Unsafe abortion: global and regional incidence, trends, consequences, and challenges

OBJECTIVE

This review aims to provide the latest global and regional estimates of the incidence and trends in induced abortion, both safe and unsafe. A related objective is to document maternal mortality due to unsafe abortion. The legal context of abortion and the international discourse on preventing unsafe abortion are reviewed to highlight policy implications and challenges in preventing unsafe abortion. METHODS AND DATA SOURCES: This review is based on estimates of unsafe abortion and maternal mortality ratios. These estimates are arrived at using the database on unsafe abortion maintained by the World Health Organization. Additional data from the Demographic and Health Surveys and the United Nations Population Division are used for further analysis of abortion and mortality estimates.

RESULTS

Each year 42 million abortions are estimated to take place, 22 million safely and 20 million unsafely. Unsafe abortion accounts for 70,000 maternal deaths each year and causes a further 5 million women to suffer temporary or permanent disability. Maternal mortality ratios (number of maternal deaths per 100,000 live births) due to complications of unsafe abortion are higher in regions with restricted abortion laws than in regions with no or few restrictions on access to safe and legal abortion.

CONCLUSION

Legal restrictions on safe abortion do not reduce the incidence of abortion. A woman's likelihood to have an abortion is about the same whether she lives in a region where abortion is available on request or where it is highly restricted. While legal and safe abortions have declined recently, unsafe abortions show no decline in numbers and rates despite their being entirely preventable. Providing information and services for modern contraception is the primary prevention strategy to eliminate unplanned pregnancy. Providing safe abortion will prevent unsafe abortion. In all cases, women should have access to post-abortion care, including services for family planning. The Millennium Development Goal to improve maternal health is unlikely to be achieved without addressing unsafe abortion and associated mortality and morbidity.

Worth the wait? A critique of the Abortion Act 2008 (Vic)

This article offers a critique of the likely impact of the Abortion Act 2008 (Vic) in light of the fact that the Act was intended to reflect rather than alter current clinical practice surrounding abortion. The author traces the development of abortion law in Victoria and compares the two models for regulating abortion: the "common law model" and the "legislative model". The author argues in favour of legislative intervention. The author also discusses current uncertainties that exist due to the unclear effect of the Charter of Human Rights and Responsibilities Act 2006 (Vic) on abortion legislation, focusing on the intersection between women's rights to an abortion and doctors' rights to freedom of conscience.

[The reform of Spanish abortion law]

The article focuses on the different factors and circumstances that have led to the reform of Spanish Abortion Law (1985). Judicial investigations of several abortion clinics have demonstrated that up until today there has been a widespread tendency of the clinics to practice beyond the limits established by the law. Nonetheless, the reaction of the government has not been to protect the life of the unborn. Its reaction has been, however, to cover the irregularities committed by the abortionists through the legalization of their abusive practices. Besides, the reform of the law has been inspired by elements of radical feminism. The author points out the major reasons that make this reform unconstitutional and offers alternative solutions for the protection of the mother and the unborn child.

The public funding of abortion in Canada: going beyond the concept of medical necessity

This article defends the public funding of abortion in the Canadian health care system in light of objections by opponents of abortion that the procedure should be denied public funding. Abortion opponents point out that women terminate their pregnancies most often for social reasons, that the Canadian health care system only requires funding for medically necessary procedures, and that abortion for social reasons is not medically necessary care. I offer two lines of response. First, I briefly present an argument that characterizes abortion sought for social reasons as medically necessary care, directly contesting the anti-abortion position. Second, and more substantially, I present a justice argument that shows that even if abortion is not regarded as medically necessary care, the reasons that typically motivate women to seek abortion are sufficiently weighty from the moral perspective that it would be unjust to deny them public funding. I finish by drawing the more general conclusion that health care funding decisions should be guided by a broader concept of necessary care, rather than by a narrow concept of specifically medical necessity. A broad concept of necessary care has been debated in health care policy in the Netherlands, and I suggest that such a concept would be a more just and defensible guide for funding decisions than the concept of medical necessity.

