Stronger Associations Between Sleep and Mental Health in Adults with Autism: A UK Biobank Study

This study examined sleep and its cognitive and affective correlates in adults with and without autism spectrum disorder (ASD), utilizing UK Biobank data. There were no group differences in subjective sleep duration [n = 220 ASD; n = 2200 general population (GP)]. Accelerometer measures of sleep duration or nighttime activity did not differ by group, but sleep efficiency was marginally lower in ASD (n = 83 ASD; n = 824 GP). Sleep efficiency was associated with wellbeing and mental health, and pathways between accelerometer sleep measures and wellbeing and mental health were significantly stronger for adults with ASD (who also reported substantially poorer wellbeing and > 5 × likelihood of experiencing mental distress). These findings highlight the need to monitor sleep to maintain good mental health in adult ASD.

Do naps benefit novel word learning? Developmental differences and white matter correlates

Memory representations of newly learned words undergo changes during nocturnal sleep, as evidenced by improvements in explicit recall and lexical integration (i.e., after sleep, novel words compete with existing words during online word recognition). Some studies have revealed larger sleep-benefits in children relative to adults. However, whether daytime naps play a similar facilitatory role is unclear. We investigated the effect of a daytime nap (relative to wake) on explicit memory (recall/recognition) and lexical integration (lexical competition) of newly learned novel words in young adults and children aged 10-12 years, also exploring white matter correlates of the pre- and post-nap effects of word learning in the child group with diffusion weighted MRI. In both age groups, a nap maintained explicit memory of novel words and wake led to forgetting. However, there was an age group interaction when comparing change in recall over the nap: children showed a slight improvement whereas adults showed a slight decline. There was no evidence of lexical integration at any point. Although children spent proportionally more time in slow-wave sleep (SWS) than adults, neither SWS nor spindle parameters correlated with over-nap changes in word learning. For children, increased fractional anisotropy (FA) in the uncinate fasciculus and arcuate fasciculus were associated with the recognition of novel words immediately after learning, and FA in the right arcuate fasciculus was further associated with changes in recall of novel words over a nap, supporting the importance of these tracts in the word learning and consolidation process. These findings point to a protective role of naps in word learning (at least under the present conditions), and emphasize the need to better understand both the active and passive roles that sleep plays in supporting vocabulary consolidation over development.

Growing up with interfering neighbours: the influence of time of learning and vocabulary knowledge on written word learning in children

Evidence suggests that new vocabulary undergoes a period of strengthening and integration offline, particularly during sleep. Practical questions remain, however, including whether learning closer to bedtime can optimize consolidation, and whether such an effect varies with vocabulary ability. To examine this, children aged 8-12-years-old (n 59) were trained on written novel forms (e.g. BANARA) in either the morning (long delay) or the evening (short delay). Immediately after training and the next day, lexical competition (a marker of integration) was assessed via speeded semantic decisions to neighbouring existing words (e.g. BANANA); explicit memory was measured via recognition and recall tasks. There were no main effects indicating performance changes across sleep for any task, counter to studies of spoken word learning. However, a significant interaction was found, such that children with poorer vocabulary showed stronger lexical competition on the day after learning if there was a short delay between learning and sleep. Furthermore, while poorer vocabulary was associated with slower novel word recognition speed before and after sleep for the long delay group, this association was only present before sleep for the short delay group. Thus, weak vocabulary knowledge compromises novel word acquisition, and when there is a longer period of post-learning wake, this disadvantage remains after a consolidation opportunity. However, when sleep occurs soon after learning, consolidation processes can compensate for weaker encoding and permit lexical integration. These data provide preliminary suggestion that children with poorer vocabulary may benefit from learning new words closer to bedtime.

