Lexical ambiguity in sentence comprehension

Suppressing contextually irrelevant meanings of homophonic versus heterophonic homographs: A tDCS study targeting LIFG

Readers frequently encounter homographs (e.g., bank) whose resolution requires selection-suppression processes: selecting the contextually relevant meaning, while suppressing the irrelevant one. In two experiments, we investigated how these processes are modulated by the phonological status of the homograph (homographs with one vs. two possible pronunciations); and what is the involvement of the left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG, including Broca's area) in these processes. To these ends, Experiment 1 utilized the context verification task with two types of Hebrew homographs: homophonic (e.g., bank) and heterophonic (e.g., tear). In the task, participants read sentences ending either with a homograph (e.g., bank) or an unambiguous word (e.g., shore). The sentences were biased towards the homograph's subordinate meaning (e.g., The fisherman sat on the bank/shore), and were followed by a target word related to the homograph's dominant meaning (e.g., MONEY). The participants were asked to judge whether the target was related to the overall meaning of the sentence. An ambiguity effect was observed for both types of homographs, reflecting interference from the irrelevant dominant meaning. However, this ambiguity effect was larger for heterophonic than for homophonic homographs, indicating that dominant meanings of heterophonic homographs are more difficult to suppress. Experiment 2 was identical, except that the procedure was coupled with transcranial direct current stimulation (tDCS) over the LIFG (including Broca's area). We found that stimulating the LIFG abolished the ambiguity effect, but only in the case of heterophonic homographs. Together, these findings highlight the distinction between phonological and semantic levels of selection-suppression processes, and the involvement of the LIFG in the phonological level of these processes.

Hierarchical syntax model of music predicts theta power during music listening

Linguistic research showed that the depth of syntactic embedding is reflected in brain theta power. Here, we test whether this also extends to non-linguistic stimuli, specifically music. We used a hierarchical model of musical syntax to continuously quantify two types of expert-annotated harmonic dependencies throughout a piece of Western classical music: prolongation and preparation. Prolongations can roughly be understood as a musical analogue to linguistic coordination between constituents that share the same function (e.g., 'pizza' and 'pasta' in 'I ate pizza and pasta'). Preparation refers to the dependency between two harmonies whereby the first implies a resolution towards the second (e.g., dominant towards tonic; similar to how the adjective implies the presence of a noun in 'I like spicy … '). Source reconstructed MEG data of sixty-five participants listening to the musical piece was then analysed. We used Bayesian Mixed Effects models to predict theta envelope in the brain, using the number of open prolongation and preparation dependencies as predictors whilst controlling for audio envelope. We observed that prolongation and preparation both carry independent and distinguishable predictive value for theta band fluctuation in key linguistic areas such as the Angular, Superior Temporal, and Heschl's Gyri, or their right-lateralised homologues, with preparation showing additional predictive value for areas associated with the reward system and prediction. Musical expertise further mediated these effects in language-related brain areas. Results show that predictions of precisely formalised music-theoretical models are reflected in the brain activity of listeners which furthers our understanding of the perception and cognition of musical structure.

Brain representations of lexical ambiguity: Disentangling homonymy, polysemy, and their meanings

In human languages, it is a common phenomenon for a single word to have multiple meanings. This study used fMRI to investigate how the brain processed different types of lexical ambiguity, and how it differentiated the meanings of ambiguous words. We focused on homonyms and polysemy that differed in the relatedness among multiple meanings. Participants (N = 35) performed a prime-target semantic relatedness task, where a specific meaning of an ambiguous word was primed. Results showed that homonyms elicited greater activation in bilateral dorsal prefrontal and posterior parietal cortices than polysemous words, suggesting that these regions may be more engaged in cognitive control when the meanings of ambiguous words are unrelated. Multivariate pattern analysis further revealed that meanings of homonyms with different syntactic categories were represented differently in the frontal and temporal cortices. The findings highlighted the importance of semantic relations and grammatical factors in the brain's representation of lexical ambiguities.

Remapping and Reconnecting the Language Network after Stroke

Here, we review the literature on neurotypical individuals and individuals with post-stroke aphasia showing that right-hemisphere regions homologous to language network and other regions, like the right cerebellum, are activated in language tasks and support language even in healthy people. We propose that language recovery in post-stroke aphasia occurs largely by potentiating the right hemisphere network homologous to the language network and other networks that previously supported language to a lesser degree and by modulating connection strength between nodes of the right-hemisphere language network and undamaged nodes of the left-hemisphere language network. Based on this premise (supported by evidence we review), we propose that interventions should be aimed at potentiating the right-hemisphere language network through Hebbian learning or by augmenting connections between network nodes through neuroplasticity, such as non-invasive brain stimulation and perhaps modulation of neurotransmitters involved in neuroplasticity. We review aphasia treatment studies that have taken this approach. We conclude that further aphasia rehabilitation with this aim is justified.

Inter- and intra- hemispheric interactions in reading ambiguous words

The present study investigated how the brain processes words with multiple meanings. Specifically, we examined the inter- and intra-hemispheric connectivity of unambiguous words compared to two types of ambiguous words: homophonic homographs, which have multiple meanings mapped to a single phonological representation and orthography, and heterophonic homographs, which have multiple meanings mapped to different phonological representations but the same orthography. Using a semantic relatedness judgment task and effective connectivity analysis via Dynamic Causal Modeling (DCM) on previously published fMRI data (Bitan et al., 2017), we found that the two hemispheres compete in orthographic processing during the reading of unambiguous words. For heterophonic homographs, we observed increased connectivity within the left hemisphere, highlighting the importance of top-down re-activation of orthographic representations by phonological ones for considering alternative meanings. For homophonic homographs, we found a flow of information from the left to the right hemisphere and from the right to the left, indicating that the brain retrieves different meanings using different pathways. These findings provide novel insights into the complex mechanisms involved in language processing and shed light on the different communication patterns within and between hemispheres during the processing of ambiguous and unambiguous words.

Late dominance of the right hemisphere during narrative comprehension

PET and fMRI studies suggest that auditory narrative comprehension is supported by a bilateral multilobar cortical network. The superior temporal resolution of magnetoencephalography (MEG) makes it an attractive tool to investigate the dynamics of how different neuroanatomic substrates engage during narrative comprehension. Using beta-band power changes as a marker of cortical engagement, we studied MEG responses during an auditory story comprehension task in 31 healthy adults. The protocol consisted of two runs, each interleaving 7 blocks of the story comprehension task with 15 blocks of an auditorily presented math task as a control for phonological processing, working memory, and attention processes. Sources at the cortical surface were estimated with a frequency-resolved beamformer. Beta-band power was estimated in the frequency range of 16-24 Hz over 1-sec epochs starting from 400 msec after stimulus onset until the end of a story or math problem presentation. These power estimates were compared to 1-second epochs of data before the stimulus block onset. The task-related cortical engagement was inferred from beta-band power decrements. Group-level source activations were statistically compared using non-parametric permutation testing. A story-math contrast of beta-band power changes showed greater bilateral cortical engagement within the fusiform gyrus, inferior and middle temporal gyri, parahippocampal gyrus, and left inferior frontal gyrus (IFG) during story comprehension. A math-story contrast of beta power decrements showed greater bilateral but left-lateralized engagement of the middle frontal gyrus and superior parietal lobule. The evolution of cortical engagement during five temporal windows across the presentation of stories showed significant involvement during the first interval of the narrative of bilateral opercular and insular regions as well as the ventral and lateral temporal cortex, extending more posteriorly on the left and medially on the right. Over time, there continued to be sustained right anterior ventral temporal engagement, with increasing involvement of the right anterior parahippocampal gyrus, STG, MTG, posterior superior temporal sulcus, inferior parietal lobule, frontal operculum, and insula, while left hemisphere engagement decreased. Our findings are consistent with prior imaging studies of narrative comprehension, but in addition, they demonstrate increasing right-lateralized engagement over the course of narratives, suggesting an important role for these right-hemispheric regions in semantic integration as well as social and pragmatic inference processing.

