Procedural justice training reduces police use of force and complaints against officers

Cumulative Police Exposures, Police Violence Stress, and Depressive Symptoms: A Focus on Black LGBQ Youth in Baltimore City, Maryland

The present study investigates associations between cumulative police exposures, police violence stress, and depressive symptoms among Black youth, and whether LGBQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer) identities moderate these associations. Data come from the Survey of Police-Adolescent Contact Experiences (SPACE), a cross-sectional survey of a community-based sample of Black youth ages 12-21 in Baltimore City, Maryland (n = 345), administered from August 2022 to July 2023. We used multivariable ordinary least squares regression to estimate direct associations and product-term analysis to test for effect modification by sexual identities. We also calculate covariate-adjusted predicted depressive symptoms scores by cumulative police exposures and police violence stress across sexual identities. Findings indicate that LGBQ youth collectively reported higher levels of police violence stress than heterosexual youth. Still, LGBQ youth varied in their cumulative police exposures, which were significantly higher among bisexual and queer youth than lesbian or gay youth. Associations between cumulative police exposures, police violence stress, and depressive symptoms were significantly moderated by LGBQ identity, with the largest associations emerging for bisexual and queer youth. Police exposures and police violence stress also compounded to worsen depressive symptoms among the subsample of LGBQ youth. Collectively, our findings suggest that LGBQ youth-especially bisexual and queer youth-may be particularly vulnerable to the mental health harms of cumulative police exposures and police violence stress. Intersectional, public health approaches that combine prevention and treatment strategies are needed to mitigate LGBQ mental health inequities stemming from cumulative police exposures and police violence stress.

Psychometric properties of the Buss-Perry Aggression Questionnaire-short form among law enforcement officers

Repeatedly capturing national headlines, excessive law enforcement officer (LEO) use of force in critical incident encounters is one of the most divisive human rights issues in the United States. Valid and reliable measures of potential precursors to LEO excessive use of force, such as aggression, are needed. The Buss-Perry Aggression Questionnaire-short form (BPAQ-SF) is a validated measure of aggression across various populations; however, evaluation of this easily administered measure in high-stress, frontline populations such as LEOs is limited. The primary goal of this study was to evaluate the validity, reliability, and sensitivity to change the BPAQ-SF in a sample of LEOs. A confirmatory factor analysis suggested that the hierarchical solution provides a mixed fit to the data: SBχ²(25.84)  = 62.50, p = .0001; comparative fit index = .94, non-normed fit index = .92, root mean square error of approximation = .19 (90% confidence interval = .17-.21), standardized root mean squared residual = .08. The BPAQ-SF demonstrated good internal consistency (α = .84) and test-retest reliability (r = .86), correlations in the expected direction with predictors of and buffers against aggression, and sensitivity to change among LEOs who participated in an intervention targeting aggression. Results support and extend previous findings suggesting that the BPAQ-SF is a valid and reliable measure of aggression among LEOs.

How Do People Come to Judge What Is "Reasonable"? Effects of Legal and Sociological Systems on Human Psychology

How do people decide what is reasonable? People often have to make those judgments, judgments that can influence tremendously consequential decisions-such as whether to indict someone in a legal proceeding. In this article, we take a situated cognition lens to review and integrate findings from social psychology, judgment and decision-making, communication, law, and sociology to generate a new framework for conceptualizing judgments of reasonableness and their implications for how people make decisions, particularly in the context of the legal system. We theorize that differences in structural and social contexts create information asymmetries that shape people's priors about what is and is not reasonable and how they update their priors in the face of new information. We use the legal system as a context for exploring the implications of the framework for both individual and collective decision-making and for considering the practical implications of the framework for inequities in law and social policy.

The Impact of Implicit-Bias-Oriented Diversity Training on Police Officers' Beliefs, Motivations, and Actions

U.S. police departments have attempted to address racial inequities in policing with diversity training. However, little research has evaluated whether these trainings are effective at changing officers' beliefs, motivations, and actions. To examine their efficacy, we tested a day-long implicit-bias-oriented diversity training designed to increase U.S. police officers' knowledge of biases, concerns about bias, and use of evidence-based strategies to mitigate bias (total N = 3,764). The training was immediately effective at increasing knowledge about bias, concerns about bias, and intentions to address bias, relative to baseline. However, the effects were fleeting. Although the training was linked to higher knowledge for at least 1 month, it was ineffective at durably increasing concerns or strategy use. These findings suggest that diversity trainings as they are currently practiced are unlikely to change police behavior. We conclude with theorizing about what organizations and training programs could do for greater impact.