Learning to live with interfering neighbours: the influence of time of learning and level of encoding on word learning

New vocabulary is consolidated offline, particularly during sleep; however, the parameters that influence consolidation remain unclear. Two experiments investigated effects of exposure level and delay between learning and sleep on adults' consolidation of novel competitors (e.g. BANARA) to existing words (e.g. BANANA). Participants made speeded semantic decisions (i.e. a forced choice: natural versus man-made) to the existing words, with the expectation that novel word learning would inhibit responses due to lexical competition. This competition was observed, particularly when assessed after sleep, for both standard and high exposure levels (10 and 20 exposures per word; Experiment 1). Using a lower exposure level (five exposures; Experiment 2), no post-sleep enhancement of competition was observed, despite evidence of consolidation when explicit knowledge of novel word memory was tested. Thus, when encoding is relatively weak, consolidation-related lexical integration is particularly compromised. There was no evidence that going to bed soon after learning is advantageous for overnight consolidation; however, there was some preliminary suggestion that longer gaps between learning and bed-onset were associated with better explicit memory of novel words one week later, but only at higher levels of exposure. These findings suggest that while lexical integration can occur overnight, weaker lexical traces may not be able to access overnight integration processes in the sleeping brain. Furthermore, the finding that longer-term explicit memory of stronger (but not weaker) traces benefit from periods of wake following learning deserves examination in future research.

The role of complementary learning systems in learning and consolidation in a quasi-regular domain

We examine the role of off-line memory consolidation processes in the learning and retention of a new quasi-regular linguistic system similar to the English past tense. Quasi-regular systems are characterized by a dominance of systematic, regular forms (e.g., walk-walked, jump-jumped) alongside a smaller number of high frequency irregulars (e.g., sit-sat, go-went), and are found across many cognitive domains, from spelling-sound mappings to inflectional morphology to semantic cognition. Participants were trained on the novel morphological system using an artificial language paradigm, and then tested after different delays. Based on a complementary systems account of memory, we predicted that irregular forms would show stronger off-line changes due to consolidation processes. Across two experiments, participants were tested either immediately after learning, 12 h later with or without sleep, or 24 h later. Testing involved generalization of the morphological patterns to previously unseen words (both experiments) as well as recall of the trained words (Experiment 2). In generalization, participants showed 'default' regularization across a range of novel forms, as well as irregularization for previously unseen items that were similar to unique high-frequency irregular trained forms. Both patterns of performance remained stable across the delays. Generalizations involving competing tendencies to regularize and irregularize were balanced between the two immediately after learning. Crucially, at both 12-h delays the tendency to irregularize in these cases was strengthened, with further strengthening after 24 h. Consolidated knowledge of both regular and irregular trained items contributed significantly to generalization performance, with evidence of strengthening of irregular forms and weakening of regular forms. We interpret these findings in the context of a complementary systems model, and discuss how maintenance, strengthening, and forgetting of the new memories across sleep and wake can play a role in acquiring quasi-regular systems.

Sleep-Dependent Memory Consolidation and Incremental Sentence Comprehension: Computational Dependencies during Language Learning as Revealed by Neuronal Oscillations

We hypothesize a beneficial influence of sleep on the consolidation of the combinatorial mechanisms underlying incremental sentence comprehension. These predictions are grounded in recent work examining the effect of sleep on the consolidation of linguistic information, which demonstrate that sleep-dependent neurophysiological activity consolidates the meaning of novel words and simple grammatical rules. However, the sleep-dependent consolidation of sentence-level combinatorics has not been studied to date. Here, we propose that dissociable aspects of sleep neurophysiology consolidate two different types of combinatory mechanisms in human language: sequence-based (order-sensitive) and dependency-based (order-insensitive) combinatorics. The distinction between the two types of combinatorics is motivated both by cross-linguistic considerations and the neurobiological underpinnings of human language. Unifying this perspective with principles of sleep-dependent memory consolidation, we posit that a function of sleep is to optimize the consolidation of sequence-based knowledge (the when) and the establishment of semantic schemas of unordered items (the what) that underpin cross-linguistic variations in sentence comprehension. This hypothesis builds on the proposal that sleep is involved in the construction of predictive codes, a unified principle of brain function that supports incremental sentence comprehension. Finally, we discuss neurophysiological measures (EEG/MEG) that could be used to test these claims, such as the quantification of neuronal oscillations, which reflect basic mechanisms of information processing in the brain.