Suppression of non-selected solutions as a possible brain mechanism for ambiguity resolution in the word fragment task completion task

Brain systems dealing with multiple meanings of ambiguous stimuli are relatively well studied, while the processing of non-selected meanings is less investigated in the neurophysiological literature and provokes controversy between existing theories. It is debated whether these meanings are actively suppressed and, if yes, whether suppression characterizes any task that involves alternative solutions or only those tasks that emphasize semantic processing or the existence of alternatives. The current functional MRI event-related study used a modified version of the word fragment completion task to reveal brain mechanisms involved in implicit processing of the non-selected solutions of ambiguous fragments. The stimuli were pairs of fragmented adjectives and nouns. Noun fragments could have one or two solutions (resulting in two words with unrelated meanings). Adjective fragments had one solution and created contexts strongly suggesting one solution for ambiguous noun fragments. All fragmented nouns were presented twice during the experiment (with two different adjectives). We revealed that ambiguity resolution was associated with a reduced BOLD signal within several regions related to language processing, including the anterior hippocampi and amygdala and posterior lateral temporal cortex. Obtained findings were interpreted as resulting from brain activity inhibition, which underlies a hypothesized mechanism of suppression of non-selected solutions.

Change is hard: Individual differences in children's lexical processing and executive functions after a shift in dimensions

Language comprehension involves cognitive abilities that are specific to language as well as cognitive abilities that are more general and involved in a wide range of behaviors. One set of domain-general abilities that support language comprehension are executive functions (EFs), also known as cognitive control. A diverse body of research has demonstrated that EFs support language comprehension when there is conflict between competing, incompatible interpretations of temporarily ambiguous words or phrases. By engaging EFs, children and adults are able to select or bias their attention towards the correct interpretation. However, the degree to which language processing engages EFs in the absence of ambiguity is poorly understood. In the current experiment, we tested whether EFs may be engaged when comprehending speech that does not elicit conflicting interpretations. Different components of EFs were measured using several behavioral tasks and language comprehension was measured using an eye-tracking procedure. Five-year-old children (n=56) saw pictures of familiar objects and heard sentences identifying the objects using either their names or colors. After a series of objects were identified using one dimension, children were significantly less accurate in fixating target objects that were identified using a second dimension. Further results reveal that this decrease in accuracy does not occur because children struggle to shift between dimensions, but rather because they are unable to predict which dimension will be used. These effects of predictability are related to individual differences in children's EFs. Taken together, these findings suggest that EFs may be more broadly involved when children comprehend language, even in instances that do not require conflict resolution.

Corticostriatal Regulation of Language Functions

The role of corticostriatal circuits in language functions is unclear. In this review, we consider evidence from language learning, syntax, and controlled language production and comprehension tasks that implicate various corticostriatal circuits. Converging evidence from neuroimaging in healthy individuals, studies in populations with subcortical dysfunction, pharmacological studies, and brain stimulation suggests a domain-general regulatory role of corticostriatal systems in language operations. The role of corticostriatal systems in language operations identified in this review is likely to reflect a broader function of the striatum in responding to uncertainty and conflict which demands selection, sequencing, and cognitive control. We argue that this role is dynamic and varies depending on the degree and form of cognitive control required, which in turn will recruit particular corticostriatal circuits and components organised in a cognitive hierarchy.

Working memory and lexical ambiguity resolution in Cantonese Chinese

The present study examined how working memory functions in the underlying mechanism of the lexical disambiguation process (in activation approach or in inhibition approach). We recruited sixty native Cantonese listeners to participate in two experimental tasks: (a) a Cantonese-version reading span task to measure their working memory (WM) capacity and (b) a standard cross-modal priming task to measure the lexical disambiguation time. The results revealed that (1) the underlying mechanism of the disambiguation process seemed favorable for an inhibition approach and (2) the frequency of the individual meanings of the ambiguous words and the numbers of their meanings might interact with the WM capacity during lexical access, particularly for the low-WM span group.

Examining the Relationship Between the Readability and Comprehensibility of Practice Test Questions and Failure Rates on Learner's Permit Knowledge Tests

Purpose The readability and comprehensibility of Learner's Permit Knowledge Test practice questions and the relationship with test failure rates across states and the District of Columbia were examined. Method Failure rates were obtained from department representatives. Practice test questions were extracted from drivers' manuals and department websites and examined for readability using Flesch-Kincaid Grade Level and comprehensibility using Question Understanding Aid. The influence of readability and comprehensibility on test failure rates was explored. Results The average failure rate from reporting jurisdictions was 42.76%. In total, 11 out of 28 jurisdictions reported that test takers fail more than half the time, while 25 out of 28 reported that test takers fail at least a quarter of the time. While 33.09% of the variability in failure rates could be accounted for by syntactic complexity of the questions, 54.18% could be accounted for by the reading ease. Discussion With few exceptions, test failure rates are systematically high across the United States. The current findings suggest that these tests may be inappropriately biased against individuals with lower levels of literacy and language ability. Implications for test developers and clinicians are discussed.

Decoding the Real-Time Neurobiological Properties of Incremental Semantic Interpretation

Communication through spoken language is a central human capacity, involving a wide range of complex computations that incrementally interpret each word into meaningful sentences. However, surprisingly little is known about the spatiotemporal properties of the complex neurobiological systems that support these dynamic predictive and integrative computations. Here, we focus on prediction, a core incremental processing operation guiding the interpretation of each upcoming word with respect to its preceding context. To investigate the neurobiological basis of how semantic constraints change and evolve as each word in a sentence accumulates over time, in a spoken sentence comprehension study, we analyzed the multivariate patterns of neural activity recorded by source-localized electro/magnetoencephalography (EMEG), using computational models capturing semantic constraints derived from the prior context on each upcoming word. Our results provide insights into predictive operations subserved by different regions within a bi-hemispheric system, which over time generate, refine, and evaluate constraints on each word as it is heard.

