The mental timeline is gradually constructed in childhood

Space as a mental toolbox in the representation of meaning

The experience of meaning has been found to be mapped onto spatial proximity whereby coherent-in contrast to incoherent-elements in a set are mentally represented as closer together in physical space. In a series of four experiments, we show that spatial representation of coherence is malleable and can employ other meaningful concrete dimensions of space that are made salient. When given task instructions cueing verticality, participants represented coherence in the upper vertical location when making judgements about the logical validity of realistic (Experiments 1 and 4) and unrealistic syllogistic scenarios (Experiment 3). When the task instruction made the spatial proximity between the stimuli materials and the participant salient (subjective proximity), participants represented coherence as spatially close to themselves (Experiment 2). We also found that being accurate in judging the validity of syllogisms was associated with representing coherence in the upper visual field or close to oneself. Overall, our findings show that identifying semantic links between an abstract concept and a given spatial dimension involves using that dimension to create spatial metaphoric mappings of the concept.

Psychometric properties of the Children's Time Awareness Questionnaire (CTAQ): A study on the validity of a Dutch 20-item questionnaire measuring time awareness in children

This study investigates the validity of Children's Time Awareness Questionnaire (CTAQ), a 20-item task for assessing children's time awareness. The CTAQ was administered to a group of typically developing children (n = 107) and children with any developmental problems reported by parents (non-typically developing children, n = 28), aged 4-8 years old. We found some support for a one-factor structure (EFA), yet the explained variance is relatively low (21%). Our proposed structure of two additional subscales, i.e., "time words" and "time estimation," was not supported by (confirmatory and exploratory) factor analyses. In contrast, exploratory factor analyses (EFA) indicated a six-factor structure, which needs further investigation. We found low, yet non-significant correlations between CTAQ scales and caregiver reports on children's time awareness, planning and impulsivity, and no significant correlations between CTAQ scales and scores on cognitive performance tasks. As expected, we found that older children have higher CTAQ scores than younger children. Non typically developing children had lower scores on CTAQ scales, compared to typically developing children. The CTAQ has sufficient internal consistency. The CTAQ has potential to measure time awareness, future research is indicated to further develop the CTAQ and enhance clinical applicability.

An indicator of the view of time passing: the development and validation of the metacognitive knowledge of time passing scale (MKTPS) in Chinese college students

How we view the passage of past time determines how we face time itself as well as our futures, which has a strong impact particularly during the highly creative and malleable college years. Chinese culture cherishes time deeply, and for centuries there has been a tradition of "educating children and youth to inspect the passage of time." However, in today's age of information and intelligence, time has shown a trend toward fragmentation. How do contemporary Chinese college students view the passage of time, and what structures or content does it contain? The answer to this question remains uncertain, necessitating further exploration. Following Flavell's theory of metacognitive knowledge (MK), we adopted a semi-structured interview method and used the results to first outline the basic structure of Chinese college students' view of time passing, identifying four major aspects: priming aftereffect, life touching, positive promotion, and negative inhibition. Then, using the initial four-dimensional structure as a starting point, we developed the Metacognitive Knowledge of Time Passing Scale (MKTPS), and carried out exploratory factor analysis and confirmatory factor analysis to test its fit. The results showed that the four-factor scale and its 22 items had a good fit to the data. Third, the reliability and validity of the self-developed scale were tested. The results show that the internal consistency, split-half, and retest reliability of the MKTPS are good (all rs > 0.60). The construct validity of the MKTPS is also good (r between subscales is 0.33-0.60, r between subscales and total scale is 0.64-0.87), the convergent validity with Zimbardo's negative past time perspective is high (r = 0.37), and the discriminant validity with Zimbardo's future time perspective is significant (r = 0.18). Regarding criterion correlation validity, the total scores of the MKTPS have a significantly higher positive correlation with those of the time management disposition (TMD) scale (r = 0.45). Future points for studying the view of time passing in adults of all ages and across cultures field and shortcomings of the current study are also discussed.

