Joint, distributed and hierarchically organized encoding of linguistic features in the human auditory cortex

Neural populations in the language network differ in the size of their temporal receptive windows

Despite long knowing what brain areas support language comprehension, our knowledge of the neural computations that these frontal and temporal regions implement remains limited. One important unresolved question concerns functional differences among the neural populations that comprise the language network. Here we leveraged the high spatiotemporal resolution of human intracranial recordings (n = 22) to examine responses to sentences and linguistically degraded conditions. We discovered three response profiles that differ in their temporal dynamics. These profiles appear to reflect different temporal receptive windows, with average windows of about 1, 4 and 6 words, respectively. Neural populations exhibiting these profiles are interleaved across the language network, which suggests that all language regions have direct access to distinct, multiscale representations of linguistic input-a property that may be critical for the efficiency and robustness of language processing.

Temporal integration in human auditory cortex is predominantly yoked to absolute time, not structure duration

Sound structures such as phonemes and words have highly variable durations. Thus, there is a fundamental difference between integrating across absolute time (e.g., 100 ms) vs. sound structure (e.g., phonemes). Auditory and cognitive models have traditionally cast neural integration in terms of time and structure, respectively, but the extent to which cortical computations reflect time or structure remains unknown. To answer this question, we rescaled the duration of all speech structures using time stretching/compression and measured integration windows in the human auditory cortex using a new experimental/computational method applied to spatiotemporally precise intracranial recordings. We observed significantly longer integration windows for stretched speech, but this lengthening was very small (~5%) relative to the change in structure durations, even in non-primary regions strongly implicated in speech-specific processing. These findings demonstrate that time-yoked computations dominate throughout the human auditory cortex, placing important constraints on neurocomputational models of structure processing.

Classifying coherent versus nonsense speech perception from EEG using linguistic speech features

When a person listens to natural speech, the relation between features of the speech signal and the corresponding evoked electroencephalogram (EEG) is indicative of neural processing of the speech signal. Using linguistic representations of speech, we investigate the differences in neural processing between speech in a native and foreign language that is not understood. We conducted experiments using three stimuli: a comprehensible language, an incomprehensible language, and randomly shuffled words from a comprehensible language, while recording the EEG signal of native Dutch-speaking participants. We modeled the neural tracking of linguistic features of the speech signals using a deep-learning model in a match-mismatch task that relates EEG signals to speech, while accounting for lexical segmentation features reflecting acoustic processing. The deep learning model effectively classifies coherent versus nonsense languages. We also observed significant differences in tracking patterns between comprehensible and incomprehensible speech stimuli within the same language. It demonstrates the potential of deep learning frameworks in measuring speech understanding objectively.

Functional connectivity across the human subcortical auditory system using an autoregressive matrix-Gaussian copula graphical model approach with partial correlations

The auditory system comprises multiple subcortical brain structures that process and refine incoming acoustic signals along the primary auditory pathway. Due to technical limitations of imaging small structures deep inside the brain, most of our knowledge of the subcortical auditory system is based on research in animal models using invasive methodologies. Advances in ultrahigh-field functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) acquisition have enabled novel noninvasive investigations of the human auditory subcortex, including fundamental features of auditory representation such as tonotopy and periodotopy. However, functional connectivity across subcortical networks is still underexplored in humans, with ongoing development of related methods. Traditionally, functional connectivity is estimated from fMRI data with full correlation matrices. However, partial correlations reveal the relationship between two regions after removing the effects of all other regions, reflecting more direct connectivity. Partial correlation analysis is particularly promising in the ascending auditory system, where sensory information is passed in an obligatory manner, from nucleus to nucleus up the primary auditory pathway, providing redundant but also increasingly abstract representations of auditory stimuli. While most existing methods for learning conditional dependency structures based on partial correlations assume independently and identically Gaussian distributed data, fMRI data exhibit significant deviations from Gaussianity as well as high-temporal autocorrelation. In this paper, we developed an autoregressive matrix-Gaussian copula graphical model (ARMGCGM) approach to estimate the partial correlations and thereby infer the functional connectivity patterns within the auditory system while appropriately accounting for autocorrelations between successive fMRI scans. Our results show strong positive partial correlations between successive structures in the primary auditory pathway on each side (left and right), including between auditory midbrain and thalamus, and between primary and associative auditory cortex. These results are highly stable when splitting the data in halves according to the acquisition schemes and computing partial correlations separately for each half of the data, as well as across cross-validation folds. In contrast, full correlation-based analysis identified a rich network of interconnectivity that was not specific to adjacent nodes along the pathway. Overall, our results demonstrate that unique functional connectivity patterns along the auditory pathway are recoverable using novel connectivity approaches and that our connectivity methods are reliable across multiple acquisitions.

