Thematic role assignment in patients with Broca's aphasia: Sentence–picture matching electrified

Neurophysiological Evidence for Semantic Processing of Irrelevant Speech and Own-Name Detection in a Virtual Café

The well-known "cocktail party effect" refers to incidental detection of salient words, such as one's own-name, in supposedly unattended speech. However, empirical investigation of the prevalence of this phenomenon and the underlying mechanisms has been limited to extremely artificial contexts and has yielded conflicting results. We introduce a novel empirical approach for revisiting this effect under highly ecological conditions, by immersing participants in a multisensory Virtual Café and using realistic stimuli and tasks. Participants (32 female, 18 male) listened to conversational speech from a character at their table, while a barista in the back of the café called out food orders. Unbeknownst to them, the barista sometimes called orders containing either their own-name or words that created semantic violations. We assessed the neurophysiological response-profile to these two probes in the task-irrelevant barista stream by measuring participants' brain activity (EEG), galvanic skin response and overt gaze-shifts.SIGNIFICANCE STATEMENT We found distinct neural and physiological responses to participants' own-name and semantic violations, indicating their incidental semantic processing despite being task-irrelevant. Interestingly, these responses were covert in nature and gaze-patterns were not associated with word-detection responses. This study emphasizes the nonexclusive nature of attention in multimodal ecological environments and demonstrates the brain's capacity to extract linguistic information from additional sources outside the primary focus of attention.

Electrophysiological evidence for a subject-first strategy in visually situated auditory sentence processing in Korean

This study investigated a subject-first strategy in prediction mechanism in visually situated sentence processing in Korean, using event-related potentials (ERPs). According to the subject-first strategy, parsers tend to generate sentences conforming to canonical sentence word order (i.e., SOV in Korean), subject-first sentence, mapping conceptually more prominent referent such as agent of the event on the subject position of the sentence. Therefore, in the predictive mechanism of language comprehension, the subject is pre-activated and anticipated for the first NP of the sentence at the initial phase of bottom-up language processing. This study tested this subject-first strategy in Korean by examining brain responses to object-initial sentences (OV) compared with subject-initial sentences (SV) under the context of clear thematic role relations set by a visual image. The results of an ERP experiment with 30 native Korean speakers identified neural effects for object-initial sentences compared with subject-initial sentences at the NP and Verb, reflecting a conflict between the pre-activated representation in the parser's mind and the encountered bottom-up input. An N400 effect was elicited at the NP, as early as at the noun, not at the following object case marker. Late frontal positivity (LFP) was also found in the sentence-final verb, proving the processing difficulty of non-canonical object-initial sentences compared with canonical subject-initial sentences. These results indicate that Korean native speakers build linguistic representation conforming to a canonical sentence in SOV language in the predictive mechanism supporting subject-first strategy but revise the predicted event structure rapidly upon newly encountering input.

Musical and linguistic syntactic processing in agrammatic aphasia: An ERP study

Language and music rely on complex sequences organized according to syntactic principles that are implicitly understood by enculturated listeners. Across both domains, syntactic processing involves predicting and integrating incoming elements into higher-order structures. According to the Shared Syntactic Integration Resource Hypothesis (SSIRH; Patel, 2003), musical and linguistic syntactic processing rely on shared resources for integrating incoming elements (e.g., chords, words) into unfolding sequences. One prediction of the SSIRH is that people with agrammatic aphasia (whose deficits are due to syntactic integration problems) should present with deficits in processing musical syntax. We report the first neural study to test this prediction: event-related potentials (ERPs) were measured in response to musical and linguistic syntactic violations in a group of people with agrammatic aphasia (n=7) compared to a group of healthy controls (n=14) using an acceptability judgement task. The groups were matched with respect to age, education, and extent of musical training. Violations were based on morpho-syntactic relations in sentences and harmonic relations in chord sequences. Both groups presented with a significant P600 response to syntactic violations across both domains. The aphasic participants presented with a reduced-amplitude posterior P600 compared to the healthy adults in response to linguistic, but not musical, violations. Participants with aphasia did however present with larger frontal positivities in response to violations in both domains. Intriguingly, extent of musical training was associated with larger posterior P600 responses to syntactic violations of language and music in both groups. Overall, these findings are not consistent with the predictions of the SSIRH, and instead suggest that linguistic, but not musical, syntactic processing may be selectively impaired in stroke-induced agrammatic aphasia. However, the findings also suggest a relationship between musical training and linguistic syntactic processing, which may have clinical implications for people with aphasia, and motivates more research on the relationship between these two domains.