Effect of Customized Nutritious Breakfast and Nutrition Education on Nutritional Status of Preschool Children in Economically Underdeveloped Multi-Ethnic Areas: A Cluster Randomized Clinical Trial in Linxia, China

The nutritional status of preschool children in economically underdeveloped multi-ethnic areas is a global concern. This study aimed to examine the effect of a 2.2-year cluster randomized clinical trial that provided customized nutritious breakfast and nutrition education to preschool children in Linxia County, China. A total of 578 children aged 3 to 6 years were enrolled. After the intervention, the incidence of undernourishment was significantly lower in the intervention group compared to the control group (8.73% vs. 9.92%, OR = 0.01 [95%CI 0.00, 0.39], p = 0.014). Additionally, children with non-Muslim dietary habits had a lower incidence of undernourishment compared to those with Muslim dietary habits (OR = 0.05 [95%CI 0.00, 0.88]; p = 0.010). The intervention group also had a lower prevalence rate of wasting (OR = 0.02 [95%CI 0.00, 0.40]; p = 0.011) and a higher mean BMI-for-age Z-score (β = 1.05 [95%CI 0.32, 1.77]; p = 0.005) compared to the control group. These findings suggest that providing nutritious breakfast and nutrition education is an effective strategy to improve the nutrition and health of preschool children, particularly in economically disadvantaged regions and among children with Muslim dietary habits.

Horizontal mapping of time-related words in first and second language

The existence of a consistent horizontal spatial-conceptual mapping for words denoting time is a well-established phenomenon. For example, words related to the past or future (e.g., yesterday/tomorrow) facilitate respective leftward/rightward attentional shifts and responses, suggesting the visual-spatial grounding of temporal semantics, at least in the native language (L1). To examine whether similar horizontal bias also accompanies access to time-related words in a second language (L2), we tested 53 Russian-English (Experiment 1) and 48 German-English (Experiment 2) bilinguals, who classified randomly presented L1 and L2 time-related words as past- or future-related using left or right response keys. The predicted spatial congruency effect was registered in all tested languages and, furthermore, was positively associated with higher L2 proficiency in Experiment 2. Our findings (1) support the notion of horizontal spatial-conceptual mapping in diverse L1s, (2) demonstrate the existence of a similar spatial bias when processing temporal words in L2, and (3) show that the strength of time-space association in L2 may depend on individual L2 proficiency.

Temporal Gestures in Different Temporal Perspectives

Temporal perspectives allow us to place ourselves and temporal events on a timeline, making it easier to conceptualize time. This study investigates how we take different temporal perspectives in our temporal gestures. We asked participants (n = 36) to retell temporal scenarios written in the Moving-Ego, Moving-Time, and Time-Reference-Point perspectives in spontaneous and encouraged gesture conditions. Participants took temporal perspectives mostly in similar ways regardless of the gesture condition. Perspective comparisons showed that temporal gestures of our participants resonated better with the Ego- (i.e., Moving-Ego and Moving-Time) versus Time-Reference-Point distinction instead of the classical Moving-Ego versus Moving-Time contrast. Specifically, participants mostly produced more Moving-Ego and Time-Reference-Point gestures for the corresponding scenarios and speech; however, the Moving-Time perspective was not adopted more than the others in any condition. Similarly, the Moving-Time gestures did not favor an axis over the others, whereas Moving-Ego gestures were mostly sagittal and Time-Reference-Point gestures were mostly lateral. These findings suggest that we incorporate temporal perspectives into our temporal gestures to a considerable extent; however, the classical Moving-Ego and Moving-Time classification may not hold for temporal gestures.

