Left Inferior Frontal Gyrus Sensitivity to Phonetic Competition in Receptive Language Processing: A Comparison of Clear and Conversational Speech

High-level language brain regions process sublexical regularities

A network of left frontal and temporal brain regions supports language processing. This "core" language network stores our knowledge of words and constructions as well as constraints on how those combine to form sentences. However, our linguistic knowledge additionally includes information about phonemes and how they combine to form phonemic clusters, syllables, and words. Are phoneme combinatorics also represented in these language regions? Across five functional magnetic resonance imaging experiments, we investigated the sensitivity of high-level language processing brain regions to sublexical linguistic regularities by examining responses to diverse nonwords-sequences of phonemes that do not constitute real words (e.g. punes, silory, flope). We establish robust responses in the language network to visually (experiment 1a, n = 605) and auditorily (experiments 1b, n = 12, and 1c, n = 13) presented nonwords. In experiment 2 (n = 16), we find stronger responses to nonwords that are more well-formed, i.e. obey the phoneme-combinatorial constraints of English. Finally, in experiment 3 (n = 14), we provide suggestive evidence that the responses in experiments 1 and 2 are not due to the activation of real words that share some phonology with the nonwords. The results suggest that sublexical regularities are stored and processed within the same fronto-temporal network that supports lexical and syntactic processes.

Pupil Dilation Reflects Perceptual Priorities During a Receptive Speech Task

OBJECTIVES

The listening demand incurred by speech perception fluctuates in normal conversation. At the acoustic-phonetic level, natural variation in pronunciation acts as speedbumps to accurate lexical selection. Any given utterance may be more or less phonetically ambiguous-a problem that must be resolved by the listener to choose the correct word. This becomes especially apparent when considering two common speech registers-clear and casual-that have characteristically different levels of phonetic ambiguity. Clear speech prioritizes intelligibility through hyperarticulation which results in less ambiguity at the phonetic level, while casual speech tends to have a more collapsed acoustic space. We hypothesized that listeners would invest greater cognitive resources while listening to casual speech to resolve the increased amount of phonetic ambiguity, as compared with clear speech. To this end, we used pupillometry as an online measure of listening effort during perception of clear and casual continuous speech in two background conditions: quiet and noise.

DESIGN

Forty-eight participants performed a probe detection task while listening to spoken, nonsensical sentences (masked and unmasked) while recording pupil size. Pupil size was modeled using growth curve analysis to capture the dynamics of the pupil response as the sentence unfolded.

RESULTS

Pupil size during listening was sensitive to the presence of noise and speech register (clear/casual). Unsurprisingly, listeners had overall larger pupil dilations during speech perception in noise, replicating earlier work. The pupil dilation pattern for clear and casual sentences was considerably more complex. Pupil dilation during clear speech trials was slightly larger than for casual speech, across quiet and noisy backgrounds.

CONCLUSIONS

We suggest that listener motivation could explain the larger pupil dilations to clearly spoken speech. We propose that, bounded by the context of this task, listeners devoted more resources to perceiving the speech signal with the greatest acoustic/phonetic fidelity. Further, we unexpectedly found systematic differences in pupil dilation preceding the onset of the spoken sentences. Together, these data demonstrate that the pupillary system is not merely reactive but also adaptive-sensitive to both task structure and listener motivation to maximize accurate perception in a limited resource system.

Speech characteristics yield important clues about motor function: Speech variability in individuals at clinical high-risk for psychosis

BACKGROUND AND HYPOTHESIS

Motor abnormalities are predictive of psychosis onset in individuals at clinical high risk (CHR) for psychosis and are tied to its progression. We hypothesize that these motor abnormalities also disrupt their speech production (a highly complex motor behavior) and predict CHR individuals will produce more variable speech than healthy controls, and that this variability will relate to symptom severity, motor measures, and psychosis-risk calculator risk scores.

STUDY DESIGN

We measure variability in speech production (variability in consonants, vowels, speech rate, and pausing/timing) in N = 58 CHR participants and N = 67 healthy controls. Three different tasks are used to elicit speech: diadochokinetic speech (rapidly-repeated syllables e.g., papapa…, pataka…), read speech, and spontaneously-generated speech.

STUDY RESULTS

Individuals in the CHR group produced more variable consonants and exhibited greater speech rate variability than healthy controls in two of the three speech tasks (diadochokinetic and read speech). While there were no significant correlations between speech measures and remotely-obtained motor measures, symptom severity, or conversion risk scores, these comparisons may be under-powered (in part due to challenges of remote data collection during the COVID-19 pandemic).