Formalizing tenure of Indigenous lands improved forest outcomes in the Atlantic Forest of Brazil

Across the globe, the legal land rights and tenure of many Indigenous peoples are yet to be recognized. A growing body of research demonstrates that tenure of Indigenous lands improves livelihoods and protects forests in addition to inherently recognizing human rights. However, the effect of tenure on environmental outcomes has scarcely been tested in regions with high development pressure, such as those with persisting forest-agriculture conflicts. In this paper, we conduct an event study and a difference-in-differences analysis to estimate the average treatment effect of land tenure on forest cover change for 129 Indigenous lands in the Atlantic Forest of Brazil from 1985 to 2019. We found that forest outcomes in Indigenous lands improved following tenure compared to pretenure and that forest outcomes improved in tenured compared to nontenured lands. We also found that formalized tenure, rather than incomplete tenure, was necessary to improve forest outcomes. Our study is the first rigorous analysis of the effect of tenure on Indigenous lands in the globally important Atlantic Forest biome and contributes to a growing body of literature on the role of rights-based approaches to conservation. The evidence presented in this study may support efforts to secure the legal rights and autonomy of Indigenous peoples.

Identifying and Unpacking the Role of Social Identity in Moderating Evaluations of Police-Civilian Interactions

Scholars and policy makers rely on the theory of procedural justice (PJ) to further the twin goals of improving police-civilian relations and reducing crime. Substantial PJ research demonstrates that civilians evaluate fairness in police-civilian interactions based on voice, neutrality, trust, and respect. Although social identity is an important predictor and outcome of PJ, little research has examined how police officers, who have a unique social identity and sub-culture, evaluate fairness. The current research examined how police officers, as compared to civilians, evaluated fairness through the PJ mechanisms and whether social identity explained differences between the groups. Police officers (n = 125), recruited from local law enforcement agencies, and civilians (n = 151), recruited from an online participant pool, evaluated a randomly assigned PJ or no-PJ police-civilian interaction. Multiple group analyses and nested model comparisons revealed that the data fit the PJ model best when civilians and police officers were allowed to perceive fairness through different mechanisms. Differences between the samples were explained by self-categorization with the police. The direct effects of respect and gender on fairness, condition on neutrality, condition and voice on respect, and the interaction between condition and self-categorization on voice were responsible for the differences between the samples. Finally, a three-way interaction revealed that civilians who self-categorized less with the police evaluated the PJ condition as providing less voice than more closely identified civilians, who were not different than police. This study replicated and expanded on PJ, policing, and social identity literatures.

Beliefs about minority representation in policing and support for diversification

Diversification of police forces is widely promoted as a reform for reducing racial disparities in police-civilian interactions and increasing police legitimacy. Despite these potential benefits, nearly every municipal police department in the United States remains predominately White and male. Here, we investigate whether the scale and persistence of minority underrepresentation in policing might partly be explained by a lack of support for diversification among voters and current police officers. Across two studies (N = 2, 661) sampling the US adult population and residents from a city with one of the least representative police forces in the country, individuals significantly overestimate officer diversity at both the local and national levels. We find that correcting these biased beliefs with accurate information reduces trust in police and increases support for hiring new officers from underrepresented groups. In the municipal sample, these corrections also cause an increase in residents' willingness to vote for reforms to diversify their majority White police department. Additional paired decision-making experiments (N = 1, 663) conducted on these residents and current police officers demonstrate that both prefer hiring new officers from currently underrepresented groups, independent of civil service exam performance and other hiring criteria. Overall, these results suggest that attitudes among voters and police officers are unlikely to pose a major barrier to diversity reforms.

Youth Mental Well-Being Following Witnessed Police Stops

The purpose of the present study is to investigate mental well-being among youth after witnessing police stops. A national, urban-born sample of youth in the USA from the most recent wave (2014-2017) of the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study (FFCWS) was employed, with a focus on youth who had not been directly stopped by police (N = 2506). We used t-tests and multivariable ordinary least squares (OLS) regression to estimate direct associations, product-term analysis to test for effect modification by gender and race/ethnicity, and the Karlson-Holm-Breen (KHB) method to assess for mediation by experiences of emotional distress during a stop. Findings indicate that youth who have witnessed police stops report significantly higher levels of depression (t = 5.93, p < 0.01) and anxiety (t = 6.57, p < 0.01) and lower levels of happiness (t =  - 4.02, p < 0.01) following the stop than those who have not. Among youth witnessing stops (N = 1488), more intrusive witnessed encounters correspond to diminished mental well-being across indicators, in part due to elevated emotional distress during witnessed stops. Findings hold regardless of gender, yet vary somewhat by race and ethnicity, with youth of color reporting less anxiety than their White counterparts after witnessing an intrusive stop, but reporting greater reductions in happiness. Collectively, our findings suggest that witnessing police stops may contribute to inequities in youth mental well-being. A public health approach that combines prevention and treatment strategies may mitigate the harms of police exposure and reduce disparities in youth well-being.