The role of spatial words in the spatialisation of time

Language about time is an integral part of how we spatialise time. Factors like temporal focus can be related to time spatialisation as well. The current study investigates the role of language in how we spatialise time, using a temporal diagram task modified to include the lateral axis. We asked participants to place temporal events provided in non-metaphorical, sagittal metaphorical, and non-sagittal metaphorical scenarios on a temporal diagram. We found that sagittal metaphors elicited sagittal spatialisations of time, whereas the other two types elicited lateral spatialisations. Participants sometimes used the sagittal and lateral axes in combination to spatialise time. Exploratory analyses indicated that individuals' time management habits, temporal distance, and event order in written scenarios were related to time spatialisations. Their temporal focus scores, however, were not. Findings suggest that temporal language plays an important role in how we map space onto time.

Everything is Infinite: Children's Beliefs About Endless Space, Time, and Number

How do children form beliefs about the infinity of space, time, and number? We asked whether children held similar beliefs about infinity across domains, and whether beliefs in infinity for domains like space and time might be scaffolded upon numerical knowledge (e.g., knowledge successors within the count list). To test these questions, 112 U.S. children (aged 4;0-7;11) completed an interview regarding their beliefs about infinite space, time, and number. We also measured their knowledge of counting, and other factors that might impact performance on linguistic assessments of infinity belief (e.g., working memory, ability to respond to hypothetical questions). We found that beliefs about infinity were very high across all three domains, suggesting that infinity beliefs may arise early in development for space, time, and number. Second, we found that-across all three domains-children were more likely to believe that it is always possible to add a unit than to believe that the domain is endless. Finally, we found that understanding the rules underlying counting predicted children's belief that it is always possible to add 1 to any number, but did not predict any of the other elements of infinity belief.

Can disorders of subjective time inform the differential diagnosis of psychiatric disorders? A transdiagnostic taxonomy of time

AIM

Time is a core aspect of psychopathology with potential for clinical use and early intervention. Temporal experience, perception, judgement and processing are distorted in various psychiatric disorders such as mood (depression and mania), anxiety, autistic, impulse-control, dissociative and attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorders. Can these disorders of time be used as early diagnostic or predictive markers? To answer this question, we develop a Transdiagnostic Taxonomy of (disordered) Time (TTT) that maps on to the symptomatological, phenomenal, perceptual and functional descriptions of each underlying disorder in a 2 × 2 × 2 state space. Temporal distortions may precede functional decline, and so assist efforts at early detection and intervention in at-risk groups.

METHOD

Firstly, this article integrates a psychological model of how time is processed with a subjective or phenomenological model of how time is experienced or perceived. Secondly, the integrated combined model of time is then used to heuristically map major psychiatric disorders on to the basic elements of temporal flow and integration.

RESULTS

The TTT systematically describes the basic temporal nature of eight diagnostic categories of psychiatric illness. It differentiates between diagnoses primarily associated with distorted "macro-level" phenomenal temporal experiences (i.e. anxiety, dissociation/PTSD, depression, and mania) from those primarily related to distorted 'micro-level' temporal processing (i.e. psychotic, impulse-control, autistic and attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorders).

CONCLUSIONS

The TTT allows differential diagnostic classification of various psychiatric disorders in terms of a possible underlying time disorder, making it useful for future diagnostic and predictive purposes using novel techniques of temporal processing, time perception, passage of time, and time perspective.

Assessing Temporal Relational Responding in Young Children

Relational frame theory (RFT) sees temporal relational responding (e.g., A is after B; B is before A) as a key operant skill involved in the understanding of time. From this perspective relating events temporally is important for everyday life situations such as sequencing events, planning, and talking about the past or future. The aim of the present research was to assess performance on a test of temporal relational responding in young children at increasing levels of complexity. Twenty-five typically developing children between 3 and 8 years were assessed on tasks of nonarbitrary (i.e., based on physical events) and arbitrary (i.e., based on contextual cues only) temporal relations. Results showed a correlation between overall performance across temporal relational responding tasks and age. Performance on nonarbitrary “before” and “after” trials improved similarly with age whereas with arbitrary relations, participants performed much more poorly on “after” trials than on “before” trials and some interesting cohort specific patterns were also seen. Implications of the results and future research directions are discussed.

