Sexual and romantic spectrums: Mostly straights and mostly gays/lesbians

Sexual and romantic orientations and identities exist along a spectrum with varying degrees of compliance to traditional concepts of sex and romance. Recent investigations have focused on individuals who are not exclusive in their sexual and romantic lives-mostly straights and mostly gays/lesbians. Multi-disciplinary research reveals the diversity of individuals' internal and external sexual and romantic feelings and expressions. One corrective strategy is to scrap categorically based assessment tools and replace them with continuum measures that capture the multiplicity of individuals' sexual and romantic lives. Here I suggest several new measures that are more responsive to a spectrum approach.

Gender Nonconformity of Bisexual Men and Women

The degree to which bisexual-identified individuals are distinct from either heterosexual or homosexual individuals in their sexual orientation is an ongoing debate. We examined potential differences between these groups with respect to a strong correlate of sexual orientation, gender nonconformity (femininity in males, masculinity in females). Across pooled data, we compared self-reports of childhood gender nonconformity (n = 919) and adulthood gender nonconformity (n = 1265) and observer ratings of adulthood gender nonconformity (n = 915) between sexual orientations. Most analyses suggested a steady increase in gender nonconformity from exclusively heterosexual to exclusively homosexual. However, in some analyses, bisexual men were closer to homosexual men than to heterosexual men in their gender nonconformity. The intermediate status of bisexual people in gender nonconformity was not due to the sample having a mixture of very gender-conforming and very gender-nonconforming individuals. In total, men and women with bisexual orientations appeared neither like heterosexual nor homosexual individuals, at least with respect to their gender-related traits.

Robust evidence for bisexual orientation among men

The question whether some men have a bisexual orientation-that is, whether they are substantially sexually aroused and attracted to both sexes-has remained controversial among both scientists and laypersons. Skeptics believe that male sexual orientation can only be homosexual or heterosexual, and that bisexual identification reflects nonsexual concerns, such as a desire to deemphasize homosexuality. Although most bisexual-identified men report that they are attracted to both men and women, self-report data cannot refute these claims. Patterns of physiological (genital) arousal to male and female erotic stimuli can provide compelling evidence for male sexual orientation. (In contrast, most women provide similar physiological responses to male and female stimuli.) We investigated whether men who self-report bisexual feelings tend to produce bisexual arousal patterns. Prior studies of this issue have been small, used potentially invalid statistical tests, and produced inconsistent findings. We combined nearly all previously published data (from eight previous studies in the United States, United Kingdom, and Canada), yielding a sample of 474 to 588 men (depending on analysis). All participants were cisgender males. Highly robust results showed that bisexual-identified men's genital and subjective arousal patterns were more bisexual than were those who identified as exclusively heterosexual or homosexual. These findings support the view that male sexual orientation contains a range, from heterosexuality, to bisexuality, to homosexuality.

Sexual Orientation: Categories or Continuum? Commentary on Bailey et al. (2016)

Bailey et al. (2016) have provided an excellent, state-of-the-art overview that is a major contribution to our understanding of sexual orientation. However, whereas Bailey and his coauthors have examined the physiological, behavioral, and self-report data of sexual orientation and see categories, I see a sexual and romantic continuum. After noting several objections concerning the limitations of the review and methodological shortcomings characteristic of sexual-orientation research in general, I present evidence from research investigating in-between sexualities to support an alternative, continuum-based perspective regarding the nature of sexual orientation for both women and men. A continuum conceptualization has potential implications for investigating the prevalence of nonheterosexuals, sexual-orientation differences in gender nonconformity, causes of sexual orientation, and political issues.