The language network as a natural kind within the broader landscape of the human brain

Language behaviour is complex, but neuroscientific evidence disentangles it into distinct components supported by dedicated brain areas or networks. In this Review, we describe the 'core' language network, which includes left-hemisphere frontal and temporal areas, and show that it is strongly interconnected, independent of input and output modalities, causally important for language and language-selective. We discuss evidence that this language network plausibly stores language knowledge and supports core linguistic computations related to accessing words and constructions from memory and combining them to interpret (decode) or generate (encode) linguistic messages. We emphasize that the language network works closely with, but is distinct from, both lower-level - perceptual and motor - mechanisms and higher-level systems of knowledge and reasoning. The perceptual and motor mechanisms process linguistic signals, but, in contrast to the language network, are sensitive only to these signals' surface properties, not their meanings; the systems of knowledge and reasoning (such as the system that supports social reasoning) are sometimes engaged during language use but are not language-selective. This Review lays a foundation both for in-depth investigations of these different components of the language processing pipeline and for probing inter-component interactions.

Hearing what is being said: the distributed neural substrate for early speech interpretation

Speech comprehension is remarkable for the immediacy with which the listener hears what is being said. Here, we focus on the neural underpinnings of this process in isolated spoken words. We analysed source-localised MEG data for nouns using Representational Similarity Analysis to probe the spatiotemporal coordinates of phonology, lexical form, and the semantics of emerging word candidates. Phonological model fit was detectable within 40-50 ms, engaging a bilateral network including superior and middle temporal cortex and extending into anterior temporal and inferior parietal regions. Lexical form emerged within 60-70 ms, and model fit to semantics from 100-110 ms. Strikingly, the majority of vertices in a central core showed model fit to all three dimensions, consistent with a distributed neural substrate for early speech analysis. The early interpretation of speech seems to be conducted in a unified integrative representational space, in conflict with conventional views of a linguistically stratified representational hierarchy.

Hierarchical dynamic coding coordinates speech comprehension in the brain

Speech comprehension requires the human brain to transform an acoustic waveform into meaning. To do so, the brain generates a hierarchy of features that converts the sensory input into increasingly abstract language properties. However, little is known about how these hierarchical features are generated and continuously coordinated. Here, we propose that each linguistic feature is dynamically represented in the brain to simultaneously represent successive events. To test this 'Hierarchical Dynamic Coding' (HDC) hypothesis, we use time-resolved decoding of brain activity to track the construction, maintenance, and integration of a comprehensive hierarchy of language features spanning acoustic, phonetic, sub-lexical, lexical, syntactic and semantic representations. For this, we recorded 21 participants with magnetoencephalography (MEG), while they listened to two hours of short stories. Our analyses reveal three main findings. First, the brain incrementally represents and simultaneously maintains successive features. Second, the duration of these representations depend on their level in the language hierarchy. Third, each representation is maintained by a dynamic neural code, which evolves at a speed commensurate with its corresponding linguistic level. This HDC preserves the maintenance of information over time while limiting the interference between successive features. Overall, HDC reveals how the human brain continuously builds and maintains a language hierarchy during natural speech comprehension, thereby anchoring linguistic theories to their biological implementations.

