Talker normalization is mediated by structured indexical information

Clearly, fame isn't everything: Talker familiarity does not augment talker adaptation

Familiarity with a talker's voice provides numerous benefits to speech perception, including faster responses and improved intelligibility in quiet and in noise. Yet, it is unclear whether familiarity facilitates talker adaptation, or the processing benefit stemming from hearing speech from one talker compared to multiple different talkers. Here, listeners completed a speeded recognition task for words presented in either single-talker or multiple-talker blocks. Talkers were either famous (the last five Presidents of the United States of America) or non-famous (other male politicians of similar ages). Participants either received no information about the talkers before the word recognition task (Experiments 1 and 3) or heard the talkers and saw their names first (Experiment 2). As expected, responses were faster in the single-talker blocks than in the multiple-talker blocks. Famous voices elicited faster responses in Experiment 1, but familiarity effects were extinguished in Experiment 2, possibly by hearing all voices recently before the experiment. When talkers were counterbalanced across single-talker and mixed-talker blocks in Experiment 3, no familiarity effects were observed. Predictions of familiarity facilitating talker adaptation (smaller increase in response times across single- and multiple-talker blocks for famous voices) were not confirmed. Thus, talker familiarity might not augment adaptation to a consistent talker.

Identifying Links Between Latent Memory and Speech Recognition Factors

OBJECTIVES

The link between memory ability and speech recognition accuracy is often examined by correlating summary measures of performance across various tasks, but interpretation of such correlations critically depends on assumptions about how these measures map onto underlying factors of interest. The present work presents an alternative approach, wherein latent factor models are fit to trial-level data from multiple tasks to directly test hypotheses about the underlying structure of memory and the extent to which latent memory factors are associated with individual differences in speech recognition accuracy. Latent factor models with different numbers of factors were fit to the data and compared to one another to select the structures which best explained vocoded sentence recognition in a two-talker masker across a range of target-to-masker ratios, performance on three memory tasks, and the link between sentence recognition and memory.

DESIGN

Young adults with normal hearing (N = 52 for the memory tasks, of which 21 participants also completed the sentence recognition task) completed three memory tasks and one sentence recognition task: reading span, auditory digit span, visual free recall of words, and recognition of 16-channel vocoded Perceptually Robust English Sentence Test Open-set sentences in the presence of a two-talker masker at target-to-masker ratios between +10 and 0 dB. Correlations between summary measures of memory task performance and sentence recognition accuracy were calculated for comparison to prior work, and latent factor models were fit to trial-level data and compared against one another to identify the number of latent factors which best explains the data. Models with one or two latent factors were fit to the sentence recognition data and models with one, two, or three latent factors were fit to the memory task data. Based on findings with these models, full models that linked one speech factor to one, two, or three memory factors were fit to the full data set. Models were compared via Expected Log pointwise Predictive Density and post hoc inspection of model parameters.

RESULTS

Summary measures were positively correlated across memory tasks and sentence recognition. Latent factor models revealed that sentence recognition accuracy was best explained by a single factor that varied across participants. Memory task performance was best explained by two latent factors, of which one was generally associated with performance on all three tasks and the other was specific to digit span recall accuracy at lists of six digits or more. When these models were combined, the general memory factor was closely related to the sentence recognition factor, whereas the factor specific to digit span had no apparent association with sentence recognition.

CONCLUSIONS

Comparison of latent factor models enables testing hypotheses about the underlying structure linking cognition and speech recognition. This approach showed that multiple memory tasks assess a common latent factor that is related to individual differences in sentence recognition, although performance on some tasks was associated with multiple factors. Thus, while these tasks provide some convergent assessment of common latent factors, caution is needed when interpreting what they tell us about speech recognition.

