Connecting and considering: Electrophysiology provides insights into comprehension

Neural correlates of listening to nonnative-accented speech in multi-talker background noise

We examined the neural correlates underlying the semantic processing of native- and nonnative-accented sentences, presented in quiet or embedded in multi-talker noise. Implementing a semantic violation paradigm, 36 English monolingual young adults listened to American-accented (native) and Chinese-accented (nonnative) English sentences with or without semantic anomalies, presented in quiet or embedded in multi-talker noise, while EEG was recorded. After hearing each sentence, participants verbally repeated the sentence, which was coded and scored as an offline comprehension accuracy measure. In line with earlier behavioral studies, the negative impact of background noise on sentence repetition accuracy was higher for nonnative-accented than for native-accented sentences. At the neural level, the N400 effect for semantic anomaly was larger for native-accented than for nonnative-accented sentences, and was also larger for sentences presented in quiet than in noise, indicating impaired lexical-semantic access when listening to nonnative-accented speech or sentences embedded in noise. No semantic N400 effect was observed for nonnative-accented sentences presented in noise. Furthermore, the frequency of neural oscillations in the alpha frequency band (an index of online cognitive listening effort) was higher when listening to sentences in noise versus in quiet, but no difference was observed across the accent conditions. Semantic anomalies presented in background noise also elicited higher theta activity, whereas processing nonnative-accented anomalies was associated with decreased theta activity. Taken together, we found that listening to nonnative accents or background noise is associated with processing challenges during online semantic access, leading to decreased comprehension accuracy. However, the underlying cognitive mechanism (e.g., associated listening efforts) might manifest differently across accented speech processing and speech in noise processing.

Looking for immediate and downstream evidence of lexical prediction in eye movements during reading

Previous investigations of whether readers make predictions about the full identity of upcoming words have focused on the extent to which there are processing consequences when readers encounter linguistic input that is incompatible with their expectations. To date, eye-movement studies have revealed inconsistent evidence of the processing costs that would be expected to accompany lexical prediction. This study investigated whether readers' lexical predictions were observable during or downstream from their initial point of activation. Three experiments assessed readers' eye movements to predictable and unpredictable words, and then to subsequent downstream words, which probed the lingering activation of previously expected words. The results showed novel evidence of processing costs for unexpected input but only when supported by a plausible linguistic environment, suggesting that readers could strategically modulate their predictive processing. However, there was limited evidence that their lexical predictions affected downstream processing. The implications of these findings for understanding the role of prediction in language processing are discussed.

The N400 effect captures nuances in implicit political preferences

We conducted a study in San Antonio, Texas, in the weeks preceding the 2022 state Governor election to determine if implicit or explicit measures of political preference could predict voter behavior. We adapted an established event-related potential (ERP) paradigm showing political statements to participants one word at the time where the last word made the statement pro-Republican or pro-Democratic. Our sample of college students included decided and undecided voters, and was reflective of the demographic make-up of south-central Texas. Our implicit measures were an established authoritarianism scale and the N400 effect to the sentence-final word. The N400 is an ERP to any stimulus that engages semantic memory and has been shown to measure implicit disagreement with political statements. Explicit measures of political preference and authoritarianism were predictive of vote choice. The expected N400 effect was found for Democratic voters, with larger amplitude to pro-Republican than pro-Democratic statements. Surprisingly, decided Republican voters showed no difference in N400 responses to pro-Republican and pro-Democratic statements and there was no group difference in the N400 effect. In turn, the N400 was not predictive of voter behavior. We argue that the N400 effect reflected individual political preferences, but that ultimately voter behavior aligned with partisan identity.

Early parafoveal semantic integration in natural reading

Humans can read and comprehend text rapidly, implying that readers might process multiple words per fixation. However, the extent to which parafoveal words are previewed and integrated into the evolving sentence context remains disputed. We investigated parafoveal processing during natural reading by recording brain activity and eye movements using MEG and an eye tracker while participants silently read one-line sentences. The sentences contained an unpredictable target word that was either congruent or incongruent with the sentence context. To measure parafoveal processing, we flickered the target words at 60 Hz and measured the resulting brain responses (i.e. Rapid Invisible Frequency Tagging, RIFT) during fixations on the pre-target words. Our results revealed a significantly weaker tagging response for target words that were incongruent with the previous context compared to congruent ones, even within 100ms of fixating the word immediately preceding the target. This reduction in the RIFT response was also found to be predictive of individual reading speed. We conclude that semantic information is not only extracted from the parafovea but can also be integrated with the previous context before the word is fixated. This early and extensive parafoveal processing supports the rapid word processing required for natural reading. Our study suggests that theoretical frameworks of natural reading should incorporate the concept of deep parafoveal processing.