Intracranial Mapping of Response Latencies and Task Effects for Spoken Syllable Processing in the Human Brain

Prior lesion, noninvasive-imaging, and intracranial-electroencephalography (iEEG) studies have documented hierarchical, parallel, and distributed characteristics of human speech processing. Yet, there have not been direct, intracranial observations of the latency with which regions outside the temporal lobe respond to speech, or how these responses are impacted by task demands. We leveraged human intracranial recordings via stereo-EEG to measure responses from diverse forebrain sites during (i) passive listening to /bi/ and /pi/ syllables, and (ii) active listening requiring /bi/-versus-/pi/ categorization. We find that neural response latency increases from a few tens of ms in Heschl's gyrus (HG) to several tens of ms in superior temporal gyrus (STG), superior temporal sulcus (STS), and early parietal areas, and hundreds of ms in later parietal areas, insula, frontal cortex, hippocampus, and amygdala. These data also suggest parallel flow of speech information dorsally and ventrally, from HG to parietal areas and from HG to STG and STS, respectively. Latency data also reveal areas in parietal cortex, frontal cortex, hippocampus, and amygdala that are not responsive to the stimuli during passive listening but are responsive during categorization. Furthermore, multiple regions-spanning auditory, parietal, frontal, and insular cortices, and hippocampus and amygdala-show greater neural response amplitudes during active versus passive listening (a task-related effect). Overall, these results are consistent with hierarchical processing of speech at a macro level and parallel streams of information flow in temporal and parietal regions. These data also reveal regions where the speech code is stimulus-faithful and those that encode task-relevant representations.

Neural Dynamics of the Processing of Speech Features: Evidence for a Progression of Features from Acoustic to Sentential Processing

When we listen to speech, our brain's neurophysiological responses "track" its acoustic features, but it is less well understood how these auditory responses are modulated by linguistic content. Here, we recorded magnetoencephalography (MEG) responses while subjects listened to four types of continuous-speech-like passages: speech-envelope modulated noise, English-like non-words, scrambled words, and narrative passage. Temporal response function (TRF) analysis provides strong neural evidence for the emergent features of speech processing in cortex, from acoustics to higher-level linguistics, as incremental steps in neural speech processing. Critically, we show a stepwise hierarchical progression of progressively higher order features over time, reflected in both bottom-up (early) and top-down (late) processing stages. Linguistically driven top-down mechanisms take the form of late N400-like responses, suggesting a central role of predictive coding mechanisms at multiple levels. As expected, the neural processing of lower-level acoustic feature responses is bilateral or right lateralized, with left lateralization emerging only for lexical-semantic features. Finally, our results identify potential neural markers of the computations underlying speech perception and comprehension.

Neural manifolds carry reactivation of phonetic representations during semantic processing

Traditional models of speech perception posit that neural activity encodes speech through a hierarchy of cognitive processes, from low-level representations of acoustic and phonetic features to high-level semantic encoding. Yet it remains unknown how neural representations are transformed across levels of the speech hierarchy. Here, we analyzed unique microelectrode array recordings of neuronal spiking activity from the human left anterior superior temporal gyrus, a brain region at the interface between phonetic and semantic speech processing, during a semantic categorization task and natural speech perception. We identified distinct neural manifolds for semantic and phonetic features, with a functional separation of the corresponding low-dimensional trajectories. Moreover, phonetic and semantic representations were encoded concurrently and reflected in power increases in the beta and low-gamma local field potentials, suggesting top-down predictive and bottom-up cumulative processes. Our results are the first to demonstrate mechanisms for hierarchical speech transformations that are specific to neuronal population dynamics.