Sequence effects and speech processing: cognitive load for speaker-switching within and across accents

Prior work in speech processing indicates that listening tasks with multiple speakers (as opposed to a single speaker) result in slower and less accurate processing. Notably, the trial-to-trial cognitive demands of switching between speakers or switching between accents have yet to be examined. We used pupillometry, a physiological index of cognitive load, to examine the demands of processing first (L1) and second (L2) language-accented speech when listening to sentences produced by the same speaker consecutively (no switch), a novel speaker of the same accent (within-accent switch), and a novel speaker with a different accent (across-accent switch). Inspired by research on sequential adjustments in cognitive control, we aimed to identify the cognitive demands of accommodating a novel speaker and accent by examining the trial-to-trial changes in pupil dilation during speech processing. Our results indicate that switching between speakers was more cognitively demanding than listening to the same speaker consecutively. Additionally, switching to a novel speaker with a different accent was more cognitively demanding than switching between speakers of the same accent. However, there was an asymmetry for across-accent switches, such that switching from an L1 to an L2 accent was more demanding than vice versa. Findings from the present study align with work examining multi-talker processing costs, and provide novel evidence that listeners dynamically adjust cognitive processing to accommodate speaker and accent variability. We discuss these novel findings in the context of an active control model and auditory streaming framework of speech processing.

Why are listeners hindered by talker variability?

Though listeners readily recognize speech from a variety of talkers, accommodating talker variability comes at a cost: Myriad studies have shown that listeners are slower to recognize a spoken word when there is talker variability compared with when talker is held constant. This review focuses on two possible theoretical mechanisms for the emergence of these processing penalties. One view is that multitalker processing costs arise through a resource-demanding talker accommodation process, wherein listeners compare sensory representations against hypothesized perceptual candidates and error signals are used to adjust the acoustic-to-phonetic mapping (an active control process known as contextual tuning). An alternative proposal is that these processing costs arise because talker changes involve salient stimulus-level discontinuities that disrupt auditory attention. Some recent data suggest that multitalker processing costs may be driven by both mechanisms operating over different time scales. Fully evaluating this claim requires a foundational understanding of both talker accommodation and auditory streaming; this article provides a primer on each literature and also reviews several studies that have observed multitalker processing costs. The review closes by underscoring a need for comprehensive theories of speech perception that better integrate auditory attention and by highlighting important considerations for future research in this area.

Talker adaptation or "talker" adaptation? Musical instrument variability impedes pitch perception

Listeners show perceptual benefits (faster and/or more accurate responses) when perceiving speech spoken by a single talker versus multiple talkers, known as talker adaptation. While near-exclusively studied in speech and with talkers, some aspects of talker adaptation might reflect domain-general processes. Music, like speech, is a sound class replete with acoustic variation, such as a multitude of pitch and instrument possibilities. Thus, it was hypothesized that perceptual benefits from structure in the acoustic signal (i.e., hearing the same sound source on every trial) are not specific to speech but rather a general auditory response. Forty nonmusician participants completed a simple musical task that mirrored talker adaptation paradigms. Low- or high-pitched notes were presented in single- and mixed-instrument blocks. Reflecting both music research on pitch and timbre interdependence and mirroring traditional "talker" adaptation paradigms, listeners were faster to make their pitch judgments when presented with a single instrument timbre relative to when the timbre was selected from one of four instruments from trial to trial. A second experiment ruled out the possibility that participants were responding faster to the specific instrument chosen as the single-instrument timbre. Consistent with general theoretical approaches to perception, perceptual benefits from signal structure are not limited to speech.

Multiple sources of acoustic variation affect speech processing efficiency

Phonetic variability across talkers imposes additional processing costs during speech perception, evident in performance decrements when listening to speech from multiple talkers. However, within-talker phonetic variation is a less well-understood source of variability in speech, and it is unknown how processing costs from within-talker variation compare to those from between-talker variation. Here, listeners performed a speeded word identification task in which three dimensions of variability were factorially manipulated: between-talker variability (single vs multiple talkers), within-talker variability (single vs multiple acoustically distinct recordings per word), and word-choice variability (two- vs six-word choices). All three sources of variability led to reduced speech processing efficiency. Between-talker variability affected both word-identification accuracy and response time, but within-talker variability affected only response time. Furthermore, between-talker variability, but not within-talker variability, had a greater impact when the target phonological contrasts were more similar. Together, these results suggest that natural between- and within-talker variability reflect two distinct magnitudes of common acoustic-phonetic variability: Both affect speech processing efficiency, but they appear to have qualitatively and quantitatively unique effects due to differences in their potential to obscure acoustic-phonemic correspondences across utterances.