Neural mechanism underlying preview effects and masked priming effects in visual word processing

Two classic experimental paradigms - masked repetition priming and the boundary paradigm - have played a pivotal role in understanding the process of visual word recognition. Traditionally, these paradigms have been employed by different communities of researchers, with their own long-standing research traditions. Nevertheless, a review of the literature suggests that the brain-electric correlates of word processing established with both paradigms may show interesting similarities, in particular with regard to the location, timing, and direction of N1 and N250 effects. However, as of yet, no direct comparison has been undertaken between the two paradigms. In the current study, we used combined eye-tracking/EEG to perform such a within-subject comparison using the same materials (single Chinese characters) as stimuli. To facilitate direct comparisons, we used a simplified version of the boundary paradigm - the single word boundary paradigm. Our results show the typical early repetition effects of N1 and N250 for both paradigms. However, repetition effects in N250 (i.e., a reduced negativity following identical-word primes/previews as compared to different-word primes/previews) were larger with the single word boundary paradigm than with masked priming. For N1 effects, repetition effects were similar across the two paradigms, showing a larger N1 after repetitions as compared to alternations. Therefore, the results indicate that at the neural level, a briefly presented and masked foveal prime produces qualitatively similar facilitatory effects on visual word recognition as a parafoveal preview before a single saccade, although such effects appear to be stronger in the latter case.

Spatiotemporal Properties of Common Semantic Categories for Words and Pictures

The timing of semantic processing during object recognition in the brain is a topic of ongoing discussion. One way of addressing this question is by applying multivariate pattern analysis to human electrophysiological responses to object images of different semantic categories. However, although multivariate pattern analysis can reveal whether neuronal activity patterns are distinct for different stimulus categories, concerns remain on whether low-level visual features also contribute to the classification results. To circumvent this issue, we applied a cross-decoding approach to magnetoencephalography data from stimuli from two different modalities: images and their corresponding written words. We employed items from three categories and presented them in a randomized order. We show that if the classifier is trained on words, pictures are classified between 150 and 430 msec after stimulus onset, and when training on pictures, words are classified between 225 and 430 msec. The topographical map, identified using a searchlight approach for cross-modal activation in both directions, showed left lateralization, confirming the involvement of linguistic representations. These results point to semantic activation of pictorial stimuli occurring at ∼150 msec, whereas for words, the semantic activation occurs at ∼230 msec.

On the Mathematical Relationship Between Contextual Probability and N400 Amplitude

Accounts of human language comprehension propose different mathematical relationships between the contextual probability of a word and how difficult it is to process, including linear, logarithmic, and super-logarithmic ones. However, the empirical evidence favoring any of these over the others is mixed, appearing to vary depending on the index of processing difficulty used and the approach taken to calculate contextual probability. To help disentangle these results, we focus on the mathematical relationship between corpus-derived contextual probability and the N400, a neural index of processing difficulty. Specifically, we use 37 contemporary transformer language models to calculate the contextual probability of stimuli from 6 experimental studies of the N400, and test whether N400 amplitude is best predicted by a linear, logarithmic, super-logarithmic, or sub-logarithmic transformation of the probabilities calculated using these language models, as well as combinations of these transformed metrics. We replicate the finding that on some datasets, a combination of linearly and logarithmically-transformed probability can predict N400 amplitude better than either metric alone. In addition, we find that overall, the best single predictor of N400 amplitude is sub-logarithmically-transformed probability, which for almost all language models and datasets explains all the variance in N400 amplitude otherwise explained by the linear and logarithmic transformations. This is a novel finding that is not predicted by any current theoretical accounts, and thus one that we argue is likely to play an important role in increasing our understanding of how the statistical regularities of language impact language comprehension.

The Costs (and Benefits?) of Effortful Listening for Older Adults: Insights from Simultaneous Electrophysiology, Pupillometry, and Memory

Although the impact of acoustic challenge on speech processing and memory increases as a person ages, older adults may engage in strategies that help them compensate for these demands. In the current preregistered study, older adults (n = 48) listened to sentences-presented in quiet or in noise-that were high constraint with either expected or unexpected endings or were low constraint with unexpected endings. Pupillometry and EEG were simultaneously recorded, and subsequent sentence recognition and word recall were measured. Like young adults in prior work, we found that noise led to increases in pupil size, delayed and reduced ERP responses, and decreased recall for unexpected words. However, in contrast to prior work in young adults where a larger pupillary response predicted a recovery of the N400 at the cost of poorer memory performance in noise, older adults did not show an associated recovery of the N400 despite decreased memory performance. Instead, we found that in quiet, increases in pupil size were associated with delays in N400 onset latencies and increased recognition memory performance. In conclusion, we found that transient variation in pupil-linked arousal predicted trade-offs between real-time lexical processing and memory that emerged at lower levels of task demand in aging. Moreover, with increased acoustic challenge, older adults still exhibited costs associated with transient increases in arousal without the corresponding benefits.

Predictive language processing: integrating comprehension and production, and what atypical populations can tell us

Predictive processing, a crucial aspect of human cognition, is also relevant for language comprehension. In everyday situations, we exploit various sources of information to anticipate and therefore facilitate processing of upcoming linguistic input. In the literature, there are a variety of models that aim at accounting for such ability. One group of models propose a strict relationship between prediction and language production mechanisms. In this review, we first introduce very briefly the concept of predictive processing during language comprehension. Secondly, we focus on models that attribute a prominent role to language production and sensorimotor processing in language prediction ("prediction-by-production" models). Contextually, we provide a summary of studies that investigated the role of speech production and auditory perception on language comprehension/prediction tasks in healthy, typical participants. Then, we provide an overview of the limited existing literature on specific atypical/clinical populations that may represent suitable testing ground for such models-i.e., populations with impaired speech production and auditory perception mechanisms. Ultimately, we suggest a more widely and in-depth testing of prediction-by-production accounts, and the involvement of atypical populations both for model testing and as targets for possible novel speech/language treatment approaches.