The interaction between language and working memory: a systematic review of fMRI studies in the past two decades

Language processing involves other cognitive domains, including Working Memory (WM). Much detail about the neural correlates of language and WM interaction remains unclear. This review summarizes the evidence for the interaction between WM and language obtained via functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging (fMRI) in the past two decades. The search was limited to PubMed, Google Scholar, Science direct and Neurosynth for working memory, language, fMRI, neuroimaging, cognition, attention, network, connectome keywords. The exclusion criteria consisted of studies including children, older adults, bilingual or multilingual population, clinical cases, music, sign language, speech, motor processing, review papers, meta-analyses, electroencephalography/event-related potential, and positron emission tomography. A total of 20 articles were included and discussed in four categories: language comprehension, language production, syntax, and networks. Studies on neural correlates of WM and language interaction are rare. Language tasks that involve WM activate common neural systems. Activated areas can be associated with cognitive concepts proposed by Baddeley and Hitch (1974), including the phonological loop of WM (mainly Broca and Wernicke's areas), other prefrontal cortex and right hemispheric regions linked to the visuospatial sketchpad. There is a clear, dynamic interaction between language and WM, reflected in the involvement of subcortical structures, particularly the basal ganglia (caudate), and of widespread right hemispheric regions. WM involvement is levered by cognitive demand in response to task complexity. High WM capacity readers draw upon buffer memory systems in midline cortical areas to decrease the WM demands for efficiency. Different dynamic networks are involved in WM and language interaction in response to the task in hand for an ultimate brain function efficiency, modulated by language modality and attention.

Barking up the right tree: Univariate and multivariate fMRI analyses of homonym comprehension

Homonyms are a critical test case for investigating how the brain resolves ambiguity in language and, more generally, how context influences semantic processing. Previous neuroimaging studies have associated processing of homonyms with greater engagement of regions involved in executive control of semantic processing. However, the precise role of these areas and the involvement of semantic representational regions in homonym comprehension remain elusive. We addressed this by combining univariate and multivariate fMRI analyses of homonym processing. We tested whether multi-voxel activation patterns could discriminate between presentations of the same homonym in different contexts (e.g., bark following tree vs. bark following dog). The ventral anterior temporal lobe, implicated in semantic representation but not previously in homonym comprehension, showed this meaning-specific coding, despite not showing increased mean activation for homonyms. Within inferior frontal gyrus (IFG), a key site for semantic control, there was a dissociation between pars orbitalis, which also showed meaning-specific coding, and pars triangularis, which discriminated more generally between semantically related and unrelated word pairs. IFG effects were goal-dependent, only occurring when the task required semantic decisions, in line with a top-down control function. Finally, posterior middle temporal cortex showed a hybrid pattern of responses, supporting the idea that it acts as an interface between semantic representations and the control system. The study provides new evidence for context-dependent coding in the semantic system and clarifies the role of control regions in processing ambiguity. It also highlights the importance of combining univariate and multivariate neuroimaging data to fully elucidate the role of a brain region in semantic cognition.

Lack of selectivity for syntax relative to word meanings throughout the language network

To understand what you are reading now, your mind retrieves the meanings of words and constructions from a linguistic knowledge store (lexico-semantic processing) and identifies the relationships among them to construct a complex meaning (syntactic or combinatorial processing). Do these two sets of processes rely on distinct, specialized mechanisms or, rather, share a common pool of resources? Linguistic theorizing, empirical evidence from language acquisition and processing, and computational modeling have jointly painted a picture whereby lexico-semantic and syntactic processing are deeply inter-connected and perhaps not separable. In contrast, many current proposals of the neural architecture of language continue to endorse a view whereby certain brain regions selectively support syntactic/combinatorial processing, although the locus of such "syntactic hub", and its nature, vary across proposals. Here, we searched for selectivity for syntactic over lexico-semantic processing using a powerful individual-subjects fMRI approach across three sentence comprehension paradigms that have been used in prior work to argue for such selectivity: responses to lexico-semantic vs. morpho-syntactic violations (Experiment 1); recovery from neural suppression across pairs of sentences differing in only lexical items vs. only syntactic structure (Experiment 2); and same/different meaning judgments on such sentence pairs (Experiment 3). Across experiments, both lexico-semantic and syntactic conditions elicited robust responses throughout the left fronto-temporal language network. Critically, however, no regions were more strongly engaged by syntactic than lexico-semantic processing, although some regions showed the opposite pattern. Thus, contra many current proposals of the neural architecture of language, syntactic/combinatorial processing is not separable from lexico-semantic processing at the level of brain regions-or even voxel subsets-within the language network, in line with strong integration between these two processes that has been consistently observed in behavioral and computational language research. The results further suggest that the language network may be generally more strongly concerned with meaning than syntactic form, in line with the primary function of language-to share meanings across minds.

Lack of selectivity for syntax relative to word meanings throughout the language network

To understand what you are reading now, your mind retrieves the meanings of words and constructions from a linguistic knowledge store (lexico-semantic processing) and identifies the relationships among them to construct a complex meaning (syntactic or combinatorial processing). Do these two sets of processes rely on distinct, specialized mechanisms or, rather, share a common pool of resources? Linguistic theorizing, empirical evidence from language acquisition and processing, and computational modeling have jointly painted a picture whereby lexico-semantic and syntactic processing are deeply inter-connected and perhaps not separable. In contrast, many current proposals of the neural architecture of language continue to endorse a view whereby certain brain regions selectively support syntactic/combinatorial processing, although the locus of such "syntactic hub", and its nature, vary across proposals. Here, we searched for selectivity for syntactic over lexico-semantic processing using a powerful individual-subjects fMRI approach across three sentence comprehension paradigms that have been used in prior work to argue for such selectivity: responses to lexico-semantic vs. morpho-syntactic violations (Experiment 1); recovery from neural suppression across pairs of sentences differing in only lexical items vs. only syntactic structure (Experiment 2); and same/different meaning judgments on such sentence pairs (Experiment 3). Across experiments, both lexico-semantic and syntactic conditions elicited robust responses throughout the left fronto-temporal language network. Critically, however, no regions were more strongly engaged by syntactic than lexico-semantic processing, although some regions showed the opposite pattern. Thus, contra many current proposals of the neural architecture of language, syntactic/combinatorial processing is not separable from lexico-semantic processing at the level of brain regions-or even voxel subsets-within the language network, in line with strong integration between these two processes that has been consistently observed in behavioral and computational language research. The results further suggest that the language network may be generally more strongly concerned with meaning than syntactic form, in line with the primary function of language-to share meanings across minds.