Perceptual learning of multiple talkers: Determinants, characteristics, and limitations

Research suggests that listeners simultaneously update talker-specific generative models to reflect structured phonetic variation. Because past investigations exposed listeners to talkers of different genders, it is unknown whether adaptation is talker specific or rather linked to a broader sociophonetic class. Here, we test determinants of listeners' ability to update and apply talker-specific models for speech perception. In six experiments (n = 480), listeners were first exposed to the speech of two talkers who produced ambiguous fricative energy. The talkers' speech was interleaved during exposure, and lexical context differentially biased interpretation of the ambiguity as either /s/ or /ʃ/ for each talker. At test, listeners categorized tokens from ashi-asi continua, one for each talker. Across conditions and experiments, we manipulated exposure quantity, talker gender, blocked versus interleaved talker structure at test, and the degree to which fricative acoustics differed between talkers. When test was blocked by talker, learning was observed for different but not same gender talkers. When talkers were interleaved at test, learning was observed for both different and same gender talkers, which was attenuated when fricative acoustics were constant across talkers. There was no strong evidence to suggest that adaptation to multiple talkers required increased quantity of exposure beyond that required to adapt to a single talker. These results suggest that perceptual learning for speech is achieved via a mechanism that represents a context-dependent, cumulative integration of experience with speech input and identity critical constraints on listeners' ability to dynamically apply multiple generative models in mixed talker listening environments.

Modelling representations in speech normalization of prosodic cues

The lack of invariance problem in speech perception refers to a fundamental problem of how listeners deal with differences of speech sounds produced by various speakers. The current study is the first to test the contributions of mentally stored distributional information in normalization of prosodic cues. This study starts out by modelling distributions of acoustic cues from a speech corpus. We proceeded to conduct three experiments using both naturally produced lexical tones with estimated distributions and manipulated lexical tones with f0 values generated from simulated distributions. State of the art statistical techniques have been used to examine the effects of distribution parameters in normalization and identification curves with respect to each parameter. Based on the significant effects of distribution parameters, we proposed a probabilistic parametric representation (PPR), integrating knowledge from previously established distributions of speakers with their indexical information. PPR is still accessed during speech perception even when contextual information is present. We also discussed the procedure of normalization of speech signals produced by unfamiliar talker with and without contexts and the access of long-term stored representations.

Context effects in perception of vowels differentiated by F1 are not influenced by variability in talkers' mean F1 or F3

Spectral properties of earlier sounds (context) influence recognition of later sounds (target). Acoustic variability in context stimuli can disrupt this process. When mean fundamental frequencies (f0's) of preceding context sentences were highly variable across trials, shifts in target vowel categorization [due to spectral contrast effects (SCEs)] were smaller than when sentence mean f0's were less variable; when sentences were rearranged to exhibit high or low variability in mean first formant frequencies (F₁) in a given block, SCE magnitudes were equivalent [Assgari, Theodore, and Stilp (2019) J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 145(3), 1443-1454]. However, since sentences were originally chosen based on variability in mean f0, stimuli underrepresented the extent to which mean F₁ could vary. Here, target vowels (/ɪ/-/ɛ/) were categorized following context sentences that varied substantially in mean F₁ (experiment 1) or mean F₃ (experiment 2) with variability in mean f0 held constant. In experiment 1, SCE magnitudes were equivalent whether context sentences had high or low variability in mean F₁; the same pattern was observed in experiment 2 for new sentences with high or low variability in mean F₃. Variability in some acoustic properties (mean f0) can be more perceptually consequential than others (mean F₁, mean F₃), but these results may be task-dependent.