Induced abortion frequency in Ankara, Turkey, before and after the legal regulation of induced abortion

OBJECTIVE

To determine the effects of the 1983 law that legalized induced abortion on the number and place of abortions, and on the use of family planning (FP) methods before and after abortion, and to determine the demographic characteristics and reproductive health features according to the order of abortion.

METHOD

This study included 2455 married, widowed or divorced women presenting at Mother and Child Health-Family Planning Centres in Ankara. A questionnaire was used for data collection.

RESULT

Nearly three out of 10 (28.7%) of the women had undergone at least one induced abortion. In the age groups 45-54 and 55-64, 49 and 37.3%, respectively, had had one or more terminations of pregnancy (TOPs). The induced abortion rate increased following the enacting of the law. In the 15-24 and in the 55-64 age group, 55.6 and 89%, respectively, of the women had been aborted by a private physician. Before the index pregnancy, 63.1% were not using contraception compared with 37.3% thereafter. The rate of use of FP increased after the law was passed.

CONCLUSION

Although the most common reason for having an abortion was unwanted pregnancy in all age groups and nearly 60.0% of the women aged less than 55 reported that they were not using any FP method at the time of the TOP, the proportion of women having undergone at least one of these procedures increased after the law was passed, indicating that abortion is used as a FP method.

Accessibility and availability of abortion in six European countries

OBJECTIVES

The accessibility and availability of abortion are a reflection of abortion law and the accessibility and availability of abortion services. Experiences from six European countries with different political, cultural, social and religious backgrounds (the Netherlands, France, Great Britain, Slovenia, Hungary and Turkey) are presented.

RESULTS

Abortion laws in Europe range from complete prohibition to complete liberalization of abortion. Some countries demand a waiting period for the procedure, pre-abortion counseling, parental approval for minors, and in the others there are no mandatory requirements. Abortions are generally performed in authorized facilities by gynecologists or general practitioners. Abortion services are easily accessible, in terms of the law, availability of facilities and health insurance coverage of the procedure in the Netherlands, France and Slovenia. Abortion service is less accessible in United Kingdom, Hungary and Turkey, as a result of limited accessibility to abortion services or a relatively high abortion fee. In some Eastern European countries there has been a tendency in the last decade to limit the availability and access to abortion.

CONCLUSIONS

In Europe abortion is generally well accessible in terms of abortion laws. There are differences in accessibility to abortion services between the countries, and in some countries, also between different areas of the country.

Minors' behavioral responses to parental involvement laws: delaying abortion until age 18

CONTEXT

Prior research on the effect of laws mandating parental involvement in minors' abortions has failed to examine an important behavioral response to such laws: Older teenagers may delay an abortion until age 18; for some, this may mean terminating a pregnancy after the first trimester.

METHODS

Statewide data were obtained on abortions in Texas in 1997-2003. Analysis of relative rate ratios with narrowly defined comparison groups was used to evaluate the association between Texas's parental notification law and the occurrence of second-trimester abortions among minors who have responded to the law by delaying abortion until age 18.

RESULTS

In the four years after the law went into effect, the proportion of abortions obtained at age 18 increased by six percentage points among minors who conceived at age 17 years and eight months, and by 13 points among those who did so at 17 years and nine months. As a result, the second-trimester abortion rate of these groups combined increased by 21%; by contrast, there was no evidence of an increase in this rate among younger minors, for whom delaying the abortion until age 18 was not feasible.

CONCLUSIONS

Some minors postpone abortion until the second or even third trimester of pregnancy to circumvent parental notification requirements. Given the greater costs of and medical risks associated with late-term abortions, policymakers should not ignore this behavior.