Revealing the neural networks that extract conceptual gestalts from continuously evolving or changing semantic contexts

Reading a book, understanding the news reports or any other behaviour involving the processing of meaningful stimuli requires the semantic system to have two main features: being active during an extended period of time and flexibly adapting the internal representation according to the changing environment. Despite being key features of many everyday tasks, formation and updating of the semantic “gestalt” are still poorly understood. In this fMRI study we used naturalistic stimuli and task manipulations to identify the neural network that forms and updates conceptual gestalts during time-extended integration of meaningful stimuli. Univariate and multivariate techniques allowed us to draw a distinction between networks that are crucial for the formation of a semantic gestalt (meaning integration) and those that instead are important for linking incoming cues about the current context (e.g., time and space cues) into a schema representation. Specifically, we revealed that time-extended formation of the conceptual gestalt was reflected in the neuro-computations of the anterior temporal lobe accompanied by multi-demand areas and hippocampus, with a key role of brain structures in the right hemisphere. This “semantic gestalt network” was strongly recruited when an update of the current semantic representation was required during narrative processing. A distinct fronto-parietal network, instead, was recruited for context integration, independently from the meaning associations between words (semantic coherence). Finally, in contrast with accounts positing that the default mode network (DMN) may have a crucial role in semantic cognition, our findings revealed that DMN activity was sensitive to task difficulty, but not to semantic integration. The implications of these findings for neurocognitive models of semantic cognition and the literature on narrative processing are discussed.

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fMRI revealed areas and networks for semantic integration during narrative reading.

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ATL has a key role in the formation of the conceptual gestalt.

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IFG, pMTG and dAG support the update of the conceptual gestalt.

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Left AG (mid-PGp) has a key role in context integration.

The Neural Time Course of Semantic Ambiguity Resolution in Speech Comprehension

Semantically ambiguous words challenge speech comprehension, particularly when listeners must select a less frequent (subordinate) meaning at disambiguation. Using combined magnetoencephalography (MEG) and EEG, we measured neural responses associated with distinct cognitive operations during semantic ambiguity resolution in spoken sentences: (i) initial activation and selection of meanings in response to an ambiguous word and (ii) sentence reinterpretation in response to subsequent disambiguation to a subordinate meaning. Ambiguous words elicited an increased neural response approximately 400-800 msec after their acoustic offset compared with unambiguous control words in left frontotemporal MEG sensors, corresponding to sources in bilateral frontotemporal brain regions. This response may reflect increased demands on processes by which multiple alternative meanings are activated and maintained until later selection. Disambiguating words heard after an ambiguous word were associated with marginally increased neural activity over bilateral temporal MEG sensors and a central cluster of EEG electrodes, which localized to similar bilateral frontal and left temporal regions. This later neural response may reflect effortful semantic integration or elicitation of prediction errors that guide reinterpretation of previously selected word meanings. Across participants, the amplitude of the ambiguity response showed a marginal positive correlation with comprehension scores, suggesting that sentence comprehension benefits from additional processing around the time of an ambiguous word. Better comprehenders may have increased availability of subordinate meanings, perhaps due to higher quality lexical representations and reflected in a positive correlation between vocabulary size and comprehension success.

The Role of Basal Ganglia Reinforcement Learning in Lexical Ambiguity Resolution

The current study aimed to elucidate the contributions of the subcortical basal ganglia to human language by adopting the view that these structures engage in a basic neurocomputation that may account for its involvement across a wide range of linguistic phenomena. Specifically, we tested the hypothesis that basal ganglia reinforcement learning (RL) mechanisms may account for variability in semantic selection processes necessary for ambiguity resolution. To test this, we used a biased homograph lexical ambiguity priming task that allowed us to measure automatic processes for resolving ambiguity toward high-frequency word meanings. Individual differences in task performance were then related to indices of basal ganglia RL, which were used to group subjects into three learning styles: (a) Choosers who learn by seeking high reward probability stimuli; (b) Avoiders, who learn by avoiding low reward probability stimuli; and (c) Balanced participants, whose learning reflects equal contributions of choose and avoid processes. The results suggest that balanced individuals had significantly lower access to subordinate, or low-frequency, homograph word meanings. Choosers and Avoiders, on the other hand, had higher access to the subordinate word meaning even after a long delay between prime and target. Experimental findings were then tested using an ACT-R computational model of RL that learns from both positive and negative feedback. Results from the computational model simulations confirm and extend the pattern of behavioral findings, providing an RL account of individual differences in lexical ambiguity resolution.

How right hemisphere damage after stroke can impair speech comprehension

Acquired language disorders after stroke are strongly associated with left hemisphere damage. When language difficulties are observed in the context of right hemisphere strokes, patients are usually considered to have atypical functional anatomy. By systematically integrating behavioural and lesion data from brain damaged patients with functional MRI data from neurologically normal participants, we investigated when and why right hemisphere strokes cause language disorders. Experiment 1 studied right-handed patients with unilateral strokes that damaged the right (n = 109) or left (n = 369) hemispheres. The most frequently impaired language task was: auditory sentence-to-picture matching after right hemisphere strokes; and spoken picture description after left hemisphere strokes. For those with auditory sentence-to-picture matching impairments after right hemisphere strokes, the majority (n = 9) had normal performance on tests of perceptual (visual or auditory) and linguistic (semantic, phonological or syntactic) processing. Experiment 2 found that these nine patients had significantly more damage to dorsal parts of the superior longitudinal fasciculus and the right inferior frontal sulcus compared to 75 other patients who also had right hemisphere strokes but were not impaired on the auditory sentence-to-picture matching task. Damage to these right hemisphere regions caused long-term speech comprehension difficulties in 67% of patients. Experiments 3 and 4 used functional MRI in two groups of 25 neurologically normal individuals to show that within the regions identified by Experiment 2, the right inferior frontal sulcus was normally activated by (i) auditory sentence-to-picture matching; and (ii) one-back matching when the demands on linguistic and non-linguistic working memory were high. Together, these experiments demonstrate that the right inferior frontal cortex contributes to linguistic and non-linguistic working memory capacity (executive function) that is needed for normal speech comprehension. Our results link previously unrelated literatures on the role of the right inferior frontal cortex in executive processing and the role of executive processing in sentence comprehension; which in turn helps to explain why right inferior frontal activity has previously been reported to increase during recovery of language function after left hemisphere stroke. The clinical relevance of our findings is that the detrimental effect of right hemisphere strokes on language is (i) much greater than expected; (ii) frequently observed after damage to the right inferior frontal sulcus; (iii) task dependent; (iv) different to the type of impairments observed after left hemisphere strokes; and (v) can result in long-lasting deficits that are (vi) not the consequence of atypical language lateralization.

Neurocognitive correlates of category ambiguous verb processing: The single versus dual lexical entry hypotheses

Word-class ambiguous words engender greater processing time and fMRI (BOLD signal) activation than unambiguous ones. Theoretical accounts of this phenomenon suggest that words with multiple meanings (1) are associated with multiple lexical entries and thus require greater selection demands, or (2) undergo computationally expensive grammatical processes that convert words from one word-class to another. Using an fMRI grammaticality judgment task, we tested these accounts by examining word-class ambiguous polysemic (e.g., brush) and homonymic (e.g., bear) verbs, and unambiguous verbs (e.g., bake). Results showed that ambiguous verbs evoked longer response times and greater neural activation in the left inferior frontal and parietal gyri. However, homonymic verbs also showed increased left inferior frontal and temporal neural activations compared to polysemic verbs. This indicates that rather than having multiple lexical representations like homonyms, polysemic verbs may share a core representation with their noun counterparts.