Pupil Dilation to Explicit and Non-Explicit Sexual Stimuli

Pupil dilation to explicit sexual stimuli (footage of naked and aroused men or women) can elicit sex and sexual orientation differences in sexual response. If similar patterns were replicated with non-explicit sexual stimuli (footage of dressed men and women), then pupil dilation could be indicative of automatic sexual response in fully noninvasive designs. We examined this in 325 men and women with varied sexual orientations to determine whether dilation patterns to non-explicit sexual stimuli resembled those to explicit sexual stimuli depicting the same sex or other sex. Sexual orientation differences in pupil dilation to non-explicit sexual stimuli mirrored those to explicit sexual stimuli. However, the relationship of dilation to non-explicit sexual stimuli with dilation to corresponding explicit sexual stimuli was modest, and effect magnitudes were smaller with non-explicit sexual stimuli than explicit sexual stimuli. The prediction that sexual orientation differences in pupil dilation are larger in men than in women was confirmed with explicit sexual stimuli but not with non-explicit sexual stimuli.

Gay, Mostly Gay, or Bisexual Leaning Gay? An Exploratory Study Distinguishing Gay Sexual Orientations Among Young Men

This exploratory study assessed physiological, behavioral, and self-report measures of sexual and romantic indicators of sexual orientation identities among young men (mean age = 21.9 years) with predominant same-sex sexual and romantic interests: those who described themselves as bisexual leaning gay (n = 11), mostly gay (n = 17), and gay (n = 47). Although they were not significantly distinguishable based on physiological (pupil dilation) responses to nude stimuli, on behavioral and self-report measures a descending linear trend toward the less preferred sex (female) was significant regarding sexual attraction, fantasy, genital contact, infatuation, romantic relationship, sex appeal, and gazing time to the porn stimuli. Results supported a continuum of sexuality with distinct subgroups only for the self-report measure of sexual attraction. The other behavioral and self-report measures followed the same trend but did not significantly differ between the bisexual leaning gay and mostly gay groups, likely the result of small sample size. Results suggest that romantic indicators are as good as sexual measures in assessing sexual orientation and that a succession of logically following groups from bisexual leaning gay, mostly gay, to gay. Whether these three groups are discrete or overlapping needs further research.

An Ethological Perspective on Homosexuality during Adolescence

An ethological perspective is presented as an alternative to traditional developmental approaches to adolescence. From an evolutionary point of view, the onset of reproductive capability during adolescence marks the significance of this time during the life course. Thus, the apparent anomaly of male and female youth "preferring" not to engage in heterosexual activities that have the potential to maximize genetic fitness but to participate in homosexual activities that do not have the same adaptive repercussion poses a challenge for an ethological perspective to interpret. To better understand an ethological perspective, basic ethological principles are applied to the emergence and expression of homosexuality during adolescence. First, evidence bearing on the genetic etiological under-pinnings of homosexuality within humans is reviewed through an examination of (a) behavioral genetic studies and (b) hormonal research. Next, adaptive considerations are presented, in particular the prevalence of homosexual behavior among various animal species and human societies, as well as evolutionary pressures that maintain a stable level of homosexuality in the human population. Balanced polymorphism and kin selection are reviewed as answers to the ultimate or functional question. Finally, the "naturalness" of adolescent homosexuality as an outcome of an ethological perspective is proposed. Homosexuality is thus presented as a sexual orientation that is not so much a matter of choice but of biological necessity.

Developmental trajectories and milestones of lesbian, gay, and bisexual young people

Lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) young people experience a variety of developmental trajectories that consist of milestones, the sequence and timing of which differ across individuals. They include early feelings of being different from peers, the onset of same-sex attraction, questioning one's sexuality, first same-sex sexual experience, recognition and self-labelling, disclosure to others, first romantic relationship, and self-acceptance. The invention of 'gay youth' during the 1970s and 1980s is briefly reviewed with an emphasis on the ways in which the portrait created by early research fails to capture the developmental trajectories of millennial young people. Although some young people struggle with mental health problems as they navigate these milestones, research documents the complexity, variety, and normative nature of the vast majority of LGB young people. A growing chorus of developmental, behavioural, and social scientists now emphasize that many contemporary young people forego sexual confusion, recognize the sex or gender to which they are attracted to and love, and believe they are as mentally healthy as heterosexual young people.