Animal cognition: Dogs build semantic expectations between spoken words and objects

A recent study has used scalp-recorded electroencephalography to obtain evidence of semantic processing of human speech and objects by domesticated dogs. The results suggest that dogs do comprehend the meaning of familiar spoken words, in that a word can evoke the mental representation of the object to which it refers.

A predictive coding model of the N400

The N400 event-related component has been widely used to investigate the neural mechanisms underlying real-time language comprehension. However, despite decades of research, there is still no unifying theory that can explain both its temporal dynamics and functional properties. In this work, we show that predictive coding - a biologically plausible algorithm for approximating Bayesian inference - offers a promising framework for characterizing the N400. Using an implemented predictive coding computational model, we demonstrate how the N400 can be formalized as the lexico-semantic prediction error produced as the brain infers meaning from the linguistic form of incoming words. We show that the magnitude of lexico-semantic prediction error mirrors the functional sensitivity of the N400 to various lexical variables, priming, contextual effects, as well as their higher-order interactions. We further show that the dynamics of the predictive coding algorithm provides a natural explanation for the temporal dynamics of the N400, and a biologically plausible link to neural activity. Together, these findings directly situate the N400 within the broader context of predictive coding research. More generally, they raise the possibility that the brain may use the same computational mechanism for inference across linguistic and non-linguistic domains.

Parafoveal and foveal N400 effects in natural reading: A timeline of semantic processing from fixation-related potentials

The depth at which parafoveal words are processed during reading is an ongoing topic of debate. Recent studies using RSVP-with-flanker paradigms have shown that implausible words within sentences elicit an N400 component while they are still in parafoveal vision, suggesting that the semantics of parafoveal words can be accessed to rapidly update the sentence representation. To study this effect in natural reading, we combined the coregistration of eye movements and EEG with the deconvolution modeling of fixation-related potentials (FRPs) to test whether semantic plausibility is processed parafoveally during Chinese sentence reading. For one target word per sentence, both its parafoveal and foveal plausibility were orthogonally manipulated using the boundary paradigm. Consistent with previous eye movement studies, we observed a delayed effect of parafoveal plausibility on fixation durations that only emerged on the foveal word. Crucially, in FRPs aligned to the pretarget fixation, a clear N400 effect emerged already based on parafoveal plausibility, with more negative voltages for implausible previews. Once participants fixated the target, we again observed an N400 effect of foveal plausibility. Interestingly, this foveal N400 was absent whenever the preview had been implausible, indicating that when a word's (im)plausibility is already processed in parafoveal vision, this information is not revised anymore upon direct fixation. Implausible words also elicited a late positive component (LPC), but exclusively when in foveal vision. Our results not only provide convergent neural and behavioral evidence for the parafoveal uptake of semantic information, but also indicate different contributions of parafoveal versus foveal information toward higher level sentence processing.

Strong Prediction: Language Model Surprisal Explains Multiple N400 Effects

Theoretical accounts of the N400 are divided as to whether the amplitude of the N400 response to a stimulus reflects the extent to which the stimulus was predicted, the extent to which the stimulus is semantically similar to its preceding context, or both. We use state-of-the-art machine learning tools to investigate which of these three accounts is best supported by the evidence. GPT-3, a neural language model trained to compute the conditional probability of any word based on the words that precede it, was used to operationalize contextual predictability. In particular, we used an information-theoretic construct known as surprisal (the negative logarithm of the conditional probability). Contextual semantic similarity was operationalized by using two high-quality co-occurrence-derived vector-based meaning representations for words: GloVe and fastText. The cosine between the vector representation of the sentence frame and final word was used to derive contextual cosine similarity estimates. A series of regression models were constructed, where these variables, along with cloze probability and plausibility ratings, were used to predict single trial N400 amplitudes recorded from healthy adults as they read sentences whose final word varied in its predictability, plausibility, and semantic relationship to the likeliest sentence completion. Statistical model comparison indicated GPT-3 surprisal provided the best account of N400 amplitude and suggested that apparently disparate N400 effects of expectancy, plausibility, and contextual semantic similarity can be reduced to variation in the predictability of words. The results are argued to support predictive coding in the human language network.

[The EEG N400 component as a marker of language acquisition and processing in cochlear implant users]

Language processing can be measured objectively using late components in the evoked brain potential. The most established component in this area of research is the N400 component, a negativity that peaks at about 400 ms after stimulus onset with a centro-parietal maximum. It reflects semantic processing. Its presence, as well as its temporal and quantitative expression, allows to conclude about the quality of processing. It is therefore suitable for measuring speech comprehension in special populations, such as cochlear implant (CI) users. The following is an overview of the use of the N400 component as a tool for studying language processes in CI users. We present studies with adult CI users, where the N400 reflects the quality of speech comprehension with the new hearing device and we present studies with children where the emergence of the N400 component reflects the acquisition of their very first vocabulary.