Police Uses of Force in the USA: a Wealth of Theories and a Lack of Evidence

Research Question

How adequate is research in the USA for discovering best policies and practices, and best implementation strategies, for reducing loss of life and injury from police use of force.

Data

This analysis examines police agency policies on the use of force regulation, evaluations of training initiatives, research on supervision, problem officers, and other dimensions of the issues and possible solutions.

Methods

The analysis examines both documented correlates and the strength of causal inference about those correlates of reductions in the use of force.

Findings

The analysis concludes that while many promising ideas have been offered, there are few tested strategies that have demonstrated substantial effects in reducing the use of force. There are virtually no successful strategies that have been replicated.

Conclusions

The current proliferation of untested programs may divert effort from a coherent and well-funded program of research to test and select effective policies that are urgently needed.

Police responses to cyberstalking during the Covid-19 pandemic in the UK

This research aims to explore how police officers responded to cyberstalking during the unprecedented period of the Covid-19 pandemic (March 2020–April 2021). More specifically, it aims to report the police experience of responding to cases of stalking, including cyberstalking, during this period; to explore officer confidence in identifying cyberstalking and to explore the challenges faced by frontline police. One hundred and two frontline police officers from two British forces took part in the online survey and, subsequently, ten officers and six key stakeholders each participated in a one-hour qualitative interview. The data indicate that the Covid-19 pandemic has prompted an increase in cyberstalking, and this has been attributed, by both the police and stakeholders, to the lockdown whereby people worked from home, had more time to become tech savvy and, as a result, developed digital skills that facilitate cyberstalking. Furthermore, it emerged that there is professional uncertainty among officers surrounding cyberstalking and how to deal with the problem effectively. However, this uncertainty is unquestionably not related to the lack of officers’ motivation, but to absence of a stalking screening tool that addresses cyberstalking, accompanied by effective multiagency training that would assist officers to understand the nature of the issue and to respond to it effectively.

Police Force Size and Civilian Race

We report novel empirical estimates of the race-specific effects of larger police forces in the United States. Each additional police officer abates approximately 0.1 homicides. In per capita terms, effects are twice as large for Black versus White victims. Larger police forces also make fewer arrests for serious crimes, with larger reductions for crimes with Black suspects, implying that police force growth does not increase racial disparities among the most serious charges. At the same time, larger police forces make more arrests for low-level “quality-of-life” offenses, with effects that imply a disproportionate impact for Black Americans. (JEL H76, J15, K42)

Reforming the police through procedural justice training: A multicity randomized trial at crime hot spots

Our study is a randomized trial in policing confirming that intensive training in procedural justice (PJ) can lead to more procedurally just behavior and less disrespectful treatment of people at high-crime places. The fact that the PJ intervention reduced arrests by police officers, positively influenced residents’ perceptions of police harassment and violence, and also reduced crime provides important guidance for police reform in a period of strong criticism of policing. This randomized trial points to the potential for PJ training not simply to encourage fair and respectful policing but also to improve evaluations of the police and crime prevention effectiveness.

Can police be trained to treat people in fair and respectful ways, and if so, will this influence evaluations of the police and crime? To answer these questions, we randomly allocated 120 crime hot spots to a procedural justice (PJ) and standard condition (SC) in three cities. Twenty-eight officers were randomly assigned to the conditions. The PJ condition officers received an intensive 5-d training course in the components of PJ (giving voice, showing neutrality, treating people with respect, and evidencing trustworthy motives). We used police self-report surveys to assess whether the training influenced attitudes, systematic social observations to examine impacts on police behavior in the field, and arrests to assess law enforcement actions. We conducted pre and post household surveys to assess resident attitudes toward the police. Impacts on crime were measured using crime incident and citizen-initiated crime call data. The training led to increased knowledge about PJ and more procedurally just behavior in the field as compared with the SC condition. At the same time, PJ officers made many fewer arrests than SC officers. Residents of the PJ hot spots were significantly less likely to perceive police as harassing or using unnecessary force, though we did not find significant differences between the PJ and SC hot spots in perceptions of PJ and police legitimacy. We found a significant relative 14% decline in crime incidents in the PJ hot spots during the experiment.