The electrophysiology of aphasia: A scoping review

OBJECTIVE

To systematically assess the body of literature using N400 and P600 as they relate to people with aphasia. The primary aim was to reveal patterns in the literature which could be used to direct future research in the development of clinically relevant Event-Related Potentials (ERPs) for language assessment, while also identifying gaps in existing knowledge and highlight areas of further inquiry.

METHODS

A literature search was performed on studies published before May 2021. Relevant studies on aphasia and the two ERPs of interest were assessed for quality, and the relationship between aphasia and these ERPs was explored.

RESULTS

A total of 721 articles were identified, with 30 meeting inclusion criteria. Although there is significant variation in the literature, this scoping review revealed people with aphasia show reduced amplitude, delayed latency and different distribution compared to controls, and that ERPs are modulated by severity of aphasia.

CONCLUSIONS

To develop a relevant clinical tool for the management of aphasia, future research must strive to improve consistency within ERP methodology, with a greater number of diverse aphasia subtypes included in research.

SIGNIFICANCE

This scoping review reveals N400 and P600 represent promising potential biomarkers for the diagnosis and ongoing management of aphasia.

The role and use of event-related potentials in aphasia: A scoping review

Event-related potentials (ERPs) can provide important insights into underlying language processes in both unimpaired and neurologically impaired populations and may be particularly useful in aphasia. This scoping review was conducted to provide a comprehensive summary of how ERPs have been used with people with aphasia (PWA), with the goal of exploring the potential clinical application of ERPs in aphasia assessment and treatment. We identified 117 studies that met inclusionary criteria, reflecting six thematic domains of inquiry that relate to understanding both unimpaired and aphasic language processing and the use of ERPs with PWA. In these studies, a wide variety of ERP components were reported. Inconsistencies in reporting of participant characteristics and study protocols limit our ability to generalize beyond the individual studies and understand implications for clinical applicability. We discuss the potential roles of ERPs in aphasia management and make recommendations for further developing ERPs for clinical utility in PWA.

Referential vs. Non-referential World-Language Relations: How Do They Modulate Language Comprehension in 4 to 5-Year-Olds, Younger, and Older Adults?

Age has been shown to influence language comprehension, with delays, for instance, in older adults' expectations about upcoming information. We examined to what extent expectations about upcoming event information (who-does-what-to-whom) change across the lifespan (in 4- to 5-year-old children, younger, and older adults) and as a function of different world-language relations. In a visual-world paradigm, participants in all three age groups inspected a speaker whose facial expression was either smiling or sad. Next they inspected two clipart agents (e.g., a smiling cat and a grumpy rat) depicted as acting upon a patient (e.g., a ladybug tickled by the cat and arrested by the rat). Control scenes featured the same three characters without the action depictions. While inspecting the depictions, comprehenders listened to a German sentence [e.g., Den Marienkäfer kitzelt vergnügt der Kater; literally: “The ladybug (object/patient) tickles happily the cat (subject/agent)”]. Referential verb-action relations (i.e., when the actions were present) could, in principle, cue the cat-agent and so could non-referential relations via links from the speaker's smile to “happily” and the cat's smile. We examined variation in participants' visual anticipation of the agent (the cat) before it was mentioned depending on (a) participant age and (b) whether the referentially mediated action depiction or the non-referentially associated speaker smile cued the agent. The action depictions rapidly boosted participants' visual anticipation of the agent, facilitating thematic role assignment in all age groups. By contrast, effects of the non-referentially cued speaker smile emerged in the younger adults only. We outline implications of these findings for processing accounts of the temporally coordinated interplay between listeners' age-dependent language comprehension, their interrogation of the visual context, and visual context influences.