Embodied time: Effect of reading expertise on the spatial representation of past and future

How do people grasp the abstract concept of time? It has been argued that abstract concepts, such as future and past, are grounded in sensorimotor experience. When responses to words that refer to the past or the future are either spatially compatible or incompatible with a left-to-right timeline, a space-time congruency effect is observed. In the present study, we investigated whether reading expertise determines the strength of the space-time congruency effect, which would suggest that learning to read and write drives the effect. Using a temporal categorization task, we compared two types of space-time congruency effects, one where spatial incongruency was generated by the location of the stimuli on the screen and one where it was generated by the location of the responses on the keyboard. While the first type of incongruency was visuo-spatial only, the second involved the motor system. Results showed stronger space-time congruency effects for the second type of incongruency (i.e., when the motor system was involved) than for the first type (visuo-spatial). Crucially, reading expertise, as measured by a standardized reading test, predicted the size of the space-time congruency effects. Altogether, these results reinforce the claim that the spatial representation of time is partially mediated by the motor system and partially grounded in spatially-directed movement, such as reading or writing.

Toward an Account of Intuitive Time

People hold intuitive theories of the physical world, such as theories of matter, energy, and motion, in the sense that they have a coherent conceptual structure supporting a network of beliefs about the domain. It is not yet clear whether people can also be said to hold a shared intuitive theory of time. Yet, philosophical debates about the metaphysical nature of time often revolve around the idea that people hold one or more “common sense” assumptions about time: that there is an objective “now”; that the past, present, and future are fundamentally different in nature; and that time passes or flows. We empirically explored the question of whether people indeed share some or all of these assumptions by asking adults to what extent they agreed with a set of brief statements about time. Across two analyses, subsets of people's beliefs about time were found consistently to covary in ways that suggested stable underlying conceptual dimensions related to aspects of the “common sense” assumptions described by philosophers. However, distinct subsets of participants showed three mutually incompatible profiles of response, the most frequent of which did not closely match all of philosophers’ claims about common sense time. These exploratory studies provide a useful starting point in attempts to characterize intuitive theories of time.

Children gradually construct spatial representations of temporal events

English-speaking adults often recruit a "mental timeline" to represent events from left-to-right (LR), but its developmental origins are debated. Here, we test whether preschoolers prefer ordered linear representations of events and whether they prefer culturally conventional directions. English-speaking adults (n = 85) and 3- to 5-year-olds (n = 513; 50% female; ~47% white, ~35% Latinx, ~18% other; tested 2016-2018) were told three-step stories and asked to choose which of two image sequences best illustrated them. We found that 3- and 4-year-olds chose ordered over unordered sequences, but preferences between directions did not emerge until at least age 5. Together, these results show that children conceptualize time linearly early in development but gradually acquire directional preferences (e.g., for LR).

Spatial conceptual mapping of words with temporal semantics

Unlike concrete words related to sensory perception (e.g., hear, sun), abstract words (including the words with temporal semantics, e.g., year, tomorrow) do not have direct embodied sensory correlates. Nevertheless, existing research indicates that abstract concepts’ representations make regular reference to sensorimotor processes, e.g., visual perception. For example, regular expressions such as “the future is ahead” or “the flow of time” are common in different languages reflecting a relatively universal nature of space-time correspondences. Moreover, these regular correspondences are commonly demonstrated in experimental studies; for example — by registering attentional displacement during processing of past and future related words. Here, the main theoretical approaches as well as existing experimental data documenting neurocognitive foundations of space-time representations are reviewed. A detailed overview of research on spatial-conceptual mapping of time concepts in three-dimensional visual space is offered. We also consider features of space-time associations that reflect linguistic and socio-cultural differences. In conclusion, the main areas of current and future that will allow an integration of the existing data within a common theoretical framework are defined.