Nuances of knowing: Brain potentials reveal implicit effects of domain knowledge on word processing in the absence of sentence-level knowledge

In previous work investigating the relationship between domain knowledge (of the fictional world of Harry Potter) and sentence comprehension, domain knowledge had a greater impact on electrical brain potentials to words which completed sentences about fictional "facts" participants reported they did not know compared to facts they did. This suggests that individuals use domain knowledge continuously to activate relevant/related concepts as they process sentences, even with only partial knowledge. As that study relied on subjective reports, it may have resulted in response bias related to an individual's overall domain knowledge. In the present study, we therefore asked participants with varying degrees of domain knowledge to complete sentences describing fictional "facts" as an objective measure of sentence-level knowledge. We then recorded EEG as the same individuals (re-)read the same sentences, including their appropriate final words, and sorted these according to their objective knowledge scores. Replicating and extending Troyer et al., domain knowledge immediately facilitated access to meaning for unknown words; greater domain knowledge was associated with reduced N400 amplitudes for unknown words. These findings constitute novel evidence for graded preactivation of conceptual knowledge (e.g., at the level of semantic features and/or relations) in the absence of lexical prediction. Knowledge also influenced post-N400 memory/integration processes for these same unknown words; greater domain knowledge was associated with enhanced late positive components (LPCs), suggesting that deeper encoding during language processing may be engendered when knowledgeable individuals encounter an apparent gap in their knowledge.

The Impact of Linguistic Prediction Violations on Downstream Recognition Memory and Sentence Recall

Predicting upcoming words during language comprehension not only affects processing in the moment but also has consequences for memory, although the source of these memory effects (e.g., whether driven by lingering pre-activations, re-analysis following prediction violations, or other mechanisms) remains underspecified. Here, we investigated downstream impacts of prediction on memory in two experiments. First, we recorded EEG as participants read strongly and weakly constraining sentences with expected, unexpected but plausible, or semantically anomalous endings ("He made a holster for his gun / father / train") and were tested on their recognition memory for the sentence endings. Participants showed similar rates of false alarms for predicted but never presented sentence endings whether the prediction violation was plausible or anomalous, suggesting that these arise from pre-activation of the expected words during reading. During sentence reading, especially in strongly constraining sentences, plausible prediction violations elicited an anterior positivity; anomalous endings instead elicited a posterior positivity, whose amplitude was predictive of later memory for those anomalous words. ERP patterns at the time of recognition differentiated plausible and anomalous sentence endings: Words that had been plausible prediction violations elicited enhanced late positive complex amplitudes, suggesting greater episodic recollection, whereas anomalous sentence endings elicited greater N1 amplitudes, suggesting attentional tagging. In a follow-up behavioral study, a separate group of participants read the same sentence stimuli and were tested for sentence-level recall. We found that recall of full sentences was impaired when sentences ended with a prediction violation. Taken together, the results suggest that prediction violations draw attention and affect encoding of the violating word, in a manner that depends on plausibility, and that this, in turn, may impair future memory of the gist of the sentence.

Graded and ungraded expectation patterns: Prediction dynamics during active comprehension

Language comprehension can be facilitated by the accurate prediction of upcoming words, but prediction effects are not ubiquitous, and comprehenders likely use predictive processing to varying degrees depending on task demands. To ascertain the processing consequences of prioritizing prediction, we here compared ERPs elicited when young adult participants simply read for comprehension with those collected in a subsequent block that required active prediction. We were particularly interested in frontally-distributed post-N400 effects for expected and unexpected words in strongly constraining contexts, which have previously been documented as two distinct patterns: an enhanced positivity ("anterior positivity") observed for prediction violations compared to words that are merely unpredictable (because they occur in weakly constraining sentences) and a distinction between expected endings in more constraining contexts and those same weakly constrained words ("frontal negativity" to the strongly predicted words). We found that the size of the anterior positivity effect was unchanged between passive comprehension and active prediction, suggesting that some processes related to prediction may engage state-like networks. On the other hand, the frontal negativity showed graded patterns from the interaction of task and sentence type. These differing patterns support the hypothesis that there are two separate effects with frontal scalp distributions that occur after the N400 and further suggest that the impact of violating predictions (as long as prediction is engaged at all) is largely stable across varying levels of effort/attention directed toward prediction, whereas other comprehension processes can be modulated by task demands.

The N400 is Elicited by Meaning Changes but not Synonym Substitutions: Evidence From Persian Phrasal Verbs

We tested two accounts of the cognitive process underlying the N400 event-related potential component: one that it reflects meaning-based processing and one that it reflects the processing of specific words. The experimental design utilized separable Persian phrasal verbs, which form a strongly probabilistic, long-distance dependency, ideal for the study of probabilistic processing. In sentences strongly constraining for a particular continuation, we show evidence that between two low-probability words, only the word that changed the expected meaning of the sentence increased N400 amplitude, while a synonym of the most probable target word did not. The findings support an account of the N400 in which its underlying process is driven by the processing of meaning rather than of specific words.

Multiple predictions during language comprehension: Friends, foes, or indifferent companions?