Online sentence processing impairments in agrammatic and logopenic primary progressive aphasia: Evidence from ERP

Evidence from psycholinguistic research indicates that sentence processing is impaired in Primary Progressive Aphasia (PPA), and more so in individuals with agrammatic (PPA-G) than logopenic (PPA-L) subtypes. Studies have mostly focused on offline sentence production ability, reporting impaired production of verb morphology (e.g., tense, agreement) and verb-argument structure (VAS) in PPA-G, and mixed findings in PPA-L. However, little is known about real-time sentence comprehension in PPA. The present study is the first to compare real-time semantic, morphosyntactic and VAS processing in individuals with PPA (10 with PPA-G and 9 with PPA-L), and in two groups of healthy (22 young and 19 older) individuals, using event-related potentials (ERP). Participants were instructed to listen to sentences that were either well-formed (n = 150) or contained a violation of semantics (e.g., *Owen was mentoring pumpkins at the party, n = 50), morphosyntax (e.g., *The actors was singing in the theatre, n = 50) or VAS (*Ryan was devouring on the couch, n = 50), and were required to perform a sentence acceptability judgment task while EEG was recorded. Results indicated that in the semantic task both healthy and PPA groups showed an N400 response to semantic violations, which was delayed in PPA and older (vs. younger) groups. Morphosyntactic violations elicited a P600 in both groups of healthy individuals and in PPA-L, but not in PPA-G. A similar P600 response was also found only in healthy individuals for VAS violations; whereas, abnormal ERP responses were observed in both PPA groups, with PPA-G showing no evidence of VAS violation detection and PPA-L showing a delayed and abnormally-distributed positive component that was negatively associated with offline sentence comprehension scores. These findings support characterizations of sentence processing impairments in PPA-G, by providing online evidence that VAS and morphosyntactic processing are impaired, in the face of substantially preserved semantic processing. In addition, the results indicate that on-line processing of VAS information may also be impaired in PPA-L, despite their near-normal accuracy on standardized language tests of argument structure production.

Language and Speech Markers of Primary Progressive Aphasia: A Systematic Review

Purpose This systematic review aimed to establish language and speech markers to support the clinical diagnosis of primary progressive aphasia (PPA) and its clinical phenotypes. Our first objective was to identify behavioral language and speech markers of early-stage PPA. Our second objective was to identify the electrophysiological correlates of the language and speech characteristics in PPA. Method The databases MEDLINE, Web of Science, and Embase were searched for relevant articles. To identify behavioral markers, the initial subjective complaints and the language and speech deficits detected during the initial diagnostic evaluation were summarized for PPA in general and each clinical variant according to the 2011 consensus diagnostic criteria (nonfluent variant [NFV], semantic variant, and logopenic variant [LV]). To identify electrophysiological markers, the studies in which event-related potentials (ERPs) were elicited by a language or speech paradigm in patients with PPA were included. Results In total, 114 relevant studies were identified, including 110 behavioral studies and only four electrophysiological studies. This review suggests that patients with the semantic variant could be accurately differentiated from the NFV and LV in the initial stages based on the consensus criteria. Nonetheless, the early differentiation between the NFV and LV is not straightforward. In the four electrophysiological studies, differences in the latency, amplitude, and topographical distribution of the semantic N400 component were found between patients with PPA and healthy controls. Conclusions To accurately differentiate the NFV from the LV, it could be important to assess the language and speech degeneration by more specific assessments and by more objective diagnostic methods that offer insights into the language-related processes. Electrophysiological markers of PPA were not identified in this review due to the low number of studies that investigated language-related ERPs. More controlled ERP studies in larger patient cohorts are needed to investigate the diagnostic applicability of language-related ERPs in PPA. Supplemental Material https://doi.org/10.23641/asha.12798080.