CONCLUSION

This study provides a thorough and theory-driven first look at how speech production is affected in this at-risk population and speaks to the promise and challenges facing this approach moving forward.

Phonological and Semantic Specialization in 9- to 10-Year-Old Children During Auditory Word Processing

One of the core features of brain maturation is functional specialization. Previous research has found that 7- to 8-year-old children start to specialize in both the temporal and frontal lobes. However, as children continue to develop their phonological and semantic skills rapidly until approximately 10 years old, it remained unclear whether any changes in specialization later in childhood would be detected. Thus, the goal of the current study was to examine phonological and semantic specialization in 9- to 10-year-old children during auditory word processing. Sixty-one children were included in the analysis. They were asked to perform a sound judgment task and a meaning judgment task, each with both hard and easy conditions to examine parametric effects. Consistent with previous results from 7- to 8-year-old children, direct task comparisons revealed language specialization in both the temporal and frontal lobes in 9- to 10-year-old children. Specifically, the left dorsal inferior frontal gyrus showed greater activation for the sound than the meaning task whereas the left middle temporal gyrus showed greater activation for the meaning than the sound task. Interestingly, in contrast to the previously reported finding that 7- to 8-year-old children primarily engage a general control region during the harder condition for both tasks, we showed that 9- to 10-year-old children recruited language-specific regions to process the more difficult task conditions. Specifically, the left superior temporal gyrus showed greater activation for the phonological parametric manipulation whereas the left ventral inferior frontal gyrus showed greater activation for the semantic parametric manipulation.

Right Posterior Temporal Cortex Supports Integration of Phonetic and Talker Information

Though the right hemisphere has been implicated in talker processing, it is thought to play a minimal role in phonetic processing, at least relative to the left hemisphere. Recent evidence suggests that the right posterior temporal cortex may support learning of phonetic variation associated with a specific talker. In the current study, listeners heard a male talker and a female talker, one of whom produced an ambiguous fricative in /s/-biased lexical contexts (e.g., epi?ode) and one who produced it in /∫/-biased contexts (e.g., friend?ip). Listeners in a behavioral experiment (Experiment 1) showed evidence of lexically guided perceptual learning, categorizing ambiguous fricatives in line with their previous experience. Listeners in an fMRI experiment (Experiment 2) showed differential phonetic categorization as a function of talker, allowing for an investigation of the neural basis of talker-specific phonetic processing, though they did not exhibit perceptual learning (likely due to characteristics of our in-scanner headphones). Searchlight analyses revealed that the patterns of activation in the right superior temporal sulcus (STS) contained information about who was talking and what phoneme they produced. We take this as evidence that talker information and phonetic information are integrated in the right STS. Functional connectivity analyses suggested that the process of conditioning phonetic identity on talker information depends on the coordinated activity of a left-lateralized phonetic processing system and a right-lateralized talker processing system. Overall, these results clarify the mechanisms through which the right hemisphere supports talker-specific phonetic processing.

Neural evidence for a separation of semantic and phonological control processes

There remain major doubts about the nature and domain specificity of inhibitory control processes, both within and between cognitive domains. This study examined inhibitory processes within the language domain, by contrasting semantic versus phonological inhibitory control. In an fMRI experiment, elderly participants performed phonological and semantic inhibitory control tasks involving resistance to highly or weakly interfering stimuli. In the semantic domain, inhibitory control effects, contrasting high vs. low interference control levels, were observed at univariate and multivariate levels in all fronto-parieto-temporal region-of-interests. In the phonological domain, inhibitory control effects were observed only at multivariate levels, and were restricted to the pars triangularis of the bilateral inferior frontal gyrus and to the left middle temporal gyrus. Critically, no reliable multivariate cross-domain prediction of neural patterns associated with inhibitory control was observed. This study supports a functional dissociation of the neural substrates associated with inhibitory control for phonological vs. semantic domains.