Age-related changes in processing speed modulate context use during idiomatic ambiguity resolution

The goal of the current study was to investigate whether age-related changes in processing speed, as indexed by verbal fluency, modulate context use in the resolution of ambiguous idioms (e.g., tie the knot). Younger and older adults completed a cross-modal priming experiment where they decided whether visual word targets were related in meaning to idiomatically or literally biased auditory sentence primes. Older adults with high verbal fluency, similar to younger adults, showed context-dependent facilitation in both biasing sentence contexts. In contrast, older adults with low verbal fluency did not show facilitation of literal meanings in literally biased sentence contexts, likely because they had difficultly inhibiting the dominant figurative meaning. These findings argue that age-related changes in context use during ambiguity resolution are restricted to older adults with reduced processing speed. The results also suggest that verbal fluency may reflect the speed in recruiting frontally-mediated selection mechanisms during ambiguity resolution.

Context-dependent lexical ambiguity resolution: MEG evidence for the time-course of activity in left inferior frontal gyrus and posterior middle temporal gyrus

An MEG study investigated the role of context in semantic interpretation by examining the comprehension of ambiguous words in contexts leading to different interpretations. We compared high-ambiguity words in minimally different contexts (to bowl, the bowl) to low-ambiguity counterparts (the tray, to flog). Whole brain beamforming revealed the engagement of left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG) and posterior middle temporal gyrus (LPMTG). Points of interest analyses showed that both these sites showed a stronger response to verb-contexts by 200 ms post-stimulus and displayed overlapping ambiguity effects that were sustained from 300 ms onwards. The effect of context was stronger for high-ambiguity words than for low-ambiguity words at several different time points, including within the first 100 ms post-stimulus. Unlike LIFG, LPMTG also showed stronger responses to verb than noun contexts in low-ambiguity trials. We argue that different functional roles previously attributed to LIFG and LPMTG are in fact played out at different periods during processing.

Tracking competition and cognitive control during language comprehension with multi-voxel pattern analysis

To successfully comprehend a sentence that contains a homonym, readers must select the ambiguous word's context-appropriate meaning. The outcome of this process is influenced both by top-down contextual support and bottom-up, word-specific characteristics. We examined how these factors jointly affect the neural signatures of lexical ambiguity resolution. We measured the similarity between multi-voxel patterns evoked by the same homonym in two distinct linguistic contexts: once after subjects read sentences that biased interpretation toward each homonym's most frequent, dominant meaning, and again after interpretation was biased toward a weaker, subordinate meaning. We predicted that, following a subordinate-biasing context, the dominant yet inappropriate meaning would nevertheless compete for activation, manifesting in increased similarity between the neural patterns evoked by the two word meanings. In left anterior temporal lobe (ATL), degree of within-word pattern similarity was positively predicted by the association strength of each homonym's dominant meaning. Further, within-word pattern similarity in left ATL was negatively predicted by item-specific responses in a region of left ventrolateral prefrontal cortex (VLPFC) sensitive to semantic conflict. These findings have implications for psycholinguistic models of lexical ambiguity resolution, and for the role of left VLPFC function during this process. Moreover, these findings demonstrate the utility of item-level, similarity-based analyses of fMRI data for our understanding of competition between co-activated word meanings during language comprehension.

The Yin and the Yang of Prediction: An fMRI Study of Semantic Predictive Processing

Probabilistic prediction plays a crucial role in language comprehension. When predictions are fulfilled, the resulting facilitation allows for fast, efficient processing of ambiguous, rapidly-unfolding input; when predictions are not fulfilled, the resulting error signal allows us to adapt to broader statistical changes in this input. We used functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging to examine the neuroanatomical networks engaged in semantic predictive processing and adaptation. We used a relatedness proportion semantic priming paradigm, in which we manipulated the probability of predictions while holding local semantic context constant. Under conditions of higher (versus lower) predictive validity, we replicate previous observations of reduced activity to semantically predictable words in the left anterior superior/middle temporal cortex, reflecting facilitated processing of targets that are consistent with prior semantic predictions. In addition, under conditions of higher (versus lower) predictive validity we observed significant differences in the effects of semantic relatedness within the left inferior frontal gyrus and the posterior portion of the left superior/middle temporal gyrus. We suggest that together these two regions mediated the suppression of unfulfilled semantic predictions and lexico-semantic processing of unrelated targets that were inconsistent with these predictions. Moreover, under conditions of higher (versus lower) predictive validity, a functional connectivity analysis showed that the left inferior frontal and left posterior superior/middle temporal gyrus were more tightly interconnected with one another, as well as with the left anterior cingulate cortex. The left anterior cingulate cortex was, in turn, more tightly connected to superior lateral frontal cortices and subcortical regions-a network that mediates rapid learning and adaptation and that may have played a role in switching to a more predictive mode of processing in response to the statistical structure of the wider environmental context. Together, these findings highlight close links between the networks mediating semantic prediction, executive function and learning, giving new insights into how our brains are able to flexibly adapt to our environment.

Auditory word recognition across the lifespan: Links between linguistic and nonlinguistic inhibitory control in bilinguals and monolinguals

Recent research suggests that bilingual experience reconfigures linguistic and nonlinguistic cognitive processes. We examined the relationship between linguistic competition resolution and nonlinguistic cognitive control in younger and older adults who were either bilingual or monolingual. Participants heard words in English and identified the referent among four pictures while eye-movements were recorded. Target pictures (e.g., cab) appeared with a phonological competitor picture (e.g., cat) and two filler pictures. After each eye-tracking trial, priming probes assessed residual activation and inhibition of target and competitor words. When accounting for processing speed, results revealed that age-related changes in activation and inhibition are smaller in bilinguals than in monolinguals. Moreover, younger and older bilinguals, but not monolinguals, recruited similar inhibition mechanisms during word identification and during a nonlinguistic Stroop task. Results suggest that, during lexical access, bilinguals show more consistent competition resolution and recruitment of cognitive control across the lifespan than monolinguals.

Right is not always wrong: DTI and fMRI evidence for the reliance of reading comprehension on language-comprehension networks in the right hemisphere

The Simple View theory suggests that reading comprehension relies on automatic recognition of words combined with language comprehension. The goal of the current study was to examine the structural and functional connectivity in networks supporting reading comprehension and their relationship with language comprehension within 7-9 year old children using Diffusion Tensor Imaging (DTI) and fMRI during a Sentence Picture Matching task. Fractional Anisotropy (FA) values in the left and right Inferior Longitudinal Fasciculus (ILF) and Superior Longitudinal Fasciculus (SLF), known language-related tracts, were correlated from DTI data with scores from the Woodcock-Johnson III (WJ-III) Passage Comprehension sub-test. Brodmann areas most proximal to white-matter regions with significant correlation to Passage Comprehension scores were chosen as Regions-of-Interest (ROIs) and used as seeds in a functional connectivity analysis using the Sentence Picture Matching task. The correlation between percentile scores for the WJ-III Passage Comprehension subtest and the FA values in the right and left ILF and SLF indicated positive correlation in language-related ROIs, with greater distribution in the right hemisphere, which in turn showed strong connectivity in the fMRI data from the Sentence Picture Matching task. These results support the participation of the right hemisphere in reading comprehension and may provide physiologic support for a distinction between different types of reading comprehension deficits vs difficulties in technical reading.