Semantic reversal anomalies under the microscope: Task and modality influences on language-associated event-related potentials

Semantic reversal anomalies (SRAs)-sentences where an implausibility is created by reversing participant roles-have attracted much attention in the literature on the electrophysiology of language. In spite of being syntactically well formed but semantically implausible, these sentences unexpectedly elicited a monophasic P600 effect in English and Dutch rather than an N400 effect. Subsequent research revealed variability in the presence/absence of an N400 effect to SRAs depending on the language examined and the choice of verb type in English. However, most previous studies employed the same presentation modality (visual) and task (acceptability judgement). Here, we conducted two experiments and three statistical analyses to investigate the influence of stimulus modality, task demand and statistical choices on event-related potential (ERP) response patterns to SRAs in English. We reproduced a previous study's procedure and analysis (N. Bourguignon et al. (2012) Brain and Language, 122, 179-189) and further introduced between-subjects factors of task type and modality, using mixed-effects modelling to analyse the data. We observed an N400 effect to typical English SRAs (agent subject verbs, e.g. "the fries will eat the boys"), which contrasts existing literature and was not predicted by existing theories that account for SRA processing. Task demand modulated the ERPs elicited by SRAs, while auditory presentation led to increased comprehension accuracy and a more broadly distributed ERP. Finally, the statistical methods used influenced the presence/absence of ERP effects. Our results suggest a sensitivity of language-related ERP patterns to methodological parameters, and we conclude that future experiments should take this into careful consideration.

Electrophysiology of prosodic and lexical-semantic processing during sentence comprehension in aphasia

Event-related potentials (ERPs) were used to examine how individuals with aphasia and a group of age-matched controls use prosody and themattic fit information in sentences containing temporary syntactic ambiguities. Two groups of individuals with aphasia were investigated; those demonstrating relatively good sentence comprehension whose primary language difficulty is anomia (Individuals with Anomic Aphasia (IWAA)), and those who demonstrate impaired sentence comprehension whose primary diagnosis is Broca's aphasia (Individuals with Broca's Aphasia (IWBA)). The stimuli had early closure syntactic structure and contained a temporary early closure (correct)/late closure (incorrect) syntactic ambiguity. The prosody was manipulated to either be congruent or incongruent, and the temporarily ambiguous NP was also manipulated to either be a plausible or an implausible continuation for the subordinate verb (e.g., "While the band played the song/the beer pleased all the customers."). It was hypothesized that an implausible NP in sentences with incongruent prosody may provide the parser with a plausibility cue that could be used to predict syntactic structure. The results revealed that incongruent prosody paired with a plausibility cue resulted in an N400-P600 complex at the implausible NP (the beer) in both the controls and the IWAAs, yet incongruent prosody without a plausibility cue resulted in an N400-P600 at the critical verb (pleased) only in healthy controls. IWBAs did not show evidence of N400 or P600 effects at the ambiguous NP or critical verb, although they did show evidence of a delayed N400 effect at the sentence-final word in sentences with incongruent prosody. These results suggest that IWAAs have difficulty integrating prosodic cues with underlying syntactic structure when lexical-semantic information is not available to aid their parse. IWBAs have difficulty integrating both prosodic and lexical-semantic cues with syntactic structure, likely due to a processing delay.

Sentence Processing in Traumatic Brain Injury: Evidence From the P600

PURPOSE

Sentence processing can be affected following a traumatic brain injury (TBI) due to linguistic or cognitive deficits. Language-related event-related potentials (ERPs), particularly the P600, have not been described in individuals with TBI history.

METHOD

Four young adults with a history of closed head injury participated. Two had severe injuries, and 2 had mild-moderate injuries more than 24 months prior to testing. ERPs were recorded while participants read sentences designed to be grammatically correct or incorrect. Participants also completed cognitive and sentence comprehension measures.

RESULTS

One participant with TBI was significantly different than the control group on several behavioral sentence measures and 1 cognitive measure. However, none of the participants with TBI had a reliable P600 effect. Nonparametric bootstrapping indicated that the ERP was reliable in 10 control participants but no participants with TBI history.