Start shallow and grow deep: The development of a Hebrew reading brain

Brain plasticity implies that readers of different orthographies can have different reading networks. Theoretical models suggest that reading acquisition in transparent orthographies relies on mapping smaller orthographic units to phonology, than reading opaque orthographies; but what are the neural mechanisms underlying this difference? Hebrew has a transparent (pointed) script used for beginners, and a non-transparent script used for skilled readers. The current study examined the developmental changes in brain regions associated with phonological and orthographic processes during reading pointed and un-pointed words. Our results highlight some changes that are universal in reading development, such as a developmental increase in frontal involvement (in bilateral inferior frontal gyrus (IFG) pars opercularis), and increase in left asymmetry (in IFG pars opercularis and superior temporal gyrus, STG) of the reading network. Our results also showed a developmental increase in activation in STG, which stands in contrast to previous studies in other orthographies. We further found an interaction of word length and diacritics in bilateral STG and VWFA across both groups. These findings suggest that children slightly adjust their reading depending on orthographic transparency, relying on smaller units when reading a transparent script and on larger units when reading an opaque script. Our results also showed that phonological abilities across groups correlated with activation in the VWFA, regardless of transparency, supporting the continued role of phonology at all levels of orthographic transparency. Our findings are consistent with multiple route reading models, in which both phonological and orthographic processing of multiple size units continue to play a role in children's reading of transparent and opaque scripts during reading development. The results further demonstrate the importance of taking into account differences between orthographies when constructing neural models of reading acquisition.

Animal models of developmental dyslexia: Where we are and what we are missing

Developmental dyslexia (DD) is a complex neurodevelopmental disorder and the most common learning disability among both school-aged children and across languages. Recently, sensory and cognitive mechanisms have been reported to be potential endophenotypes (EPs) for DD, and nine DD-candidate genes have been identified. Animal models have been used to investigate the etiopathological pathways that underlie the development of complex traits, as they enable the effects of genetic and/or environmental manipulations to be evaluated. Animal research designs have also been linked to cutting-edge clinical research questions by capitalizing on the use of EPs. For the present scoping review, we reviewed previous studies of murine models investigating the effects of DD-candidate genes. Moreover, we highlighted the use of animal models as an innovative way to unravel new insights behind the pathophysiology of reading (dis)ability and to assess cutting-edge preclinical models.

Reciprocal relations between reading skill and the neural basis of phonological awareness in 7- to 9-year-old children

By using a longitudinal design and functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), our previous study (Wang et al., 2020) found a scaffolding effect of early phonological processing in the superior temporal gyrus (STG) in 6-year-old children on later behavioral reading skill in 7.5-year-old children. Other than this previous study, nothing is known about longitudinal change in the bidirectional relation between reading skill and phonological processing in the brain. To fill this gap, in the current study, we used the same experimental paradigm as in Wang et al. (2020) to measure children's reading skill and brain activity during an auditory phonological awareness task, but with children who were 7.5 years old at Time 1 (T1) and about 1.5 years later when they were 9 years old at Time 2 (T2). The phonological awareness task included both small grain (i.e., onset) and large grain (i.e., rhyme) conditions. In a univariate analysis, we found that better reading skill at T1 predicted lower brain activation in IFG at T2 for onset processing after controlling for brain activation and non-verbal IQ at T1. This suggests that early reading ability reduces the effort of phonemic access, thus supporting the refinement hypothesis. When using general psychophysiological interaction (gPPI), we found that higher functional connectivity from IFG to STG for rhyme processing at T1 predicted better reading skill at T2 after controlling for reading skill and non-verbal IQ at T1. This suggests that the early effectiveness of accessing rhyme representations scaffolds reading acquisition. As both results did not survive multiple comparison corrections, replication of these findings is needed. However, both findings are consistent with prior studies demonstrating that phonological access in the frontal lobe becomes important in older elementary school readers. Moreover, the refinement effect for onsets is consistent with the hypothesis that learning to read allows for better access of small grain phonology, and the scaffolding effect for rhymes supports the idea that reading progresses to larger grain orthography-to-phonology mapping in older skilled readers. The current study, along with our previous study on younger children, indicates that the development of reading skill is associated with (1) the early importance of the quality of the phonological representations to later access of these representations, and (2) early importance of small grain sizes to later development of large grain ones.

Sentence predictability modulates cortical response to phonetic ambiguity

Phonetic categories have undefined edges, such that individual tokens that belong to different speech sound categories may occupy the same region in acoustic space. In continuous speech, there are multiple sources of top-down information (e.g., lexical, semantic) that help to resolve the identity of an ambiguous phoneme. Of interest is how these top-down constraints interact with ambiguity at the phonetic level. In the current fMRI study, participants passively listened to sentences that varied in semantic predictability and in the amount of naturally-occurring phonetic competition. The left middle frontal gyrus, angular gyrus, and anterior inferior frontal gyrus were sensitive to both semantic predictability and the degree of phonetic competition. Notably, greater phonetic competition within non-predictive contexts resulted in a negatively-graded neural response. We suggest that uncertainty at the phonetic-acoustic level interacts with uncertainty at the semantic level-perhaps due to a failure of the network to construct a coherent meaning.