Effects of color–emotion association on facial expression judgments

Color and emotion are metaphorically associated in the human mind. This color–emotion association affects perceptual judgment. For example, stimuli representing colors can affect judgment of facial expressions. The present study examined whether colors associated with happiness (e.g., yellow) and sadness (e.g., blue and gray) facilitate judgments of the associated emotions in facial expressions. We also examined whether temporal proximity between color and facial stimuli interacts with any of these effects. Participants were presented with pictures of a happy or sad face against a yellow-, blue-, or gray-colored background and asked to judge whether the face represented happiness or sadness as quickly as possible. The face stimulus was presented simultaneously (Experiment 1) or preceded for one second by the colored background (Experiment 2). The analysis of response time showed that yellow facilitated happiness judgment, while neither blue nor gray facilitated sadness judgment. Moreover, the effect was found only when the face and color stimuli were presented simultaneously. The results imply that the association of sadness with blue and gray is weak and, consequently, does not affect emotional judgment. Our results also suggest that temporal proximity is critical for the effect of the color–emotion association (e.g., yellow–happiness) on emotional judgment.

Spatial concepts of number, size, and time in an indigenous culture

In industrialized groups, adults implicitly map numbers, time, and size onto space according to cultural practices like reading and counting (e.g., from left to right). Here, we tested the mental mappings of the Tsimane', an indigenous population with few such cultural practices. Tsimane' adults spatially arranged number, size, and time stimuli according to their relative magnitudes but showed no directional bias for any domain on any spatial axis; different mappings went in different directions, even in the same participant. These findings challenge claims that people have an innate left-to-right mapping of numbers and that these mappings arise from a domain-general magnitude system. Rather, the direction-specific mappings found in industrialized cultures may originate from direction-agnostic mappings that reflect the correlational structure of the natural world.

The future is in front, to the right, or below: Development of spatial representations of time in three dimensions

Across cultures, people frequently communicate about time in terms of space. English speakers in the United States, for example, might "look forward" to the future or gesture toward the left when talking about the past. As shown by these examples, different dimensions of space are used to represent different temporal concepts. Here, we explored how cultural factors and individual differences shape the development of two types of spatiotemporal representations in 6- to 15-year-old children: the horizontal/vertical mental timeline (in which past and future events are placed on a horizontal or vertical line that is external to the body) and the sagittal mental timeline (in which events are placed on a line that runs through the front-back axis of the body). We tested children in India because the prevalence of both horizontal and vertical calendars there provided a unique opportunity to investigate how calendar orientation and writing direction might each influence the development of the horizontal/vertical mental timeline. Our results suggest that the horizontal/vertical mental timeline and the sagittal mental timeline are constructed in parallel throughout childhood and become increasingly aligned with culturally-conventional orientations. Additionally, we show that experience with calendars may influence the orientation of children's horizontal/vertical mental timelines, and that individual differences in children's attitudes toward the past and future may influence the orientation of their sagittal mental timelines. Taken together, our results demonstrate that children are sensitive to both cultural and personal factors when building mental models of time.

Temporal Expressions in English and Spanish: Influence of Typology and Metaphorical Construal

This study investigates how typological and metaphorical construal differences may affect the use and frequency of temporal expressions in English and Spanish. More precisely, we explore whether there are any differences between English, a satellite-framed language, and Spanish, a verb-framed language, in the use of certain temporal linguistic expressions that include a spatial, deictic component (Deictic Time), a purely temporal relation between two events (Sequential Time) or the expression of the duration of an event (Duration). To achieve this, we perform two different types of studies. First, we conduct an informational gain or loss analysis of 1,650 of English-to-Spanish translations extracted from parallel corpora. Secondly, we compare the frequency of 33 English and 27 Spanish temporal expressions in two similar written online corpora (EnTenTen and EsTenTen, respectively) and a television news spoken corpus (NewsScape). Our results suggest that English uses “deictic expressions with directional language” (explicitly stating the spatial location of the temporal event, e.g., back in those days/in the future ahead) much more frequently than Spanish, to the extent that such directional information is often excluded in English-to-Spanish translations. Also, sequential expressions (such as before that/later than) and duration expressions (during the whole day) are much more frequent in Spanish. These usage differences, explained by the variability in motion typology and metaphoric construal, open up the interesting question of how these differences in linguistic usage could affect the conceptualization of time of English and Spanish speakers.

