Knowledge of Good Samaritan Laws and Beliefs About Arrests Among Persons Who Inject Drugs a Year After Policy Change in Baltimore, Maryland

Using qualitative system dynamics modeling to understand overdose bystander behavior in the context of Connecticut's Good Samaritan Laws and identify effective policy options

BACKGROUND

Good Samaritan Laws are a harm reduction policy intended to facilitate a reduction in fatal opioid overdoses by enabling bystanders, first responders, and health care providers to assist individuals experiencing an overdose without facing civil or criminal liability. However, Good Samaritan Laws may not be reaching their full impact in many communities due to a lack of knowledge of protections under these laws, distrust in law enforcement, and fear of legal consequences among potential bystanders. The purpose of this study was to develop a systems-level understanding of the factors influencing bystander responses to opioid overdose in the context of Connecticut's Good Samaritan Laws and identify high-leverage policies for improving opioid-related outcomes and implementation of these laws in Connecticut (CT).

METHODS

We conducted six group model building (GMB) workshops that engaged a diverse set of participants with medical and community expertise and lived bystander experience. Through an iterative, stakeholder-engaged process, we developed, refined, and validated a qualitative system dynamics (SD) model in the form of a causal loop diagram (CLD).

RESULTS

Our resulting qualitative SD model captures our GMB participants' collective understanding of the dynamics driving bystander behavior and other factors influencing the effectiveness of Good Samaritan Laws in the state of CT. In this model, we identified seven balancing (B) and eight reinforcing (R) feedback loops within four narrative domains: Narrative 1 - Overdose, Calling 911, and First Responder Burnout; Narrative 2 - Naloxone Use, Acceptability, and Linking Patients to Services; Narrative 3 - Drug Arrests, Belief in Good Samaritan Laws, and Community Trust in Police; and Narrative 4 - Bystander Naloxone Use, Community Participation in Harm Reduction, and Cultural Change Towards Carrying Naloxone.

CONCLUSIONS

Our qualitative SD model brings a nuanced systems perspective to the literature on bystander behavior in the context of Good Samaritan Laws. Our model, grounded in local knowledge and experience, shows how the hypothesized non-linear interdependencies of the social, structural, and policy determinants of bystander behavior collectively form endogenous feedback loops that can be leveraged to design policies to advance and sustain systems change.

Overdose responses among rural people who use drugs: A multi-regional qualitative study

BACKGROUND

Efforts to distribute naloxone have equipped more people with the ability to reverse opioid overdoses but people who use drugs are often reluctant to call 911 due to concerns for legal repercussions. Rural communities face unique challenges in reducing overdose deaths compared to urban communities, including limited access to harm reduction services as well as greater concerns about stigma and privacy.

METHODS

The Rural Opioid Initiative was funded in 2017 to better understand the health-related harms associated with the opioid crisis in rural US communities and consists of eight studies spanning ten states and 65 counties. Each study conducted semi-structured qualitative interviews with people who use drugs to understand contextual factors influencing drug use and health behaviors. We analyzed qualitative data from seven studies with data available at the time of analysis to understand peer response to overdose.

RESULTS

Of the 304 participants interviewed, 55% were men, 70% were white, 80% reported current injection drug use, and 60% reported methamphetamine use. Similar to what has been found in studies focused on urban settings, people who use drugs in rural communities use a range of strategies to reverse overdoses, including non-evidence-based approaches. Several reported that multiple doses of naloxone are needed to reverse overdose. Three themes emerged around the willingness to call 911, including (1) hesitancy to call 911 for fear of legal consequences, (2) negative perceptions or experiences with law enforcement officers, and (3) efforts to obtain medical intervention while avoiding identification/law enforcement involvement.

CONCLUSION

People who use drugs employ multiple strategies to attempt overdose reversal, including non-evidence-based approaches. Greater education about the most effective and least harmful strategies is needed. Reluctance to call 911 is rooted in concerns about potential legal consequences as well as perceptions about law enforcement officers, which may be heightened in rural communities where people who use drugs are more easily identified by law enforcement. People who use drugs will go to great strides to connect their peers to needed medical services, suggesting that comprehensive interventions