The Role of the Right Hemisphere in Processing Phonetic Variability Between Talkers

Neurobiological models of speech perception posit that both left and right posterior temporal brain regions are involved in the early auditory analysis of speech sounds. However, frank deficits in speech perception are not readily observed in individuals with right hemisphere damage. Instead, damage to the right hemisphere is often associated with impairments in vocal identity processing. Herein lies an apparent paradox: The mapping between acoustics and speech sound categories can vary substantially across talkers, so why might right hemisphere damage selectively impair vocal identity processing without obvious effects on speech perception? In this review, I attempt to clarify the role of the right hemisphere in speech perception through a careful consideration of its role in processing vocal identity. I review evidence showing that right posterior superior temporal, right anterior superior temporal, and right inferior / middle frontal regions all play distinct roles in vocal identity processing. In considering the implications of these findings for neurobiological accounts of speech perception, I argue that the recruitment of right posterior superior temporal cortex during speech perception may specifically reflect the process of conditioning phonetic identity on talker information. I suggest that the relative lack of involvement of other right hemisphere regions in speech perception may be because speech perception does not necessarily place a high burden on talker processing systems, and I argue that the extant literature hints at potential subclinical impairments in the speech perception abilities of individuals with right hemisphere damage.

Comparing non-native and native speech: Are L2 productions more variable?

Foreign-accented speech of second language learners is often difficult to understand for native listeners of that language. Part of this difficulty has been hypothesized to be caused by increased within-category variability of non-native speech. However, until recently, there have been few direct tests for this hypothesis. The realization of vowels and word-final stops in productions of native-English L1 speakers and native-Mandarin speakers of L2 English is compared. With the largest sample size to date, it is shown that at least proficient non-native speakers exhibit little or no difference in category variability compared to native speakers. This is shown while correcting for the effects of phonetic context. The same non-native speakers show substantial deviations from native speech in the central tendencies (means) of categories, as well as in the correlations among cues they produce. This relativizes a common and a priori plausible assumption that competition between first and second language representations necessarily leads to increased variability-or, equivalently, decreased precision, consistency, and stability-of non-native speech. Instead, effects of non-nativeness on category variability are category- and cue-specific.

Neural representations of phonology in temporal cortex scaffold longitudinal reading gains in 5- to 7-year-old children

The objective of this study was to investigate whether phonological processes measured through brain activation are crucial for the development of reading skill (i.e. scaffolding hypothesis) and/or whether learning to read words fine-tunes phonology in the brain (i.e. refinement hypothesis). We specifically looked at how different grain sizes in two brain regions implicated in phonological processing played a role in this bidirectional relation. According to the dual-stream model of speech processing and previous empirical studies, the posterior superior temporal gyrus (STG) appears to be a perceptual region associated with phonological representations, whereas the dorsal inferior frontal gyrus (IFG) appears to be an articulatory region that accesses phonological representations in STG during more difficult tasks. 36 children completed a reading test outside the scanner and an auditory phonological task which included both small (i.e. onset) and large (i.e. rhyme) grain size conditions inside the scanner when they were 5.5-6.5 years old (Time 1) and once again approximately 1.5 years later (Time 2). To study the scaffolding hypothesis, a regression analysis was carried out by entering brain activation in either STG or IFG for either small (onset > perceptual) or large (rhyme > perceptual) grain size phonological processing at T1 as the predictors and reading skill at T2 as the dependent measure, with several covariates of no interest included. To study the refinement hypothesis, the regression analysis included reading skill at T1 as the predictor and brain activation in either STG or IFG for either small or large grain size phonological processing at T2 as the dependent measures, with several covariates of no interest included. We found that only posterior STG, regardless of grain size, was predictive of reading gains. Parallel models with only behavioral accuracy were not significant. Taken together, our results suggest that the representational quality of phonology in temporal cortex is crucial for reading development. Moreover, our study provides neural evidence supporting the scaffolding hypothesis, suggesting that brain measures of phonology could be helpful in early identification of reading difficulties.

Brain-behavior relationships in incidental learning of non-native phonetic categories

Research has implicated the left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG) in mapping acoustic-phonetic input to sound category representations, both in native speech perception and non-native phonetic category learning. At issue is whether this sensitivity reflects access to phonetic category information per se or to explicit category labels, the latter often being required by experimental procedures. The current study employed an incidental learning paradigm designed to increase sensitivity to a difficult non-native phonetic contrast without inducing explicit awareness of the categorical nature of the stimuli. Functional MRI scans revealed frontal sensitivity to phonetic category structure both before and after learning. Additionally, individuals who succeeded most on the learning task showed the largest increases in frontal recruitment after learning. Overall, results suggest that processing novel phonetic category information entails a reliance on frontal brain regions, even in the absence of explicit category labels.