To comprehend language, we continually use prior context to pre-activate expected upcoming information, resulting in facilitated processing of incoming words that confirm these predictions. But what are the consequences of disconfirming prior predictions? To address this question, most previous studies have examined unpredictable words appearing in contexts that constrain strongly for a single continuation. However, during natural language processing, it is far more common to encounter contexts that constrain for multiple potential continuations, each with some probability. Here, we ask whether and how pre-activating both higher and lower probability alternatives influences the processing of the lower probability incoming word. One possibility is that, similar to language production, there is continuous pressure to select the higher-probability pre-activated alternative through competitive inhibition. During comprehension, this would result in relative costs in processing the lower probability target. A second possibility is that if the two pre-activated alternatives share semantic features, they mutually enhance each other's pre-activation. This would result in greater facilitation in processing the lower probability target. To distinguish between these accounts, we recorded ERPs as participants read three-sentence scenarios that constrained either for a single word or for two potential continuations - a higher probability expected candidate and a lower probability second-best candidate. We found no evidence that competitive pre-activation between the expected and second-best candidates resulted in costs in processing the second-best target, either during lexico-semantic processing (indexed by the N400) or at later stages of processing (indexed by a later frontal positivity). Instead, we found only benefits of pre-activating multiple alternatives, with evidence of enhanced graded facilitation on lower-probability targets that were semantically related to a higher-probability pre-activated alternative. These findings are consistent with a previous eye-tracking study by Luke and Christianson (2016, Cogn Psychol) using corpus-based materials. They have significant theoretical implications for models of predictive language processing, indicating that routine graded prediction in language comprehension does not operate through the same competitive mechanisms that are engaged in language production. Instead, our results align more closely with hierarchical probabilistic accounts of language comprehension, such as predictive coding.

Prediction during language comprehension: what is next?

Prediction is often regarded as an integral aspect of incremental language comprehension, but little is known about the cognitive architectures and mechanisms that support it. We review studies showing that listeners and readers use all manner of contextual information to generate multifaceted predictions about upcoming input. The nature of these predictions may vary between individuals owing to differences in language experience, among other factors. We then turn to unresolved questions which may guide the search for the underlying mechanisms. (i) Is prediction essential to language processing or an optional strategy? (ii) Are predictions generated from within the language system or by domain-general processes? (iii) What is the relationship between prediction and memory? (iv) Does prediction in comprehension require simulation via the production system? We discuss promising directions for making progress in answering these questions and for developing a mechanistic understanding of prediction in language.

Hyperscanning Studies on Interbrain Synchrony and Child Development: A Narrative Review

Social interactions between parents and children are closely linked with children's development, and interbrain synchrony has been shown to be a neural marker of social interaction. However, to truly capture the essence of social interactions through interbrain synchrony, it is necessary to simultaneously discuss the parental and child brains and adequately record neurological signals during parent-child interactions in interactive tasks. In the current review, we have reviewed three main contents. First, we discuss the correlation between parent-child interbrain synchrony and the development of cognitive (e.g., emotion regulation, attention, and learning) and behavioral abilities (e.g., cooperation, problem-solving) in children. Second, we examine the different neural mechanisms of interbrain synchrony in mother-child and father-child interactions, aiming to highlight the separate roles of mother and father in child development. Last, we have integrated four methods to enhance interbrain synchrony, including communication patterns, nonverbal behavior, music, and multichannel stimulation. A significant correlation exists between parent-child interbrain synchrony and the development of children's cognitive and behavioral abilities. This summary may be useful for expanding researchers' and practitioners' understanding of the ways in which parenting and the parent-child relationship shape children' cognitive and behavioral abilities.

The influence of perceptual and semantic chunking on the neural mechanism of remote association

Studies on remote association tests (RATs) have mainly focused on cognitive processes involved in searching for remote associations. However, factors affecting these search processes and remote associations remain unclear. In order to address this issue, this study compared non-chunking condition (e.g., "//") with perceptual chunking (two red color characters in the three-character item "//") and semantic chunking (high-frequency word-pair in the item; e.g., "//", "," literally "philosophy") conditions in the Chinese Remote Association Test (CRAT). The behavioral results on the CRAT found that the semantic ones resulted in significantly lower successful solving rates and longer response times than the other two conditions. The event-related potential (ERP) results showed that in contrast to the perceptual-chunking and the non-chunking condition, the semantic-chunking elicited enhanced P200, which might be related to the intuitive awareness of the mental fixation. However, relative to the non-chunking condition, the two chunking conditions evoked increased N400 and late positive component (LPC), indexing the late reflection and implementation of cognitive control. Our results suggest that it is the early awareness of the semantic chunk, rather than the general cognitive control process involved in representing and solving the semantically and perceptually chunk-induced interferences, that critically determines the final solving of RATs.

Read carefully, because this is important! How value-driven strategies impact sentence memory

Little is understood about how people strategically process and remember important but complex information, such as sentences. In the current study, we asked whether people can effectively prioritize memory for sentences as a function of their relative importance (operationalized as a reward point value) and whether they do so, in part, by changing their sentence processing strategies when value information is available in advance. We adapted the value-directed remembering paradigm (Castel, Psychol Learn Motiv 48:225-270, 2007) for sentences that varied in constraint and predictability. Each sentence was associated with a high or low value for subsequent free recall (whole sentence) and recognition (sentence-final words) tests. Value information appeared after or before each sentence as a between-subject manipulation. Regardless of condition, we observed that high-value sentences were recalled more often than low-value sentences, showing that people can strategically prioritize their encoding of sentences. However, memory patterns differed depending on when value information was available. Recall for high-value sentences that ended unexpectedly (and therefore violated one's predictions) was reduced in the Before compared to the After condition. Before condition participants also showed a greater tendency to false alarm to lures (words that were the predicted - but not obtained - ending) from strongly constraining sentences. These observations suggest that when people try to prioritize sentence-level information that they know is valuable, the reading strategies they employ may paradoxically lead to worse memory.