Pain in the Past and Pleasure in the Future: The Development of Past-Future Preferences for Hedonic Goods

It seems self-evident that people prefer painful experiences to be in the past and pleasurable experiences to lie in the future. Indeed, it has been claimed that, for hedonic goods, this preference is absolute (Sullivan, 2018). Yet very little is known about the extent to which people demonstrate explicit preferences regarding the temporal location of hedonic experiences, about the developmental trajectory of such preferences, and about whether such preferences are impervious to differences in the quantity of envisaged past and future pain or pleasure. We find consistent evidence that, all else being equal, adults and children aged 7 and over prefer pleasure to lie in the future and pain in the past and believe that other people will, too. They also predict that other people will be happier when pleasure is in the future rather than the past but sadder when pain is in the future rather than the past. Younger children have the same temporal preferences as adults for their own painful experiences, but they prefer their pleasure to lie in the past and do not predict that others' levels of happiness or sadness vary dependent on whether experiences lie in the past or the future. However, from the age of 7, temporal preferences were typically abandoned at the earliest opportunity when the quantity of past pain or pleasure was greater than the quantity located in the future. Past-future preferences for hedonic goods emerge early developmentally but are surprisingly flexible.

Children's epistemic forecasting: The case of knowledge loss

Do children understand the cognitive changes that happen with development? Two experiments examined whether 4- and 6-year-olds understand that, as time passes, children forget some of the things they currently know. In Experiment 1, children were taught the names of a new person and a new object and then were informed that contact with these items will discontinue. Children were asked whether they would know the names tomorrow and as grown-ups. Both age groups demonstrated awareness that forgetting might occur. In Experiment 2, children showed a similar pattern of judgments about a peer's knowledge. The findings suggest that knowledge loss is integral to children's future thinking and is part of their understanding of the mind as a dynamically changing system.

Longitudinal Development of Memory for Temporal Order in Early to Middle Childhood

Existing studies examining the development of temporal order memory show that although young children perform above chance on some tasks assessing temporal order memory, there are significant age-related differences across childhood. Yet, the trajectory of children's ability to retrieve temporal order remains unclear as existing conclusions are drawn from cross-sectional studies. The present study utilized an accelerated longitudinal design in order to characterize the developmental trajectory of temporal order memory in a sample of 200 healthy 4- to 8-year-old children. Specifically, two tasks commonly used in the literature were tested longitudinally: a primacy judgment task and an ordering task. Results revealed that, even after controlling for differences in IQ, linearly increasing trajectories characterized age-related change in performance for both tasks; however, change appeared greater for the temporal ordering task. Further, performance on the two tasks was positively related, suggesting shared underlying mechanisms. These findings provide a more thorough understanding of temporal order memory in early to middle childhood by characterizing the developmental trajectories of two commonly used tasks and have important implications for our understanding of children's developing memory more broadly.