CONCLUSIONS

There were few behavioral differences between individuals with TBI history and the control group, though all reported subjective difficulty with reading. The P600 was absent in the TBI group in this study. Given the heterogeneity of individuals with TBI and the difficulty in assessing subtle language impairments, exploring the P600 further may provide useful insight into language processing difficulties.

Identifying thematic roles from neural representations measured by functional magnetic resonance imaging

The generativity and complexity of human thought stem in large part from the ability to represent relations among concepts and form propositions. The current study reveals how a given object such as rabbit is neurally encoded differently and identifiably depending on whether it is an agent ("the rabbit punches the monkey") or a patient ("the monkey punches the rabbit"). Machine-learning classifiers were trained on functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) data evoked by a set of short videos that conveyed agent-verb-patient propositions. When tested on a held-out video, the classifiers were able to reliably identify the thematic role of an object from its associated fMRI activation pattern. Moreover, when trained on one subset of the study participants, classifiers reliably identified the thematic roles in the data of a left-out participant (mean accuracy = .66), indicating that the neural representations of thematic roles were common across individuals.

Language processing in bilingual aphasia: a new insight into the problem

There is increasing evidence that a bilingual person should not be considered as two monolinguals in a single body, a view that has gradually been adopted in the diagnosis and treatment of bilingual aphasia. However, its investigation is complicated due to the large variety in possible language combinations, pre- and postmorbid language proficiencies, and age of second language acquisition. Furthermore, the tests and tasks used to assess linguistic capabilities differ in almost every study, hindering a direct comparison of their outcomes. Behavioral, electrophysiological, and neuroimaging data from healthy population show that the processing of second language domains (semantics, syntax, morphology) depends on factors such as age and method of acquisition, proficiency level and environment in which the second language was acquired. A number of single and multiple case reports that rely on behavioral testing of bilingual aphasics replicate these results. Additionally, they show that the patient's performance depends on the size and location of the lesion, as well as language typology and morphological characteristics. Furthermore, the impairment and recovery patterns and recovery generalization from treated to untreated language depend on the lexical and orthographic distances between the two languages. For healthy bilinguals, language processing is usually studied in comparison to monolinguals. We advocate that a good starting point for identifying patterns specific for bilingual aphasia is to compare patient studies of bilinguals and monolinguals.

P600-like positivity and Left Anterior Negativity responses are elicited by semantic reversibility in nonanomalous sentences

ERPs are commonly elicited by semantic and syntactic violations in sentences, leading to proposals that they reflect neural activity underlying ordinary language comprehension. We examined ERPs in an auditory sentence-picture-matching task, using nonanomalous sentences that were either semantically reversible, (boy pushes girl) or irreversible, (boy eats apple). Timelocked to the end of the critical clause, which occurred in the middle of a longer sentence, we observed an enhanced central-posterior positivity in response to the reversible sentences. The topography of this response is consistent with the P600 potential reported in studies of syntactic anomalies and other manipulations related to sentence structure. Following the end of the sentence, during a memory delay period prior to picture onset, reversible sentences also evoked a protracted anterior negativity, predominantly on the left. This negativity was stronger for sentences containing relative clauses compared to simple active sentences, but did not differ between object-embedded and the less complex subject-embedded clauses. The observation of a P600 occurring selectively in reversible sentences supports the interpretation of that potential as reflecting the syntactic processing of thematic relationships, as irreversible sentences contained alternative cues for thematic roles. The left anterior negativity likely reflects later processes of rehearsal and reanalysis of sentence content in working memory.