Positive Links Between Exposure to Police Violence, PTSD, and Depression Symptoms Among Yellow Vests Protesters in France

Police violence during protests occurs worldwide with varying levels ranging from physical abuse to lethal use of force. Although prior research has investigated the health consequences of exposure to police violence (EPV), EPV's relationship with protesters' mental health has not yet been examined. Therefore, we designed a cross-sectional study which included measures of self-reported EPV, depression, and post-traumatic stress symptoms. The computerized survey was disseminated among a large sample of Yellow Vests protesters in France (N = 523; average protest attendance = 18). Overall, 49% of protesters displayed severe symptoms of depression and 15.5% met the criteria for provisory post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) diagnoses. Subsequent analyses revealed, as expected, positive associations between EPV, depression, and post-traumatic stress symptoms in our sample (.30 < d < .63). These were robust to adjustment on several potential confounds (e.g., physical injuries, demographics, political extremism) and similar when analyzing provisory diagnoses rates (1.65 < OR < 3.02). This study is the first to assess potentially detrimental effects of EPV on mental health during protests. Furthermore, prevalence rates for both provisory depression and PTSD diagnoses were comparable with those found among war-refugee populations. We call for further research on EPV among various protester samples and use longitudinal designs to investigate a potent risk factor for mental health issues among civilian populations.

The Impact of Mindfulness Training on Police Officer Stress, Mental Health, and Salivary Cortisol Levels

Unaddressed occupational stress and trauma contribute to elevated rates of mental illness and suicide in policing, and to violent and aggressive behavior that disproportionately impacts communities of color. Emerging evidence suggests mindfulness training with police may reduce stress and aggression and improve mental health, but there is limited evidence for changes in biological outcomes or the lasting benefits of mindfulness training. We conducted a randomized controlled trial (RCT) of 114 police officers from three Midwestern U.S. law enforcement agencies. We assessed stress-related physical and mental health symptoms, blood-based inflammatory markers, and hair and salivary cortisol. Participants were then randomized to an 8-week mindfulness intervention or waitlist control (WLC), and the same assessments were repeated post-intervention and at 3-month follow-up. Relative to waitlist control, the mindfulness group had greater improvements in psychological distress, mental health symptoms, and sleep quality post-training, gains that were maintained at 3-month follow-up. Intervention participants also had a significantly lower cortisol awakening response (CAR) at 3-month follow-up relative to waitlist control. Contrary to hypotheses, there were no intervention effects on hair cortisol, diurnal cortisol slope, or inflammatory markers. In summary, an 8-week mindfulness intervention for police officers led to self-reported improvements in distress, mental health, and sleep, and a lower CAR. These benefits persisted (or emerged) at 3-month follow-up, suggesting that this training may buffer against the long-term consequences of chronic stress. Future research should assess the persistence of these benefits over a longer period while expanding the scope of outcomes to consider the broader community of mindfulness training for police.

Clinical Trial Registration: ClinicalTrials.gov#NCT03488875.

Addressing the inappropriate use of force by police in the United States and beyond: A behavioral and social science perspective

Recent high-profile incidents involving the deadly application of force in the United States sparked worldwide protests and renewed scrutiny of police practices as well as scrutiny of relations between police officers and minoritized communities. In this report, we consider the inappropriate use of force by police from the perspective of behavioral and social science inquiry related to aggression, violence, and intergroup relations. We examine the inappropriate use of force by police in the context of research on modern policing as well as critical race theory and offer five recommendations suggested by contemporary theory and research. Our recommendations are aimed at policymakers, law enforcement administrators, and scholars and are as follows: (1) Implement public policies that can reduce inappropriate use of force directly and through the reduction of broader burdens on the routine activities of police officers. (2) For officers frequently engaged in use-of-force incidents, ensure that best practice, evidence-based treatments are available and required. (3) Improve and increase the quality and delivery of noncoercive conflict resolution training for all officers, along with police administrative policies and supervision that support alternatives to the use of force, both while scaling back the militarization of police departments. (4) Continue the development and evaluation of multicomponent interventions for police departments, but ensure they incorporate evidence-based, field-tested components. (5) Expand research in the behavioral and social sciences aimed at understanding and managing use-of-force by police and reducing its disproportionate impact on minoritized communities, and expand funding for these lines of inquiry.