Who's Gay? Does It Matter?

To answer the question “Who's gay?”—and its logical follow-up, “Does it matter?”—researchers usually define homosexuality with reference to one of three components or expressions of sexual orientation: sexual/romantic attraction or arousal, sexual behavior, and sexual identity. Yet, the three components are imperfectly correlated and inconsistently predictive of each other, resulting in dissimilar conclusions regarding the number and nature of homosexual populations. Depending on which component is assessed, the prevalence rate of homosexuality in the general population ranges from 1 to 21%. When investigators define the homosexual population based on same-sex behavior or identity, they enhance the possibility of finding a biological basis for homosexuality and a compromised mental health (suicidality).

The dubious assessment of gay, lesbian, and bisexual adolescents of add health

In this essay, we argue that researchers who base their investigations of nonheterosexuality derived from reports of romantic attractions of adolescent participants from Wave 1 of Add Health must account for their disappearance in future waves of data collection. The high prevalence of Wave 1 youth with either both-sex or same-sex romantic attractions was initially striking and unexpected. Subsequent data from Add Health indicated that this prevalence sharply declined over time such that over 70 % of these Wave 1 adolescents identified as exclusively heterosexual as Wave 4 young adults. Three explanations are proposed to account for the high prevalence rate and the temporal inconsistency: (1) gay adolescents going into the closet during their young adult years; (2) confusion regarding the use and meaning of romantic attraction as a proxy for sexual orientation; and (3) the existence of mischievous adolescents who played a "jokester" role by reporting same-sex attraction when none was present. Relying on Add Health data, we dismissed the first explanation as highly unlikely and found support for the other two. Importantly, these "dubious" gay, lesbian, and bisexual adolescents may have led researchers to erroneously conclude from the data that sexual-minority youth are more problematic than heterosexual youth in terms of physical, mental, and social health.

An exploratory study of the categorical versus spectrum nature of sexual orientation

This exploratory study investigated the nature of sexual orientation (categorical or spectrum) by assessing the relative ability of sexual and romantic indicators to be predicted by sexual orientation labels. Young adults from a variety of community and college venues (N =292) reported their sexual orientation label on a 9-point scale; from a 10-item list, their sexual identity; and the percentage of their sexual attraction, fantasy, genital contact, infatuation, and romantic relationship directed to males and females. Although the five indicators were significantly intercorrelated and sexual orientation labels predicted each indicator, discrepancies existed across indicators in relationship to sexual orientation (highest for attraction, lowest for romantic relationship). Sexual identity and sexual orientation label were strongly related at the ends of the sexual spectrum, less so in the middle. Men were nearly as nonexclusive as women. Study results supported the perspective that sexual orientation is a continuously distributed individual characteristic.

Psychological and physical health of mostly heterosexuals: a systematic review

We reviewed whether mostly heterosexuals, a sexual orientation group characterized by a small amount of same-sex sexuality, differ from heterosexuals and bisexuals on a variety of mental and physical health outcomes (e.g., internalizing problems, body dissatisfaction and disordered eating, obesity, sexual/reproductive health, physical health), health risk behaviors (e.g., substance use, sexual risk taking), and risk and protective factors (e.g., victimization, stressful/risky environment, socioeconomic status, personal and social relationships, gender nonconformity). A narrative and quantitative literature review was conducted of 60 papers covering 22 samples from five Western countries. Individual, mean, and median effect sizes (Cohen ds) were calculated whenever possible. Mostly heterosexuals reported higher levels of risk in most reviewed outcomes compared to heterosexuals (unweighted mean effect sizes ranged from 0.20 to 0.50) but typically somewhat lower than bisexuals (unweighted mean effect sizes ranged from -0.10 to -0.30). Various risk factors frequently reduced, but rarely eliminated, health disparities between mostly heterosexuals and heterosexuals. Findings are discussed through the lens of three potential explanations of elevated health risks among nonheterosexuals: minority stress, nonheterosexual lifestyles, and common causes. Because data on many outcomes were scarce or missing, particularly for men and in comparison with bisexuals, further research is needed.