Electrophysiological responses to argument structure violations in healthy adults and individuals with agrammatic aphasia

Sentence comprehension requires processing of argument structure information associated with verbs, i.e. the number and type of arguments that they select. Many individuals with agrammatic aphasia show impaired production of verbs with greater argument structure density. The extent to which these participants also show argument structure deficits during comprehension, however, is unclear. Some studies find normal access to verb arguments, whereas others report impaired ability. The present study investigated verb argument structure processing in agrammatic aphasia by examining event-related potentials associated with argument structure violations in healthy young and older adults as well as aphasic individuals. A semantic violation condition was included to investigate possible differences in sensitivity to semantic and argument structure information during sentence processing. Results for the healthy control participants showed a negativity followed by a positive shift (N400-P600) in the argument structure violation condition, as found in previous ERP studies (Friederici & Frisch, 2000; Frisch, Hahne, & Friederici, 2004). In contrast, individuals with agrammatic aphasia showed a P600, but no N400, response to argument structure mismatches. Additionally, compared to the control groups, the agrammatic participants showed an attenuated, but relatively preserved, N400 response to semantic violations. These data show that agrammatic individuals do not demonstrate normal real-time sensitivity to verb argument structure requirements during sentence processing.

Tracking Passive Sentence Comprehension in Agrammatic Aphasia

People with agrammatic aphasia often experience greater difficulty comprehending passive compared to active sentences. The Trace Deletion Hypothesis (TDH; Grodzinsky, 2000) proposes that aphasic individuals cannot generate accurate syntactic representations of passive sentences and, hence, use an agent-first processing strategy which leads to at-chance performance. We tested this claim using the eyetracking-while-listening paradigm in order to reveal online processing routines. Ten agrammatic aphasic participants and 10 age-matched controls listened to passive and active sentences and performed a sentence-picture matching task (i.e., selecting between two pictures with reversed thematic roles), while their eye movements were monitored. Control participants' performance was at ceiling, whereas accuracy for the aphasic participants was above chance for active sentences and at chance for passive sentences. Further, for the control participants, the eye movement data showed an initial agent-first processing bias, followed by fixation on the correct picture in the vicinity of the verb in both active and passive sentences. However, the aphasic participants showed no evidence of agent-first processing, counter the predictions of the TDH. In addition, in active sentences, they reliably fixated the correct picture only at sentence offset, reflecting slowed processing. During passive sentence processing, fixations were at chance throughout the sentence, but different patterns were noted for correct and incorrect trials. These results are consistent with the proposal that agrammatic sentence comprehension failure involves lexical processing and/or lexical integration deficits.

Comprehending how visual context influences incremental sentence processing: Insights from ERPs and picture-sentence verification

To re-establish picture-sentence verification-discredited possibly for its over-reliance on post-sentence response time (RT) measures-as a task for situated comprehension, we collected event-related brain potentials (ERPs) as participants read a subject-verb-object sentence, and RTs indicating whether or not the verb matched a previously depicted action. For mismatches (vs. matches), speeded RTs were longer, verb N400s over centro-parietal scalp larger, and ERPs to the object noun more negative. RTs (congruence effect) correlated inversely with the centro-parietal verb N400s, and positively with the object ERP congruence effects. Verb N400s, object ERPs, and verbal working memory scores predicted more variance in RT effects (50%) than N400s alone. Thus, (1) verification processing is not all post-sentence; (2) simple priming cannot account for these results; and (3) verification tasks can inform studies of situated comprehension.

About Edible Restaurants: Conflicts between Syntax and Semantics as Revealed by ERPs

In order to investigate conflicts between semantics and syntax, we recorded ERPs, while participants read Dutch sentences. Sentences containing conflicts between syntax and semantics (Fred eats in asandwich…/Fred eats arestaurant…) elicited an N400. These results show that conflicts between syntax and semantics not necessarily lead to P600 effects and are in line with the processing competition account. According to this parallel account the syntactic and semantic processing streams are fully interactive and information from one level can influence the processing at another level. The relative strength of the cues of the processing streams determines which level is affected most strongly by the conflict. The processing competition account maintains the distinction between the N400 as index for semantic processing and the P600 as index for structural processing.