What does the public want police to do during pandemics? A national experiment

RESEARCH SUMMARY

We administered a survey experiment to a national sample of 1068 U.S. adults in April 2020 to determine the factors that shape support for various policing tactics in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic. Respondents were sharply divided in their views about pandemic policing tactics and were least supportive of policies that might limit public access to officers or reduce crime deterrence. Information about the health risks to officers, but not to inmates, significantly increased support for "precautionary" policing, but not for "social distance" policing. The information effect was modest, but may be larger if the information came from official sources and/or was communicated on multiple occasions. Other factors that are associated with attitudes toward pandemic policing include perceptions of procedural justice, altruistic fear, racial resentment, and authoritarianism.

POLICY IMPLICATIONS

When considered together with other evidence, one clear takeaway from our study is that the public values police patrols and wants officers on call, even during pandemics. Another is that people who believe the police are procedurally just are more willing to trust officers in times of crisis and to empower them to enforce new laws, such as social distancing ordinances. Our results thus support continued procedural justice training for officers. A third takeaway is that agencies must proactively communicate with the public about the risks their officers face when responding to public health crises or natural disasters, in addition to how they propose to mitigate those risks. They must also be amenable to adjusting in response to community feedback.

Unpacking Racial/Ethnic Disparities in Emotional Distress Among Adolescents During Witnessed Police Stops

PURPOSE

This study aimed to investigate racial/ethnic disparities in emotional distress during witnessed police stops among a national sample of urban-born youth.

METHODS

A national sample of urban-born youth in the U.S. from the most recent wave (2014-2017) of the Fragile Families & Child Wellbeing Study was used in the present study, with a particular focus on youth who report having witnessed police stops, despite not being directly stopped by the police (N = 1,488).

RESULTS

Significant racial/ethnic disparities in feeling angry and unsafe during witnessed police stops emerged, with multiracial, black, and Hispanic youth exhibiting the highest rates of these forms of emotional distress. In the case of Black and multiracial youth, officer intrusiveness and perceptions of procedural injustice collectively explain a large portion of disparities in emotional distress during witnessed stops.

CONCLUSIONS

Youth of color are more likely to report emotional distress during witnessed police stops, largely due to the officer intrusiveness and perceived injustices that characterize these stops. Moving forward, scholars should consider whether racial/ethnic disparities in witnessing police violence and injustice may be a significant driver of mental health inequities among urban-born youth.

Pooling decisions decreases variation in response bias and accuracy

Decision makers in contexts as diverse as medical, judicial, and political decision making are known to differ substantially in response bias and accuracy, and these differences are a major factor undermining the reliability and fairness of the respective decision systems. Using theoretical modeling and empirical testing across five domains, we show that collective systems based on pooling decisions robustly overcome this important but as of now unresolved problem of experts' heterogeneity. In breast and skin cancer diagnostics and fingerprint analysis, we find that pooling the decisions of five experts reduces the variation in sensitivity among decision makers by 52%, 54%, and 41%, respectively. Similar reductions are achieved for specificity and response bias, and in other domains. Thus, although outcomes in individual decision systems are highly variable and at the mercy of individual decision makers, collective systems based on pooling decrease this variation, thereby promoting reliability, fairness, and possibly even trust.

•

Professional decision makers typically differ in their response bias and accuracy

•

Such differences undermine the reliability and fairness of decision systems

•

Pooling decisions reduces such variation in response bias and accuracy

•

This occurred in cancer diagnostics, fingerprint analysis, and forecasting

Single-session Mentalization-based Treatment Group for Law Enforcement Officers

Law enforcement violence has emerged as a leading public health concern, and law enforcement officers are themselves at greater risk for a range of psychiatric disorders. Drawing on the significant empirical support for mentalization-based treatment (MBT), this paper explores the use of MBT as a transdiagnostic psychotherapy for law enforcement professionals. By helping patients to mentalize-that is, to "read," access, and reflect on mental states in oneself and other people-MBT could be useful as a dual-focus treatment, able to simultaneously impact psychiatric illness among law enforcement officers while also indirectly impacting the problem of law enforcement violence in the broader society. The core psychotherapeutic principles of MBT are reviewed, along with common vulnerabilities in mentalizing likely to arise for law enforcement professionals in the context of high emotional and interpersonal intensity. The authors outline a novel application of MBT which has implications for psychiatric treatment as well as police training: the single-session psychoeducation and psychotherapy group, where law enforcement officers practice both self-reflection and empathy in situations of relational conflict. Utilizing group process from a residential treatment program for first responders with mental health and substance use disorders, a case example is offered to illustrate this intervention.