Semantic processing in children with Cochlear Implants: A review of current N400 studies and recommendations for future research

Deaf and hard of hearing children with cochlear implants (CI) often display impaired spoken language skills. While a large number of studies investigated brain responses to sounds in this population, relatively few focused on semantic processing. Here we summarize and discuss findings in four studies of the N400, a cortical response that reflects semantic processing, in children with CI. A study with auditory target stimuli found N400 effects at delayed latencies at 12 months after implantation, but at 18 and 24 months after implantation effects had typical latencies. In studies with visual target stimuli N400 effects were larger than or similar to controls in children with CI, despite lower semantic abilities. We propose that in children with CI, the observed large N400 effect reflects a stronger reliance on top-down predictions, relative to bottom-up language processing. Recent behavioral studies of children and adults with CI suggest that top-down processing is a common compensatory strategy, but with distinct limitations such as being effortful. A majority of the studies have small sample sizes (N < 20), and only responses to image targets were studied repeatedly in similar paradigms. This precludes strong conclusions. We give suggestions for future research and ways to overcome the scarcity of participants, including extending research to children with conventional hearing aids, an understudied group.

Disruption to left inferior frontal cortex modulates semantic prediction effects in reading and subsequent memory: Evidence from simultaneous TMS-EEG

Readers use prior context to predict features of upcoming words. When predictions are accurate, this increases the efficiency of comprehension. However, little is known about the fate of predictable and unpredictable words in memory or the neural systems governing these processes. Several theories suggest that the speech production system, including the left inferior frontal cortex (LIFC), is recruited for prediction but evidence that LIFC plays a causal role is lacking. We first examined the effects of predictability on memory and then tested the role of posterior LIFC using transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS). In Experiment 1, participants read category cues, followed by a predictable, unpredictable, or incongruent target word for later recall. We observed a predictability benefit to memory, with predictable words remembered better than unpredictable words. In Experiment 2, participants performed the same task with electroencephalography (EEG) while undergoing event-related TMS over posterior LIFC using a protocol known to disrupt speech production, or over the right hemisphere homologue as an active control site. Under control stimulation, predictable words were better recalled than unpredictable words, replicating Experiment 1. This predictability benefit to memory was eliminated under LIFC stimulation. Moreover, while an a priori ROI-based analysis did not yield evidence for a reduction in the N400 predictability effect, mass-univariate analyses did suggest that the N400 predictability effect was reduced in spatial and temporal extent under LIFC stimulation. Collectively, these results provide causal evidence that the LIFC is recruited for prediction during silent reading, consistent with prediction-through-production accounts.

Understanding the Effects of Constraint and Predictability in ERP

Intuitively, strongly constraining contexts should lead to stronger probabilistic representations of sentences in memory. Encountering unexpected words could therefore be expected to trigger costlier shifts in these representations than expected words. However, psycholinguistic measures commonly used to study probabilistic processing, such as the N400 event-related potential (ERP) component, are sensitive to word predictability but not to contextual constraint. Some research suggests that constraint-related processing cost may be measurable via an ERP positivity following the N400, known as the anterior post-N400 positivity (PNP). The PNP is argued to reflect update of a sentence representation and to be distinct from the posterior P600, which reflects conflict detection and reanalysis. However, constraint-related PNP findings are inconsistent. We sought to conceptually replicate Federmeier et al. (2007) and Kuperberg et al. (2020), who observed that the PNP, but not the N400 or the P600, was affected by constraint at unexpected but plausible words. Using a pre-registered design and statistical approach maximising power, we demonstrated a dissociated effect of predictability and constraint: strong evidence for predictability but not constraint in the N400 window, and strong evidence for constraint but not predictability in the later window. However, the constraint effect was consistent with a P600 and not a PNP, suggesting increased conflict between a strong representation and unexpected input rather than greater update of the representation. We conclude that either a simple strong/weak constraint design is not always sufficient to elicit the PNP, or that previous PNP constraint findings could be an artifact of smaller sample size.

Predictive coding across the left fronto-temporal hierarchy during language comprehension

We used magnetoencephalography (MEG) and event-related potentials (ERPs) to track the time-course and localization of evoked activity produced by expected, unexpected plausible, and implausible words during incremental language comprehension. We suggest that the full pattern of results can be explained within a hierarchical predictive coding framework in which increased evoked activity reflects the activation of residual information that was not already represented at a given level of the fronto-temporal hierarchy ("error" activity). Between 300 and 500 ms, the three conditions produced progressively larger responses within left temporal cortex (lexico-semantic prediction error), whereas implausible inputs produced a selectively enhanced response within inferior frontal cortex (prediction error at the level of the event model). Between 600 and 1,000 ms, unexpected plausible words activated left inferior frontal and middle temporal cortices (feedback activity that produced top-down error), whereas highly implausible inputs activated left inferior frontal cortex, posterior fusiform (unsuppressed orthographic prediction error/reprocessing), and medial temporal cortex (possibly supporting new learning). Therefore, predictive coding may provide a unifying theory that links language comprehension to other domains of cognition.