Voxel-Based Lesion Symptom Mapping of Coarse Coding and Suppression Deficits in Patients With Right Hemisphere Damage

PURPOSE

This study examined right hemisphere (RH) neuroanatomical correlates of lexical-semantic deficits that predict narrative comprehension in adults with RH brain damage. Coarse semantic coding and suppression deficits were related to lesions by voxel-based lesion symptom mapping.

METHOD

Participants were 20 adults with RH cerebrovascular accidents. Measures of coarse coding and suppression deficits were computed from lexical decision reaction times at short (175 ms) and long (1000 ms) prime-target intervals. Lesions were drawn on magnetic resonance imaging images and through normalization were registered on an age-matched brain template. Voxel-based lesion symptom mapping analysis was applied to build a general linear model at each voxel. Z score maps were generated for each deficit, and results were interpreted using automated anatomical labeling procedures.

RESULTS

A deficit in coarse semantic activation was associated with lesions to the RH posterior middle temporal gyrus, dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, and lenticular nuclei. A maintenance deficit for coarsely coded representations involved the RH temporal pole and dorsolateral prefrontal cortex more medially. Ineffective suppression implicated lesions to the RH inferior frontal gyrus and subcortical regions, as hypothesized, along with the rostral temporal pole.

CONCLUSION

Beyond their scientific implications, these lesion-deficit correspondences may help inform the clinical diagnosis and enhance decisions about candidacy for deficit-focused treatment to improve narrative comprehension in individuals with RH damage.

Localising semantic and syntactic processing in spoken and written language comprehension: an Activation Likelihood Estimation meta-analysis

We conducted an Activation Likelihood Estimation (ALE) meta-analysis to identify brain regions that are recruited by linguistic stimuli requiring relatively demanding semantic or syntactic processing. We included 54 functional MRI studies that explicitly varied the semantic or syntactic processing load, while holding constant demands on earlier stages of processing. We included studies that introduced a syntactic/semantic ambiguity or anomaly, used a priming manipulation that specifically reduced the load on semantic/syntactic processing, or varied the level of syntactic complexity. The results confirmed the critical role of the posterior left Inferior Frontal Gyrus (LIFG) in semantic and syntactic processing. These results challenge models of sentence comprehension highlighting the role of anterior LIFG for semantic processing. In addition, the results emphasise the posterior (but not anterior) temporal lobe for both semantic and syntactic processing.

Facilitated Lexical Ambiguity Processing by Transcranial Direct Current Stimulation over the Left Inferior Frontal Cortex

Previous studies suggest that the left inferior frontal cortex is involved in the resolution of lexical ambiguities for language comprehension. In this study, we hypothesized that processing of lexical ambiguities is improved when the excitability of the left inferior frontal cortex is enhanced. To test the hypothesis, we conducted an experiment with transcranial direct current stimulation (tDCS). We investigated the effect of anodal tDCS over the left inferior frontal cortex on behavioral indexes for semantic judgment on lexically ambiguous and unambiguous words within a context. Supporting the hypothesis, the RT was shorter in the anodal tDCS session than in the sham session for ambiguous words. The results suggest that controlled semantic retrieval and contextual selection were facilitated by anodal tDCS over the left inferior frontal cortex.

In favor of general probability distributions: lateral prefrontal and insular cortices respond to stimulus inherent, but irrelevant differences

A key aspect of optimal behavior is the ability to predict what will come next. To achieve this, we must have a fairly good idea of the probability of occurrence of possible outcomes. This is based both on prior knowledge about a particular or similar situation and on immediately relevant new information. One question that arises is: when considering converging prior probability and external evidence, is the most probable outcome selected or does the brain represent degrees of uncertainty, even highly improbable ones? Using functional magnetic resonance imaging, the current study explored these possibilities by contrasting words that differ in their probability of occurrence, namely, unbalanced ambiguous words and unambiguous words. Unbalanced ambiguous words have a strong frequency-based bias towards one meaning, while unambiguous words have only one meaning. The current results reveal larger activation in lateral prefrontal and insular cortices in response to dominant ambiguous compared to unambiguous words even when prior and contextual information biases one interpretation only. These results suggest a probability distribution, whereby all outcomes and their associated probabilities of occurrence--even if very low--are represented and maintained.

Effects of representational distance between meanings on the neural correlates of semantic ambiguity

Psycholinguistic research demonstrates that representational distance between meanings influences recognition of ambiguous words. Our goal was to investigate whether the neural correlates of ambiguity are also modulated by representational distance as a function of syntactic similarity (i.e., grammatical class) and meaning dominance. In an event-related fMRI experiment, participants completed a visual lexical decision task that included balanced and unbalanced noun-noun and noun-verb homonyms, unambiguous words, and nonwords. Syntactic similarity effects were observed in left inferior frontal regions, with greater activation for noun-verb than noun-noun homonyms. Meaning dominance effects were observed in left middle and superior temporal regions, with greater activation for balanced than unbalanced homonyms. These findings indicate that the behavioral cost associated with processing ambiguous word meanings, modulated by syntactic similarity and meaning dominance, is reflected in the neural systems underlying ambiguity processing, as frontal and temporal regions are recruited by increased competition as a function of representational distance.

The role of the insula in speech and language processing

Lesion and neuroimaging studies indicate that the insula mediates motor aspects of speech production, specifically, articulatory control. Although it has direct connections to Broca's area, the canonical speech production region, the insula is also broadly connected with other speech and language centres, and may play a role in coordinating higher-order cognitive aspects of speech and language production. The extent of the insula's involvement in speech and language processing was assessed using the Activation Likelihood Estimation (ALE) method. Meta-analyses of 42 fMRI studies with healthy adults were performed, comparing insula activation during performance of language (expressive and receptive) and speech (production and perception) tasks. Both tasks activated bilateral anterior insulae. However, speech perception tasks preferentially activated the left dorsal mid-insula, whereas expressive language tasks activated left ventral mid-insula. Results suggest distinct regions of the mid-insula play different roles in speech and language processing.