Identity Leadership in a Crisis: A 5R Framework for Learning from Responses to COVID-19

The COVID-19 pandemic is the greatest global crisis of our lifetimes, and leadership has been critical to societies' capacity to deal with it. Here effective leadership has brought people together, provided a clear perspective on what is happening and what response is needed, and mobilized the population to act in the most effective ways to bring the pandemic under control. Informed by a model of identity leadership (Haslam, Reicher & Platow, 2020), this review argues that leaders' ability to do these things is grounded in their ability to represent and advance the shared interests of group members and to create and embed a sense of shared social identity among them (a sense of "us-ness"). For leaders, then, this sense of us-ness is the key resource that they need to marshal in order to harness the support and energy of citizens. The review discusses examples of the successes and failures of different leaders during the pandemic and organizes these around five policy priorities related to the 5Rs of identity leadership: readying, reflecting, representing, realizing, and reinforcing. These priorities and associated lessons are relevant not only to the management of COVID-19 but to crisis management and leadership more generally.

Implementing Checklists to Improve Police Responses to Co-Victims of Gun Violence

This qualitative study identifies police interactions with gun violence co-victims as a crucial, overlooked component of police unresponsiveness, particularly in minority communities where perceptions of police illegitimacy and legal estrangement are relatively high. Gun violence co-victims in three cities participated in online surveys, in which they described pervasive disregard by police in the aftermath of their loved ones' shooting victimization. We build on the checklist model that has improved public safety outcomes in other complex, high-intensity professional contexts to propose a checklist for police detectives to follow in the aftermath of gun violence. To build the checklist, we also reviewed the general orders of five police departments to better understand what guidance, if any, is currently given to police personnel regarding how they should interact with gun violence victims.

Quantifying Public Interest in Police Reforms by Mining Internet Search Data Following George Floyd's Death

BACKGROUND

The death of George Floyd while in police custody has resurfaced serious questions about police conduct that result in the deaths of unarmed persons.

OBJECTIVE

Data-driven strategies that identify and prioritize the public's needs may engender a public health response to improve policing. We assessed how internet searches indicative of interest in police reform changed after Mr Floyd's death.

METHODS

We monitored daily Google searches (per 10 million total searches) that included the terms "police" and "reform(s)" (eg, "reform the police," "best police reforms," etc) originating from the United States between January 1, 2010, through July 5, 2020. We also monitored searches containing the term "police" with "training," "union(s)," "militarization," or "immunity" as markers of interest in the corresponding reform topics.

RESULTS

The 41 days following Mr Floyd's death corresponded with the greatest number of police "reform(s)" searches ever recorded, with 1,350,000 total searches nationally. Searches increased significantly in all 50 states and Washington DC. By reform topic, nationally there were 1,220,000 total searches for "police" and "union(s)"; 820,000 for "training"; 360,000 for "immunity"; and 72,000 for "militarization." In terms of searches for all policy topics by state, 33 states searched the most for "training," 16 for "union(s)," and 2 for "immunity." States typically in the southeast had fewer queries related to any police reform topic than other states. States that had a greater percentage of votes for President Donald Trump during the 2016 election searched more often for police "union(s)" while states favoring Secretary Hillary Clinton searched more for police "training."

CONCLUSIONS

The United States is at a historical juncture, with record interest in topics related to police reform with variability in search terms across states. Policy makers can respond to searches by considering the policies their constituencies are searching for online, notably police training and unions. Public health leaders can respond by engaging in the subject of policing and advocating for evidence-based policy reforms.

On the challenges associated with the study of police use of deadly force in the United States: A response to Schwartz & Jahn

In response to Gabriel Schwartz and Jaquelyn Jahn's descriptive study, "Mapping fatal police violence across U.S. metropolitan areas: Overall rates and racial/ethnic inequalities, 2013-2017," I provide three reflections. First, the framing of this issue is vitally important. Second, police-involved fatalities represent a nonrandom sample of all incidents involving police use of deadly force (i.e., physical force that causes or is likely to cause death), and unfortunately, we lack comprehensive data on use of deadly force that does not result in fatalities. Finally, to make sense of who is killed by the police, researchers must also identify who was exposed to the risk of being killed by the police.