A Puzzle Unsolved: Failure to Observe Different Effects of God and Religion Primes on Intergroup Attitudes

Does Religious Priming Induce Greater Prejudice? A Meta-Analytic Review

The current meta-analysis addressed whether theistic religious beliefs are causally related to greater prejudice by analyzing 44 studies (Ntotal = 11,330) that used experimental designs-priming religion and then measuring negativity toward outgroups (e.g., LGBT and Muslim). The overall priming effect was significant but small (r = .06), indicating that priming religion increases prejudice. The implications of these results for the relation between religion and prejudice and for future work on religious priming are discussed.

A Construal Level Account of the Impact of Religion and God on Prosociality

This research shows that the two most prevalent religious constructs-God and religion-differentially impact cognition. Activating thoughts about God (vs. religion) induces a relatively more abstract (vs. concrete) mindset (Studies 1a-1c). Consequently, time donation intentions (Study 2) and actual monetary donations (Study 3) after a God (vs. religion) prime increase when people are presented an abstractly (vs. concretely) framed donation appeal. Similarly, people donate more money to distant (vs. close) donation targets, which are construed relatively abstractly (vs. concretely), when a religious speech activates predominantly God-specific (vs. religion-specific) thoughts (Study 4). These effects are mediated by "feeling right" under construal level fit (Study 3). Overall, this research significantly advances extant knowledge on religious cognition and past research on the link between religion and prosociality.

Teleological explanation and positive emotion serially mediate the effect of religion on well-being

OBJECTIVE

Previous research has demonstrated a robust relationship between religion and well-being, and it has been proposed that positive emotions are important mediators of this effect. Yet the mechanism via which religion promotes positive emotions has not been widely studied. We sought to examine whether teleological explanations of daily events and resulting positive emotions serially mediated the effects of religion on well-being.

METHOD

These hypotheses were tested over three studies involving full-time and part-time university students in Singapore. In Study 1, participants completed measures of religiousness and well-being, and explained and described three recent personally significant events and their resulting emotions. Studies 2 and 3 adopted an ecological momentary assessment approach to measure teleological explanations, resulting emotions, and well-being in almost real time.

RESULTS

In Study 1, teleological explanations and positive emotions serially mediated the effects of religiousness on well-being. In Study 2, momentary teleological explanations of daily events mediated the positive relationship between religiousness and momentary positive emotions. In Study 3, serial mediation of the relationship between religiousness and momentary well-being by momentary teleological explanations and positive emotions was observed.

CONCLUSIONS

These results provide evidence of the importance of teleological explanations of daily events in religious enhancement of well-being.

The effects of name and religious priming on ratings of a well-known political figure, President Barack Obama

Priming with race-typed names and religious concepts have been shown to activate stereotypes and increase prejudice towards out-groups. We examined the effects of name and religious word priming on views of a specific and well-known person, President Barack Obama. We predicted that politically conservative participants primed with President Obama’s middle name (Hussein) would rate him more negatively and be more likely to view him as a Muslim than those not shown his middle name. We also examined whether conservatives primed with concrete religious words would rate President Obama more negatively and be more likely to view him as Muslim than those primed with other word types. Furthermore, we predicted that those who mis-identify President Obama as Muslim would rate him more negatively than would those who view him as Christian. The results provided mixed support for these hypotheses. Conservatives primed with President Obama’s middle name rated him significantly more negatively than did those in the control condition. This effect was not found for politically liberal or moderate participants. Name priming did not significantly affect views of President Obama’s religious affiliation. Although not statistically significant, conservatives primed with abstract religious words tended to rate President Obama more negatively than did those primed with other word types. Religious word priming significantly influenced views of President Obama’s religious affiliation; interestingly, participants primed with abstract religious words were more likely to think President Obama is Muslim than were those primed with religious agent or non-religious words. As predicted, participants who thought president Obama was Muslim rated him significantly more negatively than did those who thought he was Christian. Overall, our results provide some evidence that ethnic name and religious word priming can significantly influence opinions, even with a well-known and specific person.