The eyes have it: sex and sexual orientation differences in pupil dilation patterns

Recent research suggests profound sex and sexual orientation differences in sexual response. These results, however, are based on measures of genital arousal, which have potential limitations such as volunteer bias and differential measures for the sexes. The present study introduces a measure less affected by these limitations. We assessed the pupil dilation of 325 men and women of various sexual orientations to male and female erotic stimuli. Results supported hypotheses. In general, self-reported sexual orientation corresponded with pupil dilation to men and women. Among men, substantial dilation to both sexes was most common in bisexual-identified men. In contrast, among women, substantial dilation to both sexes was most common in heterosexual-identified women. Possible reasons for these differences are discussed. Because the measure of pupil dilation is less invasive than previous measures of sexual response, it allows for studying diverse age and cultural populations, usually not included in sexuality research.

The eyes have it: sex and sexual orientation differences in pupil dilation patterns

Recent research suggests profound sex and sexual orientation differences in sexual response. These results, however, are based on measures of genital arousal, which have potential limitations such as volunteer bias and differential measures for the sexes. The present study introduces a measure less affected by these limitations. We assessed the pupil dilation of 325 men and women of various sexual orientations to male and female erotic stimuli. Results supported hypotheses. In general, self-reported sexual orientation corresponded with pupil dilation to men and women. Among men, substantial dilation to both sexes was most common in bisexual-identified men. In contrast, among women, substantial dilation to both sexes was most common in heterosexual-identified women. Possible reasons for these differences are discussed. Because the measure of pupil dilation is less invasive than previous measures of sexual response, it allows for studying diverse age and cultural populations, usually not included in sexuality research.

Gender nonconformity, sexual orientation, and psychological well-being

Both a same-sex sexual orientation and gender nonconformity have been linked with poorer well-being; however, sexual orientation and gender nonconformity are also correlated. It is, therefore, critical to investigate their independent contributions to well-being. Based on survey responses of 230 female and 245 male high school seniors, the present study is one of the first to provide empirical data on this topic. Both childhood and adolescent gender nonconformity were negatively related to well-being. In the same analyses, neither sexual orientation nor biological sex was a significant predictor of well-being. These results suggest that gender-atypical traits may be more relevant for psychological health than a same-sex sexual orientation. Both environmental and biological influences may account for these findings.

Prevalence and stability of self-reported sexual orientation identity during young adulthood

Based on date from Wave 3 and Wave 4 from National Longitudinal Survey of Adolescent Health (N=12,287), known as Add Health, the majority of young adults identified their sexual orientation as 100% heterosexual. The second largest identity group,‘‘mostly heterosexual,’’was larger than all other nonheterosexual identities combined. Comparing distributions across waves, which were approximately 6 years apart, stability of sexual orientation identity wasmore common than change. Stability was greatest among men and those identifying as heterosexual. Individuals who identified as 100% homosexual reported nearly the same level of stability as 100% heterosexuals. The bisexual categorywas themost unstable, with one quarter maintaining that status at Wave 4. Bisexual men who changed their identity distributed themselves among all other categories; among bisexual women, themost common shiftwas toward mostly heterosexual. Reflecting changes in identity, the proportion of heterosexuals decreased between the two waves.

