Understanding the impact of political violence in childhood: a theoretical review using a social identity approach

Psychological responses to political hostility: a study on aggression, bullying, and well-being in Qatar

In 2017, the Gulf crisis led to a blockade that severely restricted Qatar's air, land, and sea access. This political crisis had far-reaching consequences, particularly affecting cross-national families and children. This qualitative analysis explores the effects of the blockade's political instability on individuals and families, specifically for Qatari citizens married to non-Qatari spouses and their cross-national children. Applying the General Aggression Model and Social Learning Theory, we interviewed 24 individuals residing in Qatar from nations directly affected by the crisis (Bahrain, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates). Two main themes emerged: first, the characteristics of aggressive and bullying behaviour, and second, the impacts on the well-being of cross-national families. The results showed that Qatari women and their children suffered disproportionately due to gender-based citizenship rights issues. The impacts on their well-being included heightened anxiety, depression, feelings of danger, uncertainty, and division within individuals, families, and communities. Recommendations include increasing collaborative efforts between governments, educational institutions, and community-based organizations, which are crucial to addressing aggressive and bullying behaviour across all age groups fostering a more harmonious and resilient society.

Can Identity Buffer Against the Detrimental Effects of Threat? The Case of the Qatar Blockade

In 2017, the blockade of Qatar Gulf states caused a plethora of effects on the country. This paper sought to examine the resulting threat effects of this blockade in terms of lowered self-esteem and well-being, and the potential buffering effects of an overarching identity. Using self-report questionnaire data from Qatari secondary school students (N = 1,410), multiple moderated mediation models investigated the predictive effects of youngsters' perceived threat, via self-esteem, on their well-being, and the mitigating roles herein of, respectively, national, Gulf region, and Arab identity. Perceived threat was indeed related to lower well-being via lower self-esteem, and this relationship was equally strong for those low and high in social identity. In terms of the three facets of identity, the overarching Gulf identity seems the most predictive, and it even (marginally significantly) buffers the negative relationship between threat and reduced self-esteem.

Trust, Forgiveness, and Peace: The Influence of Adolescent Social Identity in a Setting of Intergroup Conflict

Following the signing of peace agreements, post-accord societies often remain deeply divided across group lines. There is a need to identify antecedents of youth's support for peace and establish more constructive intergroup relations. This article explored the effect of out-group trust, intergroup forgiveness and social identity on support for the peace process among youth from the historic majority and minorities communities in Belfast, Northern Ireland. The sample comprised of 667 adolescents (49% male; M=15.74, SD=1.99 years old) across two time points. Results from the structural equation model suggested that out-group trust was related to intergroup forgiveness over time, while forgiveness related to later support for the peace process. Strength of in-group social identity differentially moderated how out-group trust and intergroup forgiveness relate to later support for peace among youth from the conflict-related groups (i.e., Protestants and Catholics). Implications for consolidating peace in Northern Ireland are discussed, which may be relevant to other settings affected by intergroup conflict.

Personal and Political: Post-Traumatic Stress Through the Lens of Social Identity, Power, and Politics

Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) has always been controversial and highly politicized. Here, using a social identity approach, we review evidence that trauma and its aftermath are fundamentally linked to social position, sociopolitical capital, and power. We begin this contribution by demonstrating how a person's group memberships (and the social identities they derive from these memberships) are inherently linked to the experience of adversity. We then go on to consider how it is through group memberships that individuals are defined by their trauma risk and trauma histories-that is, a person's group memberships and their trauma are often inherently linked. Considering the importance of group memberships for understanding trauma, we argue that it is important to see these, and group processes more generally, as more than just "demographic" risk factors. Instead, we argue that when groups are defined by their trauma history or risk, their members will often derive some sense of self from this trauma. For this reason, attributes of group memberships are important in developing an understanding of adjustment and adaptation to trauma. In particular, groups' status, their recourse to justice, and the level of trust and solidarity within the group are all central to the impact of traumatic events on individual-level psychological resilience. We review evidence that supports this analysis by focusing on the exacerbating effects of stigma and social mistrust on post-traumatic stress, and the value of solidarity and strong identities for resilience. We conclude that because of these group-related processes, trauma interweaves the personal with the political and that post-traumatic stress is fundamentally about power, positionality, and politics.