Event-related potentials show that parafoveal vision is insufficient for semantic integration

Readers extract information from a word from parafoveal vision prior to looking at it. It has been argued that parafoveal perception allows readers to initiate linguistic processes, but it is unclear which stages of word processing are engaged: the process of extracting letter information to recognize words, or the process of extracting meaning to comprehend them. This study used the event-related brain potential (ERP) technique to investigate how word recognition (indexed by the N400 effect for unexpected or anomalous compared to expected words) and semantic integration (indexed by the Late-positive component; LPC effect for anomalous compared to expected words) are or are not elicited when the word is perceived only in parafoveal vision. Participants read a target word following a sentence that made it expected, unexpected, or anomalous, and read the sentences presented three words at a time in the Rapid Serial Visual Presentation (RSVP) with flankers paradigm so that words were perceived in parafoveal and foveal vision. We orthogonally manipulated whether the target word was masked in parafoveal and/or foveal vision to dissociate the processing associated with perception of the target word from either location. We found that the N400 effect was generated from parafoveally perceived words, and was reduced for foveally perceived words if they were previously perceived parafoveally. In contrast, the LPC effect was only elicited if the word was perceived foveally, suggesting that readers must attend to a word directly in foveal vision in order to attempt to integrate its meaning into the sentence context.

Patterns of hemispheric asymmetry provide evidence dissociating the semantic and syntactic P600

To understand how neural networks in the left (LH) and right (RH) cerebral hemispheres contribute to different aspects of language comprehension, in two experiments we measured event-related potentials (ERPs) as right-handed participants read sentences, some of which contained morphosyntactic and thematic role violations. Replicating prior work (Kuperberg et al., 2006), in Experiment 1 thematic role violations elicited both an N400 and a (semantic) P600 effect. Morphosyntactic violations elicited effects that differed as a function of participants' familial sinistrality (the presence [FS+] or absence [FS-] of a left-handed biological relative): FS+ participants showed a (syntactic) P600 effect whereas FS- participants showed a biphasic N400 and P600 response. To assess whether this difference reflects different underlying patterns of lateralization, in Experiment 2 target words were presented using visual half-field (VF) presentation. Indeed, for morphosyntactic violations, the FS- group elicited an asymmetric pattern, showing a P600 effect only with LH-biased presentation and an N400 effect in both VFs (cf. Lee and Federmeier, 2015). In contrast, FS+ participants showed a bilateral (N400-only) response pattern. This provides further evidence of FS-based differences in hemispheric contributions to syntactic processing. Strikingly, we found that, when lateralized, thematic role violations did not elicit a P600 effect, suggesting that this effect requires contributions from both hemispheres. The different response patterns for morphosyntactic and thematic role animacy violations across FS and VF also point to a processing difference in the comprehension mechanisms underlying the semantic and syntactic P600, which had heretofore been assumed to be variants of the same component.

The default-interventionist model underlies premise typicality weakening the premise diversity effect during category-based induction: Event-related potentials evidence

The diversity effect during category-based induction (CBI) means that the more diverse the evidence, the higher will be the conclusion's inductive strength. However, it is influenced by the premise typicality. Three competitive cognitive processing models account for this influence: (1) The pre-emptive conflict resolution model assumes that only premise typicality activates; (2) the parallel-competitive model assumes that premise typicality and diversity activate in parallel; and (3) the default-interventionist model assumes that a default response of premise diversity first activates and is subsequently followed by premise typicality, or premise typicality activates first, followed by premise diversity. The timing of premise typicality affecting the diversity effect during CBI was measured using event-related potentials to determine which cognitive model best explains this influence. Similar to previous studies, non-diverse premise inductive tasks involving two typical premise categories were compared with diverse premise inductive tasks involving a typical and an atypical category. The results showed that non-diverse conditions had higher "correct" response proportions, greater inductive strength, higher "definitely" response proportions, and shorter reaction times than diverse conditions, showing that premise typicality weakens the diversity effect. Moreover, the diverse premises elicited larger P2, smaller FN400, and greater frontal post-N400-positivity amplitudes than non-diverse premises, suggesting that premise diversity was facilitated during a relatively early time window and revised by premise typicality in a later window. These results support the default-interventionist in nature during thinking and reasoning.

When multiplying is meaningful in memory: Electrophysiological signature of the problem size effect in children

Children are less fluent at verifying the answers to larger single-digit arithmetic problems compared with smaller ones. This problem size effect may reflect the structure of memory for arithmetic facts. In the current study, typically developing third to fifth graders judged the correctness of single-digit multiplication problems, presented as a sequence of three digits, that were either small (e.g., 4 3 12 vs. 4 3 16) or large (e.g., 8 7 56 vs. 8 7 64). We measured the N400, an index of access to semantic memory, along with accuracy and response time. The N400 was modulated by problem size only for correct solutions, with larger amplitude for large problems than for small problems. This suggests that only solutions that exist in memory (i.e., correct solutions) reflect a modulation of semantic access likely based on the relative frequency of encountering small versus large problems. The absence of an N400 problem size effect for incorrect solutions suggests that the behavioral problem size effects were not due to differences in initial access to memory but instead were due to a later stage of cognitive processing that was reflected in a post-N400 main effect of problem size. A second post-N400 main effect of correctness at occipital electrodes resembles the beginning of an adult-like brain response observed in prior studies. In sum, event-related brain potentials revealed different cognitive processes for correct and incorrect solutions. These results allude to a gradual transition to an adult-like brain response, from verifying multiplication problems using semantic memory to doing so using more automatic categorization.