Mostly heterosexual and mostly gay/lesbian: evidence for new sexual orientation identities

A sample of 1,784 individuals responded to an online survey advertised on the Facebook social networking website. We explored the sexual orientation continuum by focusing on three components: self-reported sexual orientation identity, sexual attraction, and sexual partners. Results supported a 5-category classification of identity (heterosexual, mostly heterosexual, bisexual, mostly gay/lesbian, gay/lesbian) in that two added identity labels (mostly heterosexual and mostly gay/lesbian) were frequently chosen by participants and/or showed unique patterns of attraction and partners, distinct from their adjacent identities (heterosexual and bisexual, and bisexual and gay/lesbian, respectively). Those who reported an exclusive label (heterosexual, gay/lesbian) were not necessarily exclusive in other components; a significant minority of heterosexuals and the majority of gays/lesbians reported some attraction and/or partners toward their nonpreferred sex. The five identity groups differed in attraction and partners in a manner consistent with a continuous, rather than a categorical, distribution of sexual orientation. Findings also supported a sexual orientation continuum as consisting of two, rather than one, distinct dimensions (same- and other-sex sexuality). Having more same-sex sexuality did not necessarily imply having less other-sex sexuality, and vice versa. More men than women were at the exclusive ends of the continuum; however, men were not bimodally distributed in that a significant minority reported nonexclusivity in their sexuality.

Prevalence and stability of self-reported sexual orientation identity during young adulthood

Based on date from Wave 3 and Wave 4 from National Longitudinal Survey of Adolescent Health (N=12,287), known as Add Health, the majority of young adults identified their sexual orientation as 100% heterosexual. The second largest identity group,‘‘mostly heterosexual,’’was larger than all other nonheterosexual identities combined. Comparing distributions across waves, which were approximately 6 years apart, stability of sexual orientation identity wasmore common than change. Stability was greatest among men and those identifying as heterosexual. Individuals who identified as 100% homosexual reported nearly the same level of stability as 100% heterosexuals. The bisexual categorywas themost unstable, with one quarter maintaining that status at Wave 4. Bisexual men who changed their identity distributed themselves among all other categories; among bisexual women, themost common shiftwas toward mostly heterosexual. Reflecting changes in identity, the proportion of heterosexuals decreased between the two waves.

Correlates of same-sex sexuality in heterosexually identified young adults

Currently, little is known about heterosexually identified individuals who nonetheless acknowledge same-sex interests. To address this shortcoming, the prevalence of same-sex attractions, fantasies, and experiences among heterosexually identified college students was examined, as well as differences between those who are exclusively heterosexual in their interests and those who are nonexclusive because they report some same-sex attractions or fantasies. Students (N = 243) at a large, Northeastern university completed an online survey providing information about their sexual orientation identity; same- and other-sex attractions, fantasies, and behaviors; and demographic, sexual history, and sexual attitudes variables. Compared to exclusive heterosexual women, nonexclusive women were more liberal in their political and sexual attitudes and had greater sexual experience. Nonexclusive men were virtually indistinguishable from exclusive heterosexual peers on assessed variables. Results are discussed in terms of implications for the nature and meaning of non-heterosexuality in contemporary Western society.

Then and now: recruitment, definition, diversity, and positive attributes of same-sex populations

It is not my intent to critique individual contributions in this special issue but to assess scholarly progress since the last special issue devoted to sexual orientation in Developmental Psychology (Patterson, 1995). Because not all steps forward can be catalogued in this limited forum, I focus on several long-standing challenges faced by developmental scientists as they investigate same-sex sexuality: recruitment and definition of same-sex populations, developmental diversity of same-sex oriented individuals, and "clinical traps" created by early research on same-sex populations.

Prevalence and stability of sexual orientation components during adolescence and young adulthood

Analyses of three waves (6 years) of the National Longitudinal Survey of Adolescent Health data explored the prevalence and stability of sexual orientation and whether these two parameters varied by biologic sex, sexual orientation component (romantic attraction, sexual behavior, sexual identity), and degree of component. Prevalence rates for nonheterosexuality varied between 1 and 15% and depended on biologic sex (higher among females), sexual orientation component (highest for romantic attraction), degree of component (highest if "mostly heterosexual" was included with identity), and the interaction of these (highest for nonheterosexual identity among females). Although kappa statistics testing for temporal stability across waves were significant, they failed to reach acceptable levels of agreement and could be largely attributable to the stability of opposite-sex rather than same-sex attraction and behavior. Migration over time among sexual orientation components was in both directions, from opposite-sex attraction and behavior to same-sex attraction and behavior and vice versa. To assess sexual orientation, investigators should measure multiple components over time or abandon the general notion of sexual orientation and measure only those components relevant for the research question.