Youth in Northern Ireland: Linking Violence Exposure, Emotional Insecurity, and the Political Macrosystem

Growing up in the aftermath of armed conflict puts youth at a higher risk for psychopathology—particularly in societies like Northern Ireland which continue to be characterized by intergroup tension and cyclical violence. This risk may be heightened during adolescence, when youth are beginning to explore their identities and are becoming more aware of intergroup dynamics in both their immediate communities and the broader society. It is also during this stage when youth increasingly witness or engage in antisocial behavior and sectarian activities. A series of studies in Belfast conducted by Cummings et al. (2014, Child Dev Perspect, 12(1), 16–38; 2019, J Clin Child Adolesc Psychol, 48(2), 296–305) showed that adolescents’ exposure to sectarian violence resulted in heightened emotional insecurity about the community and subsequent adjustment problems. Though the impact of direct exposure to violence is well documented, few studies have accounted for the influence of sectarianism that occurs outside of one's immediate environment. These influences may include the general climate surrounding events that are not experienced firsthand but are nonetheless salient, such as the overarching levels of tension between groups or societal discourse that is threatening to one's identity. These higher‐level influences, often referred to collectively as the macrosystem, are a necessary component to consider for adequately assessing one's socio‐developmental environment. Yet, measurement at this level of the social ecology has proven elusive in past work. The current study advances research in this area by using newspaper coding as a method of measuring the political macrosystem in Northern Ireland and assessing whether a tense or threatening climate serves as an added risk factor for youth living in Belfast.

In the current study, we measured sectarian violence at the level of the macrosystem by systematically collecting and coding newspaper articles from Northern Ireland that were published between 2006 and 2011 (N = 2,797). Each article was coded according to its level of overall political tension between Catholics and Protestants, threat to Catholics, and threat to Protestants. When aggregated, these assessments reflected the overarching trends in Catholic–Protestant relations during this period. In order to assess the association between these sociopolitical trends and the direct experiences of adolescents, the newspaper coding was linked with five waves of survey data from families (N = 999) in socioeconomically disadvantaged areas of Belfast. Using a series of multilevel moderation analyses, we then tested whether intergroup tension and ingroup threat moderated the relation between adolescents’ direct exposure to violence and their emotional insecurity. These analyses were followed by a thematic analysis of the coded newspaper articles in order to provide further context to the findings.

The results indicated that adolescents’ response to direct exposure to sectarian violence varied based on the political climate at the time of their interview. Overall, the adolescents’ emotional insecurity about the community increased with exposure to sectarian violence. During periods when the sociopolitical climate was characterized by high levels of intergroup political tension, this relation was slightly weaker—regardless of the adolescents’ ingroup (i.e., Protestant vs. Catholic). During periods when the sociopolitical climate was coded as threatening, this relation was weaker for Catholic adolescents. That is, high levels of macro‐level threat—particularly events coded as threatening for Protestants—seemed to be a protective factor for Catholic adolescents. Group differences were also found based on the adolescents’ cumulative amount of exposure to sectarian violence. As threat in the macrosystem increased, Catholic adolescents who were directly exposed to higher than average levels of sectarian violence became more emotionally secure, while Catholics with little to no exposure to violence became more insecure. Contrastingly, Protestant adolescents directly exposed to higher than average levels of sectarian violence were more insecure than Protestants with little to no violence exposure.

A thematic analysis of the newspaper articles revealed the categories of events that were viewed by coders as politically tense and threatening. Five primary themes emerged: ineffective policing and justice, family and community unrest, memories of violence, destabilized leadership, and organized paramilitary activity. Many of the articles coded as most threatening reported on a spike in attacks organized by dissident republican groups—that is, members of the Catholic community with, particularly hardline views. This may be pertinent to the finding that associations between sectarian violence exposure and emotional insecurity were exacerbated during this time for Protestants but not for Catholics. Findings from the thematic analysis provide a deeper examination of the context of events taking place during the study period, as well as their potential bearing on interpretation of the macro‐level effects.

In conclusion, these findings illustrate how one's response to the immediate environment can vary based on shifts in the political macrosystem. The current study thus contributes conceptually, empirically, and methodologically to the understanding of process relations between multiple levels of the social ecology and adolescent functioning. These results may further inform the design of future interventions and policies meant to lessen the impact of political violence. The methods used here may also be useful for the study of other contexts in which macrosystem effects are likely to have a salient impact on individual wellbeing.

The asylum-process, bicultural identity and depression among unaccompanied young refugees

INTRODUCTION

The overall aim of the present study was to expand our knowledge about depression among unaccompanied refugee minors in the years after they were granted protection in Norway. Predictors were contextual variables in terms of the asylum-process, acculturation variables in terms of bicultural identity, and demographic information such as residence-time.

METHOD

Register data and cross-sectional self-report questionnaire data were collected from 895 unaccompanied young refugees (UYRs). They originated in 31 different countries, the majority was from Afghanistan, 82.4% were boys, and average residence-time was 2.5 years.