The power of "good": Can adjectives rapidly decrease as well as increase the availability of the upcoming noun?

Can a single adjective immediately influence message-building during sentence processing? We presented participants with 168 sentence contexts, such as "His skin was red from spending the day at the …" Sentences ended with either the most expected word ("beach") or a low cloze probability completion ("pool"). Nouns were preceded by adjectives that changed their relative likelihood (e.g., "neighborhood" increases the cloze probability of pool whereas "sandy" promotes beach). We asked if participants' online processing can be rapidly updated by the adjective, changing the resulting pattern of facilitation at the noun, and, if so, whether updates unfold symmetrically-not only increasing, but also decreasing, the fit of particular nouns. We measured event-related potentials (ERPs) to the adjective and the noun and modeled these with respect to (a) the overall amount of updating promoted by the adjective, (b) the preadjectival cloze probability of the noun and, (c) the amount of cloze probability change for the obtained noun after the adjective. Bayesian mixed-effects analysis of N400 amplitude at the noun revealed that adjectives rapidly influenced semantic processing of the noun, but did so asymmetrically, with positive updating (reducing N400 amplitudes) having a greater effect than negative updating (increasing N400s). At the adjective, the amount of (possible) updating was not associated with any discernible ERP modulation. Overall, these results suggest the information provided by adjectives is buffered until a head noun is encountered, at which point the access of the noun's semantics is shaped in parallel by both the adjective and the sentence-level representation. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

Reevaluating the Language of Learning Advantage in Bilingual Arithmetic: An ERP Study on Spoken Multiplication Verification

Many studies of bilingual arithmetic report better performance when verifying arithmetic facts in the language of learning (LA+) over the other language (LA−). This could be due to language-specific memory representations, processes established during learning, or to language and task factors not related to math. The current study builds on a small number of event-related potential (ERP) studies to test this question while controlling language proficiency and eliminating potential task confounds. Adults proficient in two languages verified single-digit multiplications presented as spoken number words in LA+ and LA−, separately. ERPs and correctness judgments were measured from solution onset. Equivalent P300 effects, with larger positive amplitude for correct than incorrect solutions, were observed in both languages (Experiment 1A), even when stimuli presentation rate was shortened to increase difficulty (Experiment 1B). This effect paralleled the arithmetic correctness effect for trials presented as all digits (e.g., 2 4 8 versus 2 4 10), reflecting efficient categorization of the solutions, and was distinct from an N400 generated in a word–picture matching task, reflecting meaning processing (Experiment 2). The findings reveal that the language effects on arithmetic are likely driven by language and task factors rather than differences in memory representation in each language.

Context-based facilitation of semantic access follows both logarithmic and linear functions of stimulus probability

Stimuli are easier to process when context makes them predictable, but does context-based facilitation arise from preactivation of a limited set of relatively probable upcoming stimuli (with facilitation then linearly related to probability) or, instead, because the system maintains and updates a probability distribution across all items (with facilitation logarithmically related to probability)? We measured the N400, an index of semantic access, to words of varying probability, including unpredictable words. Word predictability was measured using both cloze probabilities and a state-of-the-art machine learning language model (GPT-2). We reanalyzed five datasets (n = 138) to demonstrate and then replicate that context-based facilitation on the N400 is graded, even among unpredictable words. Furthermore, we established that the relationship between word predictability and context-based facilitation combines linear and logarithmic functions. We argue that this composite function reveals properties of the mapping between words and semantic features and how feature- and word-related information is activated on-line.

Investigating Heritage Language Processing: Meaning Composition in Chinese Classifier-Noun Phrasal Contexts

The aim of the present study was to investigate how Chinese-Malay bilingual speakers with Chinese as heritage language process semantic congruency effects in Chinese and how their brain activities compare to those of monolingual Chinese speakers using electroencephalography (EEG) recordings. To this end, semantic congruencies were manipulated in Chinese classifier-noun phrases, resulting in four conditions: (i) a strongly constraining/high-cloze, plausible (SP) condition, (ii) a weakly constraining/low-cloze, plausible (WP) condition, (iii) a strongly constraining/implausible (SI) condition, and (iv) a weakly constraining/implausible (WI) condition. The analysis of EEG data focused on two event-related potential components, i.e., the N400, which is known for its sensitivity to semantic fit of a target word to its context, and a post-N400 late positive complex (LPC), which is linked to semantic integration after prediction violations and retrospective, evaluative processes. We found similar N400/LPC effects in response to the manipulations of semantic congruency in the mono- and bilingual groups, with a gradient N400 pattern (WI/SI > WP > SP), a larger frontal LPC in response to WP compared to SP, SI, and WI, as well as larger centro-parietal LPCs in response to WP compared to SI and WI, and a larger centro-parietal LPC for SP compared to SI. These results suggest that, in terms of event-related potential (ERP) data, Chinese-Malay early bilingual speakers predict and integrate upcoming semantic information in Chinese classifier-noun phrase to the same extent as monolingual Chinese speakers. However, the global field power (GFP) data showed significant differences between SP and WP in the N400 and LPC time windows in bilinguals, whereas no such effects were observed in monolinguals. This finding was interpreted as showing that bilinguals differ from their monolingual peers in terms of global field power intensity of the brain by processing plausible classifier-noun pairs with different congruency effects.