Pubertal onset and sexual orientation in an adolescent national probability sample

Using 6-year longitudinal data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Adolescent Health (Add Health) and multiple measures of puberty as it occurs and of sexual orientation (romantic attraction, sexual identity), the present study attempted to replicate previous research which reported that homosexuals and heterosexuals differed in their age of pubertal onset. The study hypotheses were not confirmed for either males or females: on most pubertal measures, same-sex oriented groupings did not differ from heterosexuals. The only significant findings regarding homosexual males indicated that they were more likely to report having a later rather than an earlier onset of puberty, and the significant findings regarding homosexual females were contradictory--they tended to have an earlier onset of puberty. These findings are attributed to methodological improvements in the present study that reduced retrospective bias, used multiple indicators of sexual orientation and puberty timing, and assessed less eroticized measures of puberty.

Reciprocal associations between adolescent sexual activity and quality of youth-parent interactions

The authors examined differences in adolescents' relationships with their parents before and after adolescent first sexual activity. Participants were 13,570 members of the core sample of the National Longitudinal Survey of Adolescent Health (Add Health) Waves 1 and 2. Path analyses examined changes in parent-adolescent closeness, shared activities, and problem-focused interactions associated with changes in sexual activity separately for sons and daughters and for mothers and fathers. Race, religion, age, urbanicity, and parents' education were controls. Results confirm that increased problem-focused interactions and decreased parental closeness and shared activities both precede and follow adolescent sexual activity. Maintaining positive parental relations after adolescent first sexual activity is discussed as a means to reduce risks associated with sex.

Adolescents define sexual orientation and suggest ways to measure it

Researchers disagree on how to assess adolescent sexual orientation. The relative importance of various dimensions (e.g. attraction, relationships, behavior, self-labeling) is unknown, which calls into question the validity of studies assessing adolescent sexual orientation. To address this issue, 50 male and female adolescents of varied sexual orientations participated in focus groups and interviews. Two types of sexual attraction-one a physiologic reaction and the other a cognitive response-were central to adolescent sexual orientation. Participants did not perceive sexual behavior and self-identification as necessarily relevant. Preliminary items to measure sexual attraction were developed based on these adolescents' perceptions.

Homoerotic development during childhood and adolescence

To adequately understand the diversity of child and adolescent homoeroticism, a differential developmental trajectories perspective is proposed that integrates recent research about the development of sexual orientation, sexual behavior, and sexual identity. Only the latter two can be altered therapeutically. Biologic theories of homosexuality are reviewed. Homoerotic youth are shown to be similar and dissimilar to heterosexual youth; more variability occurs within than among sexual orientation groups. Contemporary homoerotic youth recognize their sexuality, self-label, and accept their sexuality at earlier ages than previous generations and many are rejecting traditional identity labels. Clinical recommendations offer ways to assess sexual orientation and help patients to achieve acceptance of their sexuality.

Suicide attempts among sexual-minority male youth

The purpose of this study was to provide data addressing Diamond's (this issue) 4 problem areas in sexual orientation research by comparing gay, bisexual, and questioning male youth who report attempting suicide with those who do not. Secondary analyses were conducted with 2 datasets, 1 with a gay support group (n = 51) and the other with online youth (n = 681). Reported suicide attempts ranged from 39% among support-group youth, to 25% among Internet gay support group youth, to 9% among Internet non-support group youth. Sexual orientation, behavior, and identity did not predict suicidal attempt status, but suicide attempters experienced higher levels of both generic life stressors (low self-esteem, substance use, victimization) and gay-related stressors, particularly those directly related to visible (femininity) and behavioral (gay sex) aspects of their sexual identity. Support-group attendance was related to higher levels of suicidality and life stressors, as well as certain resiliency factors. Results suggest that there exists a minority of sexual-minority youth who are at risk but that it would be inappropriate to characterize the entire population as such.

