societal resource sharing. Four studies support our hypothesis that anger can enhance support for an election candidate espousing conservative economic ideals. We find that anger shifts people toward economic conservatism by orienting them toward competition for resources. Implications and future research on the relationship between emotions and political ideology are discussed.
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Chen ZJ, Hsu KY, Zhou X, Saucier G. Chinese isms dimensions in mainland China and Taiwan: Convergence and extension of American isms dimensions. J Pers 2017; 86:555-571. [DOI: 10.1111/jopy.12336] [Citation(s) in RCA: 1] [Impact Index Per Article: 0.1] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 11/29/2022]
Affiliation(s)
| | - Kung-Yu Hsu
- Department of Psychology; National Chung Cheng University
| | - Xinyue Zhou
- Department of Marketing, School of Management; Zhejiang University
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Crawford JT. Are Conservatives More Sensitive to Threat than Liberals? It Depends on How We Define Threat and Conservatism. SOCIAL COGNITION 2017. [DOI: 10.1521/soco.2017.35.4.354] [Citation(s) in RCA: 65] [Impact Index Per Article: 9.3] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 11/20/2022] Open
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Morgan GS, Wisneski DC. The Structure of Political Ideology Varies Between and Within People: Implications for Theories About Ideology's Causes. SOCIAL COGNITION 2017. [DOI: 10.1521/soco.2017.35.4.395] [Citation(s) in RCA: 10] [Impact Index Per Article: 1.4] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 11/20/2022] Open
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Jost JT, Stern C, Rule NO, Sterling J. The Politics of Fear: Is There an Ideological Asymmetry in Existential Motivation? SOCIAL COGNITION 2017. [DOI: 10.1521/soco.2017.35.4.324] [Citation(s) in RCA: 132] [Impact Index Per Article: 18.9] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 11/20/2022] Open
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Hadarics M. Conservation Motivation, Social Equality and Left-Right Ideological Preferences in Western and Eastern Europe. EUROPES JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY 2017; 13:336-351. [PMID: 28580030 PMCID: PMC5450988 DOI: 10.5964/ejop.v13i2.1334] [Citation(s) in RCA: 6] [Impact Index Per Article: 0.9] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [Track Full Text] [Download PDF] [Figures] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 11/03/2016] [Accepted: 03/04/2017] [Indexed: 12/04/2022]
Abstract
We investigated how attitudes towards social equality can influence the relationship between conservation motivation (or openness) and personal ideological preferences on the left-right dimension, and how this relationship pattern differs between Western and Central & Eastern European (CEE) respondents. Using data from the European Social Survey (2012) we found that individual-level of conservation motivation reduces cultural egalitarianism in both the Western European and the CEE regions, but its connection with economic egalitarianism is only relevant in the CEE region where it fosters economic egalitarianism. Since both forms of egalitarianism were related to leftist ideological preferences in Western Europe, but in the CEE region only economic egalitarianism was ideologically relevant, we concluded that the classic “rigidity of the right” phenomenon is strongly related to cultural (anti)egalitarianism in Western Europe. At the same time, conservation motivation serves as a basis for the “rigidity of the left” in the post-socialist CEE region, in a great part due to the conventional egalitarian economic views.
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Affiliation(s)
- Márton Hadarics
- Political Psychology Research Lab, Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, Hungary
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26
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Dimdins G, Sandgren M, Montgomery H. Psychological variables underlying political orientations in an old and a new democracy: A comparative study between Sweden and Latvia. Scand J Psychol 2016; 57:437-45. [PMID: 27481632 DOI: 10.1111/sjop.12314] [Citation(s) in RCA: 8] [Impact Index Per Article: 1.0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 11/09/2015] [Accepted: 05/22/2016] [Indexed: 11/28/2022]
Abstract
This study examines in detail the psychological variables underlying ideological political orientation, and structure and contents of this orientation, in Sweden and Latvia. Individual political orientation is conceptualized on two dimensions: acceptance vs. rejection of social change and acceptance vs. rejection of inequality. Swedish (N = 320) and Latvian (N = 264) participants completed measures of political orientation, Social Dominance Orientation (SDO), Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA), self vs. other orientation, tolerance for ambiguity, humanism and normativism, core political values, system justification, as well as moral foundations questionnaire and portrait values questionnaire. The results showed that the relation among the measured variables was similar in both samples. Swedish participants showed stronger endorsement of egalitarian attitudes and social values, whereas we found more self-enhancing and socially conservative values and attitudes among the Latvian participants.
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Affiliation(s)
- Girts Dimdins
- Södertörn University, Huddinge, Sweden.,University of Latvia, Riga, Latvia
| | | | - Henry Montgomery
- Södertörn University, Huddinge, Sweden.,Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden
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27
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Are neoliberals more susceptible to bullshit? JUDGMENT AND DECISION MAKING 2016. [DOI: 10.1017/s1930297500003788] [Citation(s) in RCA: 0] [Impact Index Per Article: 0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Track Full Text] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 01/04/2023]
Abstract
AbstractWe conducted additional analyses of Pennycook et al.’s (2015, Study 2) data to investigate the possibility that there would be ideological differences in “bullshit receptivity” that would be explained by individual differences in cognitive style and ability. As hypothesized, we observed that endorsement of neoliberal, free market ideology was significantly but modestly associated with bullshit receptivity. In addition, we observed a quadratic association, which indicated that ideological moderates were more susceptible to bullshit than ideological extremists. These relationships were explained, in part, by heuristic processing tendencies, faith in intuition, and lower verbal ability. Results are inconsistent with approaches suggesting that (a) there are no meaningful ideological differences in cognitive style or reasoning ability, (b) simplistic, certainty-oriented cognitive styles are generally associated with leftist (vs. rightist) economic preferences, or (c) simplistic, certainty-oriented cognitive styles are generally associated with extremist (vs. moderate) preferences. Theoretical and practical implications are briefly addressed.
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It may be harder than we thought, but political diversity will (still) improve social psychological science. Behav Brain Sci 2015; 38:e164. [DOI: 10.1017/s0140525x15000035] [Citation(s) in RCA: 10] [Impact Index Per Article: 1.1] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 11/07/2022]
Abstract
AbstractIn our target article, we made four claims: (1) Social psychology is now politically homogeneous; (2) this homogeneity sometimes harms the science; (3) increasing political diversity would reduce this damage; and (4) some portion of the homogeneity is due to a hostile climate and outright discrimination against non-liberals. In this response, we review these claims in light of the arguments made by a diverse group of commentators. We were surprised to find near-universal agreement with our first two claims, and we note that few challenged our fourth claim. Most of the disagreements came in response to our claim that increasing political diversity would be beneficial. We agree with our critics that increasing political diversity may be harder than we had thought, but we explain why we still believe that it is possible and desirable to do so. We conclude with a revised list of 12 recommendations for improving political diversity in social psychology, as well as in other areas of the academy.
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