RESULTS

The length of the asylum-process was not associated with depression while heritage identity and residence-time were. Moderating analyses showed that an over-time steady decrease in depression was present for UYRs with a strong heritage identity. The prevalence of depression symptoms dropped from an initial 40%-14% among youth with 10 years of residence. Majority identity had neither direct nor indirect effects on depression.

CONCLUSION

To optimize the psychosocial support offered to unaccompanied refugee minors during transition to stable resettlement, we need more substantial information about the aspects of the asylum-seeking process that increase the risk for mental health problems among them. In the years following resettlement, a strong heritage, but not majority identity was associated with lower levels of depressive symptoms. The findings are discussed in relation to structural barriers to bicultural identity formation and integration embedded in the way psychosocial support and education for these youths are structured, and implication for future research.

Nonsuicidal self-injury among adolescents and young adults with prolonged exposure to violence: The effect of post-traumatic stress symptoms

Less is known about nonsuicidal self-injury (NSSI) among adolescents and young adults living in areas under prolonged political violence. This study aims to explore the frequencies of NSSI as well as the severity of post-traumatic stress symptoms (PTSS), depression, anxiety, and sleep problems among 889 Palestinian adolescents and young adults. The participants completed self-report questionnaires assessing NSSI, PTSS, depression, anxiety symptoms, and sleep difficulties. The results found that 13.8% of the total sample are frequently engaging in some form of NSSI behavior. Moreover, 43.1% exhibited severe symptoms of PTSD, and almost one-third of the sample reported severe symptoms of depression (30.1%); more than two-thirds of the sample (68.4%) experience sleep difficulties. Those who engage in NSSI were found to be at higher risk for sleep problems, depression, and PTSS. Avoidance/numbing, as well as hyperarousal symptoms clusters of PTSS, were significantly associated with NSSI above and beyond depressive symptoms. These results suggest that NSSI is frequently a sequelae of prolonged exposure to trauma and violence, and highlight the importance of routine assessment of this behavior. It is crucial to be familiar with the association between PTSS, sleep difficulties, and NSSI in a clinical setting to implement programs focusing on preventing these domains.

Impact of political conflict on trajectories of adolescent prosocial behavior: Implications for civic engagement

Counterbalancing the narrative of youth as either helpless victims or ruthless perpetrators, a new generation of research in conflict settings focuses on their peace-building potential, including constructs such as prosocial behaviors and civic engagement. Previous research on the impact of political violence on prosocial behaviors in mixed, finding both positive and negative links. This study examines this relation using a launch and ambient approach, which helps to disentangle these effects over time. To do so, the article prospectively examines trajectories of adolescent prosocial behaviors (N = 999; Time 1: Mage = 12.18 years, SD = 1.82, range = 10-20) over 6 consecutive years in Belfast, Northern Ireland, a setting of on-going sectarian conflict. A dual change model, which combines the strengths of auto-regressive and latent growth curves approaches, found an initial shallow decrease in prosocial behaviors that dropped more sharply in later adolescence. Exposure to sectarianism related to an accelerated decrease in prosocial behaviors. Trajectories of prosocial behaviors positively related to later social and political engagement. Intervention implications address how to promote youth prosocial behaviors and civic engagement amid protracted political conflict. This type of research is needed because participation in civic life is a good indicator of youth agency and has positive implications for society. (PsycINFO Database Record

Coming of age in a conflict area: Mental health, education, employment, migration and family formation in the southernmost provinces of Thailand

OBJECTIVES

Three southern provinces of Thailand - Pattani, Yala and Narathiwat - have been involved in a long period of unrest. Young people in these provinces have lived with this violence for many years. The objectives of this article are to assess the prevalence of psychiatric symptoms of young adults aged 18-24 years and to examine the perceived effects of the conflict on education, employment, social and religious life.

METHODS

Data were drawn from a probability sample of 2,053 Muslim adults aged 18-59 years conducted in 2014. Mental health was assessed using World Health Organization's (WHO) Self Reporting Questionnaire (SRQ) of 20 questions, the Thai Mental Health questionnaire and a Happiness scale. In-depth interviews with 30 respondents were also used to assess the perceived effects of the conflict on daily life, education, employment and settlement.

RESULTS

Most respondents reported low levels of psychiatric symptoms, though a small proportion reported a large high enough number to be of concern. Most of them also reported high levels of happiness. Respondents who wished to migrate to work in another area reported more psychiatric symptoms and lower levels of happiness. Many respondents reported concerns about the violence in their daily lives, although some may have become habituated to its effects. There were many obstacles reported toward obtaining education including the threat of violence, financial cost and drug use. Male respondents had concerns about consequences of being suspected to be involved in the violence and drug use. The limited employment and the threat of violence were related to the plan to migrate or to settle in the three provinces.