Sex variations in the disclosure to parents of same-sex attractions

The decision whether to disclose same-sex attractions to parents was explored through in-depth interviews with 164 young women and men. Participants were more likely to disclose to mothers than fathers, usually around age 19 years and in a face-to-face encounter. Mothers were told before fathers, largely because mothers asked or because youth wanted to share their life with them; fathers were told by someone other than their child or by the youth because it was time. The reason participants did not disclose to mothers was because it was not the right developmental time; the reason they did not disclose to fathers was because they were not close to them. Sons, more than daughters, feared the negative reactions of parents, who generally reacted in the same manner--supportive or slightly negative. Relationships with parents since disclosure generally had not changed or had improved. Sex of parent mattered more than sex of child on most domains.

Suicide attempts among sexual-minority youths: population and measurement issues

Two questions were addressed regarding suicide attempts among sexual-minority youths: Who should be classified as a sexual minority, and what constitutes a suicide attempt? Results from 2 studies indicated that sexual-minority youths, broadly defined in terms of sexual orientation and recruitment venue, were slightly more likely than heterosexual youths to report a suicide attempt. To afford a more accurate assessment of suicide attempts, a detailed measure distinguished true from false attempts. This method eliminated over half of suicide attempt reports among sexual minorities because they were false attempts-ideation rather than a concrete act to end life. Furthermore, many true attempts were not life threatening, suggesting that the reports were attempts to communicate the hardships of lives or to identify with a gay community.

Suicide attempts among sexual-minority youths: population and measurement issues

Two questions were addressed regarding suicide attempts among sexual-minority youths: Who should be classified as a sexual minority, and what constitutes a suicide attempt? Results from 2 studies indicated that sexual-minority youths, broadly defined in terms of sexual orientation and recruitment venue, were slightly more likely than heterosexual youths to report a suicide attempt. To afford a more accurate assessment of suicide attempts, a detailed measure distinguished true from false attempts. This method eliminated over half of suicide attempt reports among sexual minorities because they were false attempts-ideation rather than a concrete act to end life. Furthermore, many true attempts were not life threatening, suggesting that the reports were attempts to communicate the hardships of lives or to identify with a gay community.

A critique of research on sexual-minority youths

Developmental scientists should seriously reconsider traditional empirical and theoretical paradigms that narrowly define sexual-minority adolescents in terms of those who adopt a culturally defined sexual identity label. A broader consideration of youth populations who have same-sex desires but who might not necessarily identify as gay, lesbian or bisexual, lead one to a very different understanding of sexual-minority youths than is apparent in most published studies. First, they are in most regards just like all other adolescents with similar developmental needs and concerns. Second, they are not a homogeneous group but vary among themselves in predictable ways. Third, this expanded definition allows us to conclude that same-sex attraction per se does not lead to pathology or to problematic behavior such as drug abuse, suicide, prostitution or HIV infection. Indeed, researchers and clinicians should focus on the resiliency that often characterizes sexual-minority youths.

Sexual identity trajectories among sexual-minority youths: gender comparisons

The present investigation explored gender differences in sexual identity development--first same-sex attractions, self-labeling, same-sex sexual contact, and disclosure--among 164 sexual-minority young adults. Based on interviews, results indicated the value of assessing gender differences in the context, timing, spacing, and sequencing of sexual identity milestones. Adolescent males had an earlier onset of all milestones except disclosure. The context for sexual identity milestones were likely to be emotionally oriented for young women and sexually oriented for young men. The gap from first same-sex attractions (8-9 years of age) to first disclosure (around 18 years) averaged 10 years for both sexes. Young women followed label-first developmental trajectories; men were more likely to pursue sex before identifying themselves as gay. In terms of achieving sexual identity milestones, gender mattered, but it was not everything.