Second Language Learners' Listener Impressions of Foreigner-Directed Speech

Background According to sociolinguistic frameworks such as Communication Accommodation Theory, English native speakers modify their speech to meet the communicative needs of non-native speakers (Beebe & Giles, 1984). However, when foreigner-directed speech is used inappropriately, it may lead to overaccommodation, which in turn can act counterproductively toward communicative goals. Purpose To date, much of the research on foreigner-directed speech toward non-native speakers has focused on its acoustic parameters, but few studies have examined how second language learners interpret it emotionally and pragmatically. Method This study asked 36 English second language learners to listen to four types of speech accommodation styles (casual, clear, infant-directed, and foreigner-directed) spoken by four different speakers. Their task was to evaluate the extent to which the speaker was easy to understand, competent, condescending, friendly, and respectful. Results Acoustic analyses of the speech stimuli showed that speakers used distinct acoustic cues for each speech accommodation style, for example, slower speech rate for foreigner-directed speech. The rating results show that second language learners of English judged casual speech as least intelligible, least competent, and least friendly compared to all other speech types. Respectfulness ratings show that participants perceived casual speech as less respectful compared to clear speech and infant-directed speech, but not foreigner-directed speech. However, no effects were found for condescension. Conclusion The results suggest second language learners in the current experiment generally perceived speech accommodation positively.

Common cortical architectures for phonological working memory identified in individual brains

Phonological working memory is the capacity to briefly maintain and recall representations of sounds important for speech and language and is believed to be critical for language and reading acquisition. Whether phonological working memory is supported by fronto-parietal brain regions associated with short-term memory storage or perisylvian brain structures implicated in speech perception and production is unclear, perhaps due to variability in stimuli, task demands, and individuals. We used fMRI to assess neurophysiological responses while individuals performed two tasks with closely matched stimuli but divergent task demands-nonword repetition and nonword discrimination-at two levels of phonological working memory load. Using analyses designed to address intersubject variability, we found significant neural responses to the critical contrast of high vs. low phonological working memory load in both tasks in a set of regions closely resembling those involved in speech perception and production. Moreover, within those regions, the voxel-wise patterns of load-related activation were highly correlated between the two tasks. These results suggest that brain regions in the temporal and frontal lobes encapsulate the core neurocomputational components of phonological working memory; an architecture that becomes increasingly evident as neural responses are examined in successively finer-grained detail in individual participants.

Neural substrates of subphonemic variation and lexical competition in spoken word recognition

In spoken word recognition, subphonemic variation influences lexical activation, with sounds near a category boundary increasing phonetic competition as well as lexical competition. The current study investigated the interplay of these factors using a visual world task in which participants were instructed to look at a picture of an auditory target (e.g., peacock). Eyetracking data indicated that participants were slowed when a voiced onset competitor (e.g., beaker) was also displayed, and this effect was amplified when acoustic-phonetic competition was increased. Simultaneously-collected fMRI data showed that several brain regions were sensitive to the presence of the onset competitor, including the supramarginal, middle temporal, and inferior frontal gyri, and functional connectivity analyses revealed that the coordinated activity of left frontal regions depends on both acoustic-phonetic and lexical factors. Taken together, results suggest a role for frontal brain structures in resolving lexical competition, particularly as atypical acoustic-phonetic information maps on to the lexicon.

The time-course of cortical responses to speech revealed by fast optical imaging

Recent work has sought to describe the time-course of spoken word recognition, from initial acoustic cue encoding through lexical activation, and identify cortical areas involved in each stage of analysis. However, existing methods are limited in either temporal or spatial resolution, and as a result, have only provided partial answers to the question of how listeners encode acoustic information in speech. We present data from an experiment using a novel neuroimaging method, fast optical imaging, to directly assess the time-course of speech perception, providing non-invasive measurement of speech sound representations, localized to specific cortical areas. We find that listeners encode speech in terms of continuous acoustic cues at early stages of processing (ca. 96 ms post-stimulus onset), and begin activating phonological category representations rapidly (ca. 144 ms post-stimulus). Moreover, cue-based representations are widespread in the brain and overlap in time with graded category-based representations, suggesting that spoken word recognition involves simultaneous activation of both continuous acoustic cues and phonological categories.