CONCLUSION

In summary, most young people in the area move forward with their lives and many display some habituation to the violence. However, the economic depression due to the violence and the threat of violence often affected their daily lives.

Psychological Aspects of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: A Systematic Review

Despite ongoing local and international peace efforts, the Jews, Arabs, and other residents of Israel and the Palestinian territories (i.e., the West Bank and Gaza) have endured decades of political, social, and physical upheaval, with periodic eruptions of violence. It has been theorized that the psychological impact of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict extends beyond the bounds of psychiatric disorders such as posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Exposure to the ongoing conflict may lead to changes in the way Israelis and Palestinians think, feel, and act; while these changes may not meet the thresholds of PTSD or depression, they nonetheless could have a strong public health impact. It is unclear whether existing studies have found associations between exposure to the conflict and nonclinical psychological outcomes. We conducted a systematic review to synthesize the empirical research on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and its psychological consequences. As a whole, the body of literature we reviewed suggests that exposure to regional political conflict and violence may have detrimental effects on psychological well-being and that these effects likely extend beyond the psychiatric disorders and symptoms most commonly studied. We found evidence that exposure to the conflict informs not only the way Israelis and Palestinians think, feel, and act but also their attitudes toward different religious and ethnic groups and their degree of support for peace or war. We also found that Palestinians may be at particularly high risk of experiencing psychological distress as a result of the conflict, though more research is needed to determine the extent to which this is due to socioeconomic stress. Our review suggests the need for more studies on the nonclinical psychological aspects of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as well as for longitudinal studies on the impact of the conflict on both Israelis and Palestinians.

Indigenous identity transformations: The pivotal role of student-to-student abuse in Indian Residential Schools

Embracing a shared social identity typically serves to protect group members in the face of threats. However, under some conditions, intragroup dynamics are diverted so that instead, they contribute to disturbances in collective well-being. The present analysis applies a social identity framework to understand how intragroup processes elicited in Indian Residential Schools (IRS) altered the capacity of Indigenous peoples to overcome damage to their identity and collective functioning. With the alleged goal of assimilating the Indigenous population, residential schools in Canada entailed the forced removal of Indigenous children from their communities. A Truth and Reconciliation Commission established in 2008 confirmed the extensive abuse perpetrated by IRS staff, but also raised awareness of the pervasiveness of student-to-student abuse. Supported by qualitative analyses of the reports of social service providers working with IRS survivors (N =  43), it is argued that a key part of the dynamics in the IRSs was the subversion of intragroup processes among Indigenous children in attendance. Understanding intragroup dynamics provides a basis for recognizing the persistent effects of IRSs, and for identifying strategies to heal and reclaim a positive collective identity.

An integrative review of social and occupational factors influencing health and wellbeing

Therapeutic approaches to health and wellbeing have traditionally assumed that meaningful activity or occupation contributes to health and quality of life. Within social psychology, everyday activities and practices that fill our lives are believed to be shaped by structural and systemic factors and in turn these practices can form the basis of social identities. In occupational therapy these everyday activities are called occupations. Occupations can be understood as a contextually bound synthesis of meaningful doing, being, belonging and becoming that influence health and wellbeing. We contend that an integrative review of occupational therapy and social psychology literature will enhance our ability to understand the relationship between social structures, identity and dimensions of occupation by elucidating how they inform one another, and how taken together they augment our understanding of health and wellbeing This review incorporates theoretical and empirical works purposively sampled from databases within EBSCO including CINAHL, psychINFO, psychArticles, and Web of Science. Search terms included: occupation, therapy, social psychology, occupational science, health, wellbeing, identity, structures and combinations of these terms. In presenting this review, we argue that doing, being and belonging may act as an important link to widely acknowledged relationships between social factors and health and wellbeing, and that interventions targeting individual change may be problematic.

Shared national identification in Northern Ireland: An application of psychological models of group inclusion post conflict

The common ingroup identity model (CIIM) holds that viewing former outgroup members as part of a larger shared ingroup can allow social categorisation to be harnessed for social cohesion. The ingroup projection model (IPM) suggests that even where shared identification occurs, social divisions can be transposed into superordinate groups. Here we explore the potentially inclusive national identity in a region (Northern Ireland) which has historically seen a high polarisation of identities. Using three data sets ( N = 2000; N = 359; N = 1179), we examine the extent to which a superordinate inclusive national identity, Northern Irish, is related to conciliatory attitudes. We find a common ingroup identity is linked to more positive social attitudes but not to more positive political attitudes. We conclude by considering the complexities of applying psychological models in the real world where structural and historical social divisions and vexing oppositional political questions can be transposed into new social and political orders.