Roles of frontal and temporal regions in reinterpreting semantically ambiguous sentences

Semantic ambiguity resolution is an essential and frequent part of speech comprehension because many words map onto multiple meanings (e.g., “bark,” “bank”). Neuroimaging research highlights the importance of the left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG) and the left posterior temporal cortex in this process but the roles they serve in ambiguity resolution are uncertain. One possibility is that both regions are engaged in the processes of semantic reinterpretation that follows incorrect interpretation of an ambiguous word. Here we used fMRI to investigate this hypothesis. 20 native British English monolinguals were scanned whilst listening to sentences that contained an ambiguous word. To induce semantic reinterpretation, the disambiguating information was presented after the ambiguous word and delayed until the end of the sentence (e.g., “the teacher explained that the BARK was going to be very damp”). These sentences were compared to well-matched unambiguous sentences. Supporting the reinterpretation hypothesis, these ambiguous sentences produced more activation in both the LIFG and the left posterior inferior temporal cortex. Importantly, all but one subject showed ambiguity-related peaks within both regions, demonstrating that the group-level results were driven by high inter-subject consistency. Further support came from the finding that activation in both regions was modulated by meaning dominance. Specifically, sentences containing biased ambiguous words, which have one more dominant meaning, produced greater activation than those with balanced ambiguous words, which have two equally frequent meanings. Because the context always supported the less frequent meaning, the biased words require reinterpretation more often than balanced words. This is the first evidence of dominance effects in the spoken modality and provides strong support that frontal and temporal regions support the updating of semantic representations during speech comprehension.

The processing of lexical ambiguity in healthy ageing and Parkinson׳s disease: role of cortico-subcortical networks

Previous neuroimaging studies showed that correct resolution of lexical ambiguity relies on the integrity of prefrontal and inferior parietal cortices. Whereas prefrontal brain areas were associated with executive control over semantic selection, inferior parietal areas were linked with access to modality-independent representations of semantic memory. Yet insufficiently understood is the contribution of subcortical structures in ambiguity processing. Patients with disturbed basal ganglia function such as Parkinson׳s disease (PD) showed development of discourse comprehension deficits evoked by lexical ambiguity. To further investigate the engagement of cortico-subcortical networks functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging (fMRI) was monitored during ambiguity resolution in eight early PD patients without dementia and 14 age- and education-matched controls. Participants were required to relate meanings to a lexically ambiguous target (homonym). Each stimulus consisted of two words arranged on top of a screen, which had to be attributed to a homonym at the bottom. Brain activity was found in bilateral inferior parietal (BA 39), right middle temporal (BA 21/22), left middle frontal (BA 10) and bilateral inferior frontal areas (BA 45/46). Extent and amplitude of activity in the angular gyrus changed depending on semantic association strength that varied between conditions. Less activity in the left caudate was associated with semantic integration deficits in PD. The results of the present study suggest a relationship between subtle language deficits and early stages of basal ganglia dysfunction. Uncovering impairments in ambiguity resolution may be of future use in the neuropsychological assessment of non-motor deficits in PD.

Involvement of the right hemisphere in reading comprehension: a DTI study

The Simple View of reading emphasizes the critical role of two factors in normal reading skills: word recognition and reading comprehension. The current study aims to identify the anatomical support for aspects of reading performance that fall within these two components. Fractional anisotropy (FA) values were obtained from diffusion tensor images in twenty-one typical adolescents and young adults using the tract based spatial statistics (TBSS) method. We focused on the arcuate fasciculus (AF) and inferior longitudinal fasciculus (ILF) as fiber tracts that connect regions already implicated in the distributed cortical network for reading. Our results demonstrate dissociation between word-level and narrative-level reading skills: the FA values for both left and right ILF were correlated with measures of word reading, while only the left ILF correlated with reading comprehension scores. FA in the AF, however, correlated only with reading comprehension scores, bilaterally. Correlations with the right AF were particularly robust, emphasizing the contribution of the right hemisphere, especially the frontal lobe, to reading comprehension performance on the particular passage comprehension test used in this study. The anatomical dissociation between these reading skills is supported by the Simple View theory and may shed light on why these two skills dissociate in those with reading disorders.

Dorsomedial striatum involvement in regulating conflict between current and presumed outcomes

The balance between automatic and controlled processing is essential to human flexible but optimal behavior. On the one hand, the automation of habitual behavior and processing is indispensable, and, on the other hand, strategic processing is needed in light of unexpected, conflicting, or new situations. Using ultra-high-field high-resolution functional magnetic resonance imaging (7T-fMRI), the present study examined the role of subcortical structures in mediating this balance. Participants were asked to judge the congruency of sentences containing a semantically ambiguous or unambiguous word. Ambiguous sentences had three possible resolutions: dominant meaning, subordinate meaning, and incongruent. The dominant interpretation represents the most habitual response, whereas both the subordinate and incongruent options clash with this automatic response, and, hence, require cognitive control. Moreover, the subordinate resolution entails a less expected but correct outcome, while the incongruent condition is simply wrong. The current results reveal the involvement of the anterior dorsomedial striatum in modulating and resolving conflict between actual and expected outcomes, and highlight the importance of cortical and subcortical cooperation in this process.

Pathways to lexical ambiguity: fMRI evidence for bilateral fronto-parietal involvement in language processing

Numerous functional neuroimaging studies reported increased activity in the pars opercularis and the pars triangularis (Brodmann's areas 44 and 45) of the left hemisphere during the performance of linguistic tasks. The role of these areas in the right hemisphere in language processing is not understood and, although there is evidence from lesion studies that the right hemisphere is involved in the appreciation of semantic relations, no specific anatomical substrate has yet been identified. This event-related functional magnetic resonance imaging study compared brain activity during the performance of language processing trials in which either dominant or subordinate meaning activation of ambiguous words was required. The results show that the ventral part of the pars opercularis both in the left and the right hemisphere is centrally involved in language processing. In addition, they highlight the bilateral co-activation of this region with the supramarginal gyrus of the inferior parietal lobule during the processing of this type of linguistic material. This study, thus, provides the first evidence of co-activation of Broca's region and the inferior parietal lobule, succeeding in further specifying the relative contribution of these cortical areas to language processing.

Going beyond Inferior Prefrontal Involvement in Semantic Control: Evidence for the Additional Contribution of Dorsal Angular Gyrus and Posterior Middle Temporal Cortex

Semantic cognition requires a combination of semantic representations and executive control processes to direct activation in a task- and time-appropriate fashion [Jefferies, E., & Lambon Ralph, M. A. Semantic impairment in stroke aphasia versus semantic dementia: A case-series comparison. Brain, 129, 2132–2147, 2006]. We undertook a formal meta-analysis to investigate which regions within the large-scale semantic network are specifically associated with the executive component of semantic cognition. Previous studies have described in detail the role of left ventral pFC in semantic regulation. We examined 53 studies that contrasted semantic tasks with high > low executive requirements to determine whether cortical regions beyond the left pFC show the same response profile to executive semantic demands. Our findings revealed that right pFC, posterior middle temporal gyrus (pMTG) and dorsal angular gyrus (bordering intraparietal sulcus) were also consistently recruited by executively demanding semantic tasks, demonstrating patterns of activation that were highly similar to the left ventral pFC. These regions overlap with the lesions in aphasic patients who exhibit multimodal semantic impairment because of impaired regulatory control (semantic aphasia)—providing important convergence between functional neuroimaging and neuropsychological studies of semantic cognition. Activation in dorsal angular gyrus and left ventral pFC was consistent across all types of executive semantic manipulation, regardless of whether the task was receptive or expressive, whereas pMTG activation was only observed for manipulation of control demands within receptive tasks. Second, we contrasted executively demanding tasks tapping semantics and phonology. Our findings revealed substantial overlap between the two sets of contrasts within left ventral pFC, suggesting this region underpins domain-general control mechanisms. In contrast, we observed relative specialization for semantic control within pMTG as well as the most ventral aspects of left pFC (BA 47), consistent with our proposal of a distributed network underpinning semantic control.