Sexual identity development among ethnic sexual-minority male youths

The current research explores how ethnicity influences sexual identity development. Among 139 sexual-minority male youths, measures of sexual identity development assessed the timing and sequencing of developmental milestones, disclosure of sexual identity to others, internalized homophobia, and same- and opposite-sex relationship histories. Findings demonstrated that participants, regardless of ethnicity, experienced most identity milestones at developmentally appropriate ages, had moderately low levels of internalized homophobia, and became romantically and sexually involved with other males during adolescence. Differences across ethnic groups were found in the timing and sequencing of certain milestones, disclosure of sexual identity to family members, and romantic and sexual involvement with females.

Sexual identity development among ethnic sexual-minority male youths

The current research explores how ethnicity influences sexual identity development. Among 139 sexual-minority male youths, measures of sexual identity development assessed the timing and sequencing of developmental milestones, disclosure of sexual identity to others, internalized homophobia, and same- and opposite-sex relationship histories. Findings demonstrated that participants, regardless of ethnicity, experienced most identity milestones at developmentally appropriate ages, had moderately low levels of internalized homophobia, and became romantically and sexually involved with other males during adolescence. Differences across ethnic groups were found in the timing and sequencing of certain milestones, disclosure of sexual identity to family members, and romantic and sexual involvement with females.

Verbal and physical abuse as stressors in the lives of lesbian, gay male, and bisexual youths: associations with school problems, running away, substance abuse, prostitution, and suicide

A common theme identified in empirical studies and clinical reports of lesbian, gay male, and bisexual youths is the chronic stress that is created by the verbal and physical abuse they receive from peers and adults. This article reviews the verbal and physical abuse that threatens the well-being and physical survival of lesbian, gay male, and bisexual youths. This response to gay male, lesbian, and bisexual adolescents by significant others in their environment is often associated with several problematic outcomes, including school-related problems, running away from home, conflict with the law, substance abuse, prostitution, and suicide. Although the causal link between these stressors and outcomes has not been scientifically established, there is suggestive evidence that these outcomes are consequences of verbal and physical harassment.

Parental influences on the self-esteem of gay and lesbian youths: a reflected appraisals model

Based on a population of 317 gay and lesbian youths, the current investigation explores the appropriateness of a reflected appraisals perspective in predicting the degree to which parental attitudes, as perceived by youth, affects their self-esteem and comfortableness being gay. A lesbian was most comfortable with her sexual orientation if she also reported that her parents accepted her homosexuality; these variables did not, however, predict her level of self-esteem. Among the gay males, parental acceptance predicted comfortable being gay if the parents were also perceived as important components of a youth's self-worth; a male most comfortable with his sexual orientation had the highest level of self-esteem. Results are discussed in terms of: (a) sex of parent, (b) sex-role development, (c) comparisons of gays and lesbians, and (d) research on gay and lesbian youth.

Theoretical perspectives accounting for adolescent homosexuality

Few topics in sexology elicit such a diversity of opinions and emotions as the question of etiology of homosexuality. Views frequently carry with them implicit or explicit messages concerning the psychologic health of this sexual orientation. Theories of sexual development usually portray adolescence as a critical time in the life course because of changes in: 1) anatomy and physiology; 2) psychologic functioning: the reawakening, renewal, and reliving of previously established sexual relations and drives; and/or 3) social conditions: an increased exposure and adherence to societal messages concerning appropriate and inappropriate social and sexual behaviors and relationships. This paper provides a brief overview of several major theories--evolutionary biology, psychoanalysis, and social processes--as they relate to the development of sexual orientation. In addition, an ethologic perspective that synthesizes various etiologic theories, as they relate to homosexuality during adolescence, is briefly reviewed. In these discussions, the issue of whether homosexuality is a normal or abnormal developmental state during adolescence is also addressed.