What Language Disorders Reveal About the Mechanisms of Morphological Processing

Discriminating nonfluent/agrammatic and logopenic PPA variants with automatically extracted morphosyntactic measures from connected speech

Morphosyntactic assessments are important for characterizing individuals with nonfluent/agrammatic variant primary progressive aphasia (nfvPPA). Yet, standard tests are subject to examiner bias and often fail to differentiate between nfvPPA and logopenic variant PPA (lvPPA). Moreover, relevant neural signatures remain underexplored. Here, we leverage natural language processing tools to automatically capture morphosyntactic disturbances and their neuroanatomical correlates in 35 individuals with nfvPPA relative to 10 healthy controls (HC) and 26 individuals with lvPPA. Participants described a picture, and ensuing transcripts were analyzed via part-of-speech tagging to extract sentence-related features (e.g., subordinating and coordinating conjunctions), verbal-related features (e.g., tense markers), and nominal-related features (e.g., subjective and possessive pronouns). Gradient boosting machines were used to classify between groups using all features. We identified the most discriminant morphosyntactic marker via a feature importance algorithm and examined its neural correlates via voxel-based morphometry. Individuals with nfvPPA produced fewer morphosyntactic elements than the other two groups. Such features robustly discriminated them from both individuals with lvPPA and HCs with an AUC of .95 and .82, respectively. The most discriminatory feature corresponded to subordinating conjunctions was correlated with cortical atrophy within the left posterior inferior frontal gyrus across groups (pFWE < .05). Automated morphosyntactic analysis can efficiently differentiate nfvPPA from lvPPA. Also, the most sensitive morphosyntactic markers correlate with a core atrophy region of nfvPPA. Our approach, thus, can contribute to a key challenge in PPA diagnosis.

The role of category ambiguity in normal and impaired lexical processing: can you paint without the paint?

Introduction

Many words are categorially ambiguous and can be used as a verb (to paint) or as a noun (the paint) due to the presence of unpronounced morphology or "zero morphology". On this account, the verb "paint" is derived from the noun "paint" through the addition of a silent category-changing morpheme. Past studies have uncovered the syntactic and semantic properties of these categorially ambiguous words, but no research has been conducted on how people process them during normal or impaired lexical processing. Are these two different uses of "paint" processed in the same way? Does this morphosyntactic structure have an effect on online sentence processing?

Methods

This study presents two experiments that investigate the effect of morphosyntactic complexity in categorially ambiguous words presented in isolation (experiment 1) and in a sentential context (experiment 2). The first experiment tested the ability to process categorially unambiguous and ambiguous nouns and verbs in 30 healthy older adults and 12 individuals with aphasia, using a forced choice phrasal-completion task, in which individuals choose whether the or to is most compatible with target words.

Results

Healthy controls and individuals with fluent aphasia all showed: (1) a bias toward the base category in selection rates for the and to, where the was selected more frequently for words identified to be base nouns, and to was selected more frequently for base verbs, and (2) longer reaction times for ambiguous (over unambiguous) words. However, individuals with non-fluent agrammatic aphasia showed a base-category effect only for nouns, with chance performance for verbs. The second experiment, using an eye-tracking while reading paradigm with 56 young healthy adults, showed a reading time slowdown for derived forms (to paint) compared to their base-category counterparts (the paint) in sentence contexts.

Discussion

These findings suggest that categorially ambiguous words likely share a common root, and are related by zero-derivation, and that impaired access to the base-category (i.e., verbs like to visit) precludes associated morphological processes and therefore the retrieval of the derived-category (i.e., nouns like the visit) in non-fluent agrammatic aphasia. This study provides insights into the theory of zero morphology, and the principles that need to be accounted for in models of the lexicon.