Task-dependent cortical activations during selective attention to audiovisual speech

Selective listening to speech depends on widespread networks of the brain, but how the involvement of different neural systems in speech processing is affected by factors such as the task performed by a listener and speech intelligibility remains poorly understood. We used functional magnetic resonance imaging to systematically examine the effects that performing different tasks has on neural activations during selective attention to continuous audiovisual speech in the presence of task-irrelevant speech. Participants viewed audiovisual dialogues and attended either to the semantic or the phonological content of speech, or ignored speech altogether and performed a visual control task. The tasks were factorially combined with good and poor auditory and visual speech qualities. Selective attention to speech engaged superior temporal regions and the left inferior frontal gyrus regardless of the task. Frontoparietal regions implicated in selective auditory attention to simple sounds (e.g., tones, syllables) were not engaged by the semantic task, suggesting that this network may not be not as crucial when attending to continuous speech. The medial orbitofrontal cortex, implicated in social cognition, was most activated by the semantic task. Activity levels during the phonological task in the left prefrontal, premotor, and secondary somatosensory regions had a distinct temporal profile as well as the highest overall activity, possibly relating to the role of the dorsal speech processing stream in sub-lexical processing. Our results demonstrate that the task type influences neural activations during selective attention to speech, and emphasize the importance of ecologically valid experimental designs.

The Role of Talker Variability in Nonnative Phonetic Learning: A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis

PURPOSE

High-variability phonetic training (HVPT) has been found to be effective on adult second language (L2) learning, but results are mixed in regards to the benefit of multiple talkers over single talker. This study provides a systematic review with meta-analysis to investigate the talker variability effect in nonnative phonetic learning and the factors moderating the effect.

METHOD

We collected studies with keyword search in major academic databases including EBSCO, ERIC, MEDLINE, ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, Elsevier, Scopus, Wiley Online Library, and Web of Science. We identified potential participant-, training-, and study-related moderators and conducted a random-effects model meta-analysis for each individual variable.

RESULTS

On the basis of 18 studies with a total of 549 participants, we obtained a small-level summary effect size (Hedges' g = 0.46, 95% confidence interval [CI; 0.08, 0.84]) for the immediate training outcomes, which was greatly reduced (g = -0.04, 95% CI [-0.46, 0.37]) after removal of outliers and correction for publication bias, whereas the effect size for immediate perceptual gains was nearly medium (g = 0.56, 95% CI [0.13, 1.00]) compared with the nonsignificant production gains. Critically, the summary effect sizes for generalizations to new talkers (g = 0.72, 95% CI [0.15, 1.29]) and for long-term retention (g = 1.09, 95% CI [0.39, 1.78]) were large. Moreover, the training program length and the talker presentation format were found to potentially moderate the immediate perceptual gains and generalization outcomes.

CONCLUSIONS

Our study presents the first meta-analysis on the role of talker variability in nonnative phonetic training, which demonstrates the heterogeneity and limitations of research on this topic. The results highlight the need for further investigation of the influential factors and underlying mechanisms for the presence or absence of talker variability effects. Supplemental Material https://doi.org/10.23641/asha.16959388.

Distinct mechanisms for talker adaptation operate in parallel on different timescales

The mapping between speech acoustics and phonemic representations is highly variable across talkers, and listeners are slower to recognize words when listening to multiple talkers compared with a single talker. Listeners' speech processing efficiency in mixed-talker settings improves when given time to reorient their attention to each new talker. However, it remains unknown how much time is needed to fully reorient attention to a new talker in mixed-talker settings so that speech processing becomes as efficient as when listening to a single talker. In this study, we examined how speech processing efficiency improves in mixed-talker settings as a function of the duration of continuous speech from a talker. In single-talker and mixed-talker conditions, listeners identified target words either in isolation or preceded by a carrier vowel of parametrically varying durations from 300 to 1,500 ms. Listeners' word identification was significantly slower in every mixed-talker condition compared with the corresponding single-talker condition. The costs associated with processing mixed-talker speech declined significantly as the duration of the speech carrier increased from 0 to 600 ms. However, increasing the carrier duration beyond 600 ms did not achieve further reduction in talker variability-related processing costs. These results suggest that two parallel mechanisms support processing talker variability: A stimulus-driven mechanism that operates on short timescales to reorient attention to new auditory sources, and a top-down mechanism that operates over longer timescales to allocate the cognitive resources needed to accommodate uncertainty in acoustic-phonemic correspondences during contexts where speech may come from multiple talkers.