Overlap of premature birth and permissible abortion

Abortion is permitted in many jurisdictions after the age at which an infant is viable on the basis of intensive neonatal care techniques. Does this cause special concerns for those involved in perinatal care and termination of pregnancy services or is the overlap mainly an abstract issue fretted over by ethicists and academics? In order to explore this question, a group of clinicians involved in this area of care were interviewed and their interviews analysed using qualitative measures. The clinicians concerned were exercised by the ethical issues and had various ways of resolving them which tended to reflect a gradualist, multifaceted and, to some extent, particularist approach to ethical decision-making in relation to the edges of human life. The ways in which those strands of ethical thought are instanced in the interview material are reported and discussed.

Legal barriers to second-trimester abortion provision and public health consequences

Many women need access to abortion care in the second trimester. Most of this care is provided by a small number of specialty clinics, which are increasingly targeted by regulations including bans on so-called partial birth abortion and requirements that the clinic qualify as an ambulatory surgical center. These regulations cause physicians to change their clinical practices or reduce the maximum gestational age at which they perform abortions to avoid legal risks. Ambulatory surgical center requirements significantly increase abortion costs and reduce the availability of abortion services despite the lack of any evidence that using those facilities positively affects health outcomes. Both types of laws threaten to further reduce access to and quality of second-trimester abortion care.

Awareness and views of the law on termination of pregnancy and reasons for resorting to an abortion among a group of women attending a clinic in Colombo, Sri Lanka

In Sri Lanka, induced abortion is a criminal offence except to save the life of the mother. This study determined the awareness and views of the law on abortion among women seeking an abortion. Three hundred and thirteen women were interviewed. The characteristics of the study group are discussed. 65.8% of the respondents stated they knew the current law, 25.6% stated they did not and 8.3% were unsure. On detailed analysis of each respondent's knowledge regarding the situations where abortion is legalized including those who stated that they did not know the law, only 11.2% had an accurate knowledge. More than 75% stated that abortion should be legalized when the mother's life was in danger, where there was pregnancy after rape or incest, when there was psychiatric illness in the mother and when there were fetal anomalies. Reasons for resorting to an abortion are discussed. Although 11.2% were aware of the law, there was no difference in the reasons for resorting to an abortion when compared with those who were unaware of the law. This study highlights the fact that availability of abortion services to women depend not only on the law and its awareness, but on how it is interpreted and enforced.

Professional right of conscience

In recent years there have been numerous media reports of professionals attempting to expand the right of conscience and deny health care services requested by consumers. While the media has focused the most attention on pharmacists' right to refuse access to contraception, this trend is an expansion of the right originally established to protect professionals from being required to perform abortions or to provide direct assistance with abortions. State legislatures have addressed this issue, in some cases by overtly protecting consumers' rights and in other cases by broadening professional right of conscience. In this article, the literature on provider right of conscience is reviewed, and approaches advised by professional organizations are discussed.

The abortion-breast cancer connection

This article examines the abortion breast cancer link in some historical scientific detail, offering a perspective on an issue that is at the center of a long-running public policy debate that plays out in legislatures, courtrooms, and newspaper editorials, as well as in scientific and medical journals. Even as politically correct studies have been promulgated to neutralize the data proving the abortion breast cancer link, even stronger data have emerged in recent years that firmly link abortion to premature births in subsequent pregnancies, which in turn raise the risk of breast cancer in mothers and cerebral palsy in prematurely born children.

[Comment on the bill modifying the Law on prevention of congenital defects in Argentina]

The author analyzes the bill modifying the Prevention of Congenital Handicaps Acts, as it is an issue affecting thousands of fertile women and their children's health. The text includes various topics as diet, foetal anomalies and termination of pregnancy, with its ethical and legal consequences.

Visual bioethics

Although images are pervasive in public policy debates in bioethics, few who work in the field attend carefully to the way that images function rhetorically. If the use of images is discussed at all, it is usually to dismiss appeals to images as a form of manipulation. Yet it is possible to speak meaningfully of visual arguments. Examining the appeal to images of the embryo and fetus in debates about abortion and stem cell research, I suggest that bioethicists would be well served by attending much more carefully to how images function in public policy debates.