Eye-tracking the time-course of novel word learning and lexical competition in adults and children

Lexical competition is a hallmark of proficient, automatic word recognition. Previous research suggests that there is a delay before a new spoken word becomes engaged in this process, with sleep playing an important role. However, data from one method - the visual world paradigm - consistently show competition without a delay. We trained 42 adults and 40 children (aged 7-8) on novel word-object pairings, and employed this paradigm to measure the time-course of lexical competition. Fixations to novel objects upon hearing existing words (e.g., looks to the novel object biscal upon hearing "click on the biscuit") were compared to fixations on untrained objects. Novel word-object pairings learned immediately before testing and those learned the previous day exhibited significant competition effects, with stronger competition for the previous day pairings for children but not adults. Crucially, this competition effect was significantly smaller for novel than existing competitors (e.g., looks to candy upon hearing "click on the candle"), suggesting that novel items may not compete for recognition like fully-fledged lexical items, even after 24h. Explicit memory (cued recall) was superior for words learned the day before testing, particularly for children; this effect (but not the lexical competition effects) correlated with sleep-spindle density. Together, the results suggest that different aspects of new word learning follow different time courses: visual world competition effects can emerge swiftly, but are qualitatively different from those observed with established words, and are less reliant upon sleep. Furthermore, the findings fit with the view that word learning earlier in development is boosted by sleep to a greater degree.

Mechanisms of phonological inference in speech perception

Cross-modal priming experiments have shown that surface variations in speech are perceptually tolerated as long as they occur in phonologically viable contexts. For example, [symbol: see text] (frayp) gains access to the mental representation of freight when in the context of [symbol: see text] (frayp bearer) because the change occurs in normal speech as a process of place assimilation. The locus of these effects in the perceptual system was examined. Sentences containing surface changes were created that either agreed with or violated assimilation rules. The lexical status of the assimilated word also was manipulated, contrasting lexical and nonlexical accounts. Two phoneme monitoring experiments showed strong effects of phonological viability for words, with weaker effects for nonwords. It is argued that the listener's percept of the form of speech is a product of a phonological inference process that recovers the underlying form of speech. This process can operate on both words and nonwords, although it interacts with the retrieval of lexical information.

Mechanisms of phonological inference in speech perception

Cross-modal priming experiments have shown that surface variations in speech are perceptually tolerated as long as they occur in phonologically viable contexts. For example, [symbol: see text] (frayp) gains access to the mental representation of freight when in the context of [symbol: see text] (frayp bearer) because the change occurs in normal speech as a process of place assimilation. The locus of these effects in the perceptual system was examined. Sentences containing surface changes were created that either agreed with or violated assimilation rules. The lexical status of the assimilated word also was manipulated, contrasting lexical and nonlexical accounts. Two phoneme monitoring experiments showed strong effects of phonological viability for words, with weaker effects for nonwords. It is argued that the listener's percept of the form of speech is a product of a phonological inference process that recovers the underlying form of speech. This process can operate on both words and nonwords, although it interacts with the retrieval of lexical information.

Phonological variation and inference in lexical access

Recent experiments have indicated that lexical access in speech is highly intolerant of mismatch. An isolated sequence such as [symbol: see text] strongly disrupts access to the underlying lexical entry (wicked). This observation seems inconsistent with the systematic variability found in the phonetic form of words. Two cross-modal priming experiments tested the hypothesis that phonologically regular variation is perceptually acceptable. Participants heard tokens like [symbol: see text] embedded in contexts that either licensed the change as a result of a regular assimilation process (e.g., [symbol: see text]) or rendered the change phonologically unviable (e.g., [symbol: see text]). The tokens with contextually unviable deviations did not effectively access lexical representations. In contrast, the same tokens in viable phonological context primed as strongly as unchanged controls. These results suggest that mapping speech onto lexical representations involves on-line phonological inference.

Phonological variation and inference in lexical access

Recent experiments have indicated that lexical access in speech is highly intolerant of mismatch. An isolated sequence such as [symbol: see text] strongly disrupts access to the underlying lexical entry (wicked). This observation seems inconsistent with the systematic variability found in the phonetic form of words. Two cross-modal priming experiments tested the hypothesis that phonologically regular variation is perceptually acceptable. Participants heard tokens like [symbol: see text] embedded in contexts that either licensed the change as a result of a regular assimilation process (e.g., [symbol: see text]) or rendered the change phonologically unviable (e.g., [symbol: see text]). The tokens with contextually unviable deviations did not effectively access lexical representations. In contrast, the same tokens in viable phonological context primed as strongly as unchanged controls. These results suggest that mapping speech onto lexical representations involves on-line phonological inference.