Time Points: A Gestural Study of the Development of Space-Time Mappings

Human languages typically employ a variety of spatial metaphors for time (e.g., “I'm looking forward to the weekend”). The metaphorical grounding of time in space is also evident in gesture. The gestures that are performed when talking about time bolster the view that people sometimes think about regions of time as if they were locations in space. However, almost nothing is known about the development of metaphorical gestures for time, despite keen interest in the origins of space–time metaphors. In this study, we examined the gestures that English‐speaking 6‐to‐7‐year‐olds, 9‐to‐11‐year‐olds, 13‐to‐15‐year‐olds, and adults produced when talking about time. Participants were asked to explain the difference between pairs of temporal adverbs (e.g., “tomorrow” versus “yesterday”) and to use their hands while doing so. There was a gradual increase across age groups in the propensity to produce spatial metaphorical gestures when talking about time. However, even a substantial majority of 6‐to‐7‐year‐old children produced a spatial gesture on at least one occasion. Overall, participants produced fewer gestures in the sagittal (front‐back) axis than in the lateral (left‐right) axis, and this was particularly true for the youngest children and adolescents. Gestures that were incongruent with the prevailing norms of space–time mappings among English speakers (leftward and backward for past; rightward and forward for future) gradually decreased with increasing age. This was true for both the lateral and sagittal axis. This study highlights the importance of metaphoricity in children's understanding of time. It also suggests that, by 6 to 7 years of age, culturally determined representations of time have a strong influence on children's spatial metaphorical gestures.

Where Are the Months? Mental Images of Circular Time in a Large Online Sample

People may think about time by mentally imaging it in some spatial form, or as "spacetime." In an online survey, 76,922 Norwegian individuals positioned two dots corresponding to the months of December and March on what they imagined to be their appropriate places on a circle. The majority of respondents placed December within a section of the circumference ranging from 11:00 to 12:00 o'clock, but a group of respondents chose positions around the diametrically opposite 6:00 o'clock position. A similar relationship occurred for March, where most respondents chose a position ranging from 2:30 to 3:00 o'clock but a group of respondents chose positions around 9:00 o'clock. About half of the respondents (N = 39,797) continued to fill out an online questionnaire probing their mental images related to the "year" concept. This clarified that 75% of respondents "saw" the months unfolding in a clockwise direction versus 19% in a counter clockwise fashion. Moreover, while a majority (70%) stated that they imagined the year as a "circle," the rest indicated the use of other mental images (e.g., ellipses and spirals, lines and squares, idiosyncratic or synesthetic spatial forms). We found only weak effects or preferences for spatial forms based on respondents' gender, handedness, age, or geographical location.

Response-irrelevant number, duration, and extent information triggers the SQARC effect: Evidence from an implicit paradigm

Spatial-Numerical Association of Response Codes (SNARC) and Spatial-Quantity Association of Response Codes (SQARC) effects are evident when people produce faster left-sided responses to smaller numbers, sizes, and durations and faster right-sided responses to larger numbers, sizes, and durations. SQARC effects have typically been demonstrated in paradigms where the explicit processing of quantity information is required for successful task completion. The current study tested whether the implicit presentation of task-irrelevant magnitude information could trigger a SQARC effect as has been demonstrated previously when task-irrelevant information triggers a SNARC effect. In Experiment 1, participants (n = 20) made orientation judgements for triangles varying in numerosity and physical extent. In Experiment 2, participants (n = 20) made orientation judgements for triangles varying in numerosity and for a triangle preceded by a delay of varying duration. SNARC effects were observed for the numerosity conditions of Experiments 1 and 2 replicating Mitchell et al. SQARC effects were also demonstrated for physical extent and for duration. These findings demonstrate that SQARC effects can be implicitly triggered by the presentation of the task-irrelevant magnitude.

The Development of Temporal Concepts: Linguistic Factors and Cognitive Processes

Temporal concepts are fundamental constructs of human cognition, but the trajectory of how these concepts emerge and develop is not clear. Evidence of children's temporal concept development comes from cognitive developmental and psycholinguistic studies. This paper reviews the linguistic factors (i.e., temporal language production and comprehension) and cognitive processes (i.e., temporal judgment and temporal reasoning) involved in children's temporal conceptualization. The relationship between children's ability to express time in language and the ability to reason about time, and the challenges and difficulties raised by the interaction between cognitive and linguistic components are discussed. Finally, we propose ways to reconcile controversies from different research perspectives and present several avenues for future research to better understand the development of temporal concepts.