A frontal cortical network is critical for language planning during spoken interaction

Many brain areas exhibit activity correlated with language planning, but the impact of these dynamics on spoken interaction remains unclear. Here we use direct electrical stimulation to transiently perturb cortical function in neurosurgical patient-volunteers performing a question-answer task. Stimulating structures involved in speech motor function evoked diverse articulatory deficits, while perturbations of caudal inferior and middle frontal gyri - which exhibit preparatory activity during conversational turn-taking - led to response errors. Perturbation of the same planning-related frontal regions slowed inter-speaker timing, while faster responses could result from stimulation of sites located in other areas. Taken together, these findings further indicate that caudal inferior and middle frontal gyri constitute a critical planning network essential for interactive language use.

Emergence of the cortical encoding of phonetic features in the first year of life

Even prior to producing their first words, infants are developing a sophisticated speech processing system, with robust word recognition present by 4-6 months of age. These emergent linguistic skills, observed with behavioural investigations, are likely to rely on increasingly sophisticated neural underpinnings. The infant brain is known to robustly track the speech envelope, however previous cortical tracking studies were unable to demonstrate the presence of phonetic feature encoding. Here we utilise temporal response functions computed from electrophysiological responses to nursery rhymes to investigate the cortical encoding of phonetic features in a longitudinal cohort of infants when aged 4, 7 and 11 months, as well as adults. The analyses reveal an increasingly detailed and acoustically invariant phonetic encoding emerging over the first year of life, providing neurophysiological evidence that the pre-verbal human cortex learns phonetic categories. By contrast, we found no credible evidence for age-related increases in cortical tracking of the acoustic spectrogram.

Causal evidence for a coordinated temporal interplay within the language network

Recent neurobiological models on language suggest that auditory sentence comprehension is supported by a coordinated temporal interplay within a left-dominant brain network, including the posterior inferior frontal gyrus (pIFG), posterior superior temporal gyrus and sulcus (pSTG/STS), and angular gyrus (AG). Here, we probed the timing and causal relevance of the interplay between these regions by means of concurrent transcranial magnetic stimulation and electroencephalography (TMS-EEG). Our TMS-EEG experiments reveal region- and time-specific causal evidence for a bidirectional information flow from left pSTG/STS to left pIFG and back during auditory sentence processing. Adapting a condition-and-perturb approach, our findings further suggest that the left pSTG/STS can be supported by the left AG in a state-dependent manner.

ROSE: A Neurocomputational Architecture for Syntax

A comprehensive model of natural language processing in the brain must accommodate four components: representations, operations, structures and encoding. It further requires a principled account of how these different components mechanistically, and causally, relate to each another. While previous models have isolated regions of interest for structure-building and lexical access, and have utilized specific neural recording measures to expose possible signatures of syntax, many gaps remain with respect to bridging distinct scales of analysis that map onto these four components. By expanding existing accounts of how neural oscillations can index various linguistic processes, this article proposes a neurocomputational architecture for syntax, termed the ROSE model (Representation, Operation, Structure, Encoding). Under ROSE, the basic data structures of syntax are atomic features, types of mental representations (R), and are coded at the single-unit and ensemble level. Elementary computations (O) that transform these units into manipulable objects accessible to subsequent structure-building levels are coded via high frequency broadband γ activity. Low frequency synchronization and cross-frequency coupling code for recursive categorial inferences (S). Distinct forms of low frequency coupling and phase-amplitude coupling (δ-θ coupling via pSTS-IFG; θ-γ coupling via IFG to conceptual hubs in lateral and ventral temporal cortex) then encode these structures onto distinct workspaces (E). Causally connecting R to O is spike-phase/LFP coupling; connecting O to S is phase-amplitude coupling; connecting S to E is a system of frontotemporal traveling oscillations; connecting E back to lower levels is low-frequency phase resetting of spike-LFP coupling. This compositional neural code has important implications for algorithmic accounts, since it makes concrete predictions for the appropriate level of study for psycholinguistic parsing models. ROSE is reliant on neurophysiologically plausible mechanisms, is supported at all four levels by a range of recent empirical research, and provides an anatomically precise and falsifiable grounding for the basic property of natural language syntax: hierarchical, recursive structure-building.