The neural substrates of complex argument structure representations: Processing 'alternating transitivity' verbs

This study examines the neural correlates of processing verbal entries with multiple argument structures using fMRI. We compared brain activation in response to 'alternating transitivity' verbs, corresponding to two different verbal alternates - one transitive and one intransitive - and simple verbs, with only one, intransitive, thematic grid. Fourteen young healthy participants performed a lexical decision task with the two verb types. Results showed significantly greater activation in the angular and supramarginal gyri (BAs 39 and 40) extending to the posterior superior and middle temporal gyri bilaterally, for alternating compared to simple verbs. Additional activation was detected in bilateral middle and superior frontal gyri (BAs 8 and 9). The opposite contrast, simple compared to alternating verbs, showed no significant differential activation in any regions of the brain. These findings are consistent with previous studies implicating a posterior network including the superior temporal, supramarginal and angular gyri for processing verbs with multiple thematic roles, as well as with those suggesting involvement of the middle and superior frontal gyri in lexical ambiguity processing. However, because 'alternating transitivity' verbs differ from simple intransitives with regard to both the number of thematic grids (two vs. one) and the number of thematic roles (two vs. one), our findings do not distinguish between activations associated with these two differences.

Towards a neural circuit model of verbal humor processing: an fMRI study of the neural substrates of incongruity detection and resolution

The present study builds on our previous study within the framework of Wyer and Collin's comprehension-elaboration theory of humor processing. In this study, an attempt is made to segregate the neural substrates of incongruity detection and incongruity resolution during the comprehension of verbal jokes. Although a number of fMRI studies have investigated the incongruity-resolution process, the differential neurological substrates of comprehension are still not fully understood. The present study utilized an event-related fMRI design incorporating three conditions (unfunny, nonsensical and funny) to examine distinct brain regions associated with the detection and resolution of incongruities. Stimuli in the unfunny condition contained no incongruities; stimuli in the nonsensical condition contained irresolvable incongruities; and stimuli in the funny condition contained resolvable incongruities. The results showed that the detection of incongruities was associated with greater activation in the right middle temporal gyrus and right medial frontal gyrus, and the resolution of incongruities with greater activation in the left superior frontal gyrus and left inferior parietal lobule. Further analysis based on participants' rating scores provided converging results. Our findings suggest a three-stage neural circuit model of verbal humor processing: incongruity detection and incongruity resolution during humor comprehension and inducement of the feeling of amusement during humor elaboration.

Behavioral and fMRI evidence that cognitive ability modulates the effect of semantic context on speech intelligibility

Text cues facilitate the perception of spoken sentences to which they are semantically related (Zekveld, Rudner, et al., 2011). In this study, semantically related and unrelated cues preceding sentences evoked more activation in middle temporal gyrus (MTG) and inferior frontal gyrus (IFG) than nonword cues, regardless of acoustic quality (speech in noise or speech in quiet). Larger verbal working memory (WM) capacity (reading span) was associated with greater intelligibility benefit obtained from related cues, with less speech-related activation in the left superior temporal gyrus and left anterior IFG, and with more activation in right medial frontal cortex for related versus unrelated cues. Better ability to comprehend masked text was associated with greater ability to disregard unrelated cues, and with more activation in left angular gyrus (AG). We conclude that individual differences in cognitive abilities are related to activation in a speech-sensitive network including left MTG, IFG and AG during cued speech perception.

Why does working memory capacity predict variation in reading comprehension? On the influence of mind wandering and executive attention

Some people are better readers than others, and this variation in comprehension ability is predicted by measures of working memory capacity (WMC). The primary goal of this study was to investigate the mediating role of mind-wandering experiences in the association between WMC and normal individual differences in reading comprehension, as predicted by the executive-attention theory of WMC (e.g., Engle & Kane, 2004). We used a latent-variable, structural-equation-model approach, testing skilled adult readers on 3 WMC span tasks, 7 varied reading-comprehension tasks, and 3 attention-control tasks. Mind wandering was assessed using experimenter-scheduled thought probes during 4 different tasks (2 reading, 2 attention-control). The results support the executive-attention theory of WMC. Mind wandering across the 4 tasks loaded onto a single latent factor, reflecting a stable individual difference. Most important, mind wandering was a significant mediator in the relationship between WMC and reading comprehension, suggesting that the WMC-comprehension correlation is driven, in part, by attention control over intruding thoughts. We discuss implications for theories of WMC, attention control, and reading comprehension.

Tracking down abstract linguistic meaning: neural correlates of spatial frame of reference ambiguities in language

This functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) study investigates a crucial parameter in spatial description, namely variants in the frame of reference chosen. Two frames of reference are available in European languages for the description of small-scale assemblages, namely the intrinsic (or object-oriented) frame and the relative (or egocentric) frame. We showed participants a sentence such as “the ball is in front of the man”, ambiguous between the two frames, and then a picture of a scene with a ball and a man – participants had to respond by indicating whether the picture did or did not match the sentence. There were two blocks, in which we induced each frame of reference by feedback. Thus for the crucial test items, participants saw exactly the same sentence and the same picture but now from one perspective, now the other. Using this method, we were able to precisely pinpoint the pattern of neural activation associated with each linguistic interpretation of the ambiguity, while holding the perceptual stimuli constant. Increased brain activity in bilateral parahippocampal gyrus was associated with the intrinsic frame of reference whereas increased activity in the right superior frontal gyrus and in the parietal lobe was observed for the relative frame of reference. The study is among the few to show a distinctive pattern of neural activation for an abstract yet specific semantic parameter in language. It shows with special clarity the nature of the neural substrate supporting each frame of spatial reference.

Ambiguity's aftermath: how age differences in resolving lexical ambiguity affect subsequent comprehension

When ambiguity resolution is difficult, younger adults recruit selection-related neural resources that older adults do not. To elucidate the nature of those resources and the consequences of their recruitment for subsequent comprehension, we embedded noun/verb homographs and matched unambiguous words in syntactically well-specified but semantically neutral sentences. Target words were followed by a prepositional phrase whose head noun was plausible for only one meaning of the homograph. Replicating past findings, younger but not older adults elicited sustained frontal negativity to homographs compared to unambiguous words. On the subsequent head nouns, younger adults showed plausibility effects in all conditions, attesting to successful meaning selection through suppression. In contrast, older adults showed smaller plausibility effects following ambiguous words and failed to show plausibility effects when the context picked out the homograph's non-dominant meaning (i.e., they did not suppress the contextually-irrelevant dominant meaning). Meaning suppression processes, reflected in the frontal negativity, thus become less available with age, with consequences for subsequent comprehension.