Situated sentence processing: the coordinated interplay account and a neurobehavioral model

Empirical evidence demonstrating that sentence meaning is rapidly reconciled with the visual environment has been broadly construed as supporting the seamless interaction of visual and linguistic representations during situated comprehension. Based on recent behavioral and neuroscientific findings, however, we argue for the more deeply rooted coordination of the mechanisms underlying visual and linguistic processing, and for jointly considering the behavioral and neural correlates of scene-sentence reconciliation during situated comprehension. The Coordinated Interplay Account (CIA; Knoeferle, P., & Crocker, M. W. (2007). The influence of recent scene events on spoken comprehension: Evidence from eye movements. Journal of Memory and Language, 57(4), 519-543) asserts that incremental linguistic interpretation actively directs attention in the visual environment, thereby increasing the salience of attended scene information for comprehension. We review behavioral and neuroscientific findings in support of the CIA's three processing stages: (i) incremental sentence interpretation, (ii) language-mediated visual attention, and (iii) the on-line influence of non-linguistic visual context. We then describe a recently developed connectionist model which both embodies the central CIA proposals and has been successfully applied in modeling a range of behavioral findings from the visual world paradigm (Mayberry, M. R., Crocker, M. W., & Knoeferle, P. (2009). Learning to attend: A connectionist model of situated language comprehension. Cognitive Science). Results from a new simulation suggest the model also correlates with event-related brain potentials elicited by the immediate use of visual context for linguistic disambiguation (Knoeferle, P., Habets, B., Crocker, M. W., & Münte, T. F. (2008). Visual scenes trigger immediate syntactic reanalysis: Evidence from ERPs during situated spoken comprehension. Cerebral Cortex, 18(4), 789-795). Finally, we argue that the mechanisms underlying interpretation, visual attention, and scene apprehension are not only in close temporal synchronization, but have co-adapted to optimize real-time visual grounding of situated spoken language, thus facilitating the association of linguistic, visual and motor representations that emerge during the course of our embodied linguistic experience in the world.

The fractionation of spoken language understanding by measuring electrical and magnetic brain signals

This paper focuses on what electrical and magnetic recordings of human brain activity reveal about spoken language understanding. Based on the high temporal resolution of these recordings, a fine-grained temporal profile of different aspects of spoken language comprehension can be obtained. Crucial aspects of speech comprehension are lexical access, selection and semantic integration. Results show that for words spoken in context, there is no 'magic moment' when lexical selection ends and semantic integration begins. Irrespective of whether words have early or late recognition points, semantic integration processing is initiated before words can be identified on the basis of the acoustic information alone. Moreover, for one particular event-related brain potential (ERP) component (the N400), equivalent impact of sentence- and discourse-semantic contexts is observed. This indicates that in comprehension, a spoken word is immediately evaluated relative to the widest interpretive domain available. In addition, this happens very quickly. Findings are discussed that show that often an unfolding word can be mapped onto discourse-level representations well before the end of the word. Overall, the time course of the ERP effects is compatible with the view that the different information types (lexical, syntactic, phonological, pragmatic) are processed in parallel and influence the interpretation process incrementally, that is as soon as the relevant pieces of information are available. This is referred to as the immediacy principle.

Involvement of cognitive control in sentence comprehension: evidence from ERPs

This study investigates the reanalysis processes as a consequence of conflict between incompatible sentential representations in sentence comprehension. Using the event-related potential (ERP) technique, we examined the situation in which the sentential representation built upon world knowledge (i.e., the plausibility heuristic) conflicts with the one built upon syntactic rules (i.e., the syntactic analysis). We found that sentence processing is constrained both by the complexity of syntactic structure and by the reader's cognitive control ability. For readers with higher control abilities, as measured by the Stroop task, a sustained positivity was observed between 350 and 850 ms when conflicts occurred in complex (i.e., passive) sentences, whereas an anterior negativity was observed between 300 and 600 ms when conflicts occurred in simple (i.e., active) sentences. For readers with lower control abilities, however, brain potentials were not affected by the complexity of syntactic structure, with a sustained positivity obtained between 350 and 750 ms for conflicts occurring in both active and passive sentences. These results suggest that the mechanisms of cognitive control are involved in the reanalysis processes to resolve conflict between incompatible sentential representations. The sustained positivity is possibly associated with detection and resolution of representational conflict, while the anterior negativity is associated with suppression of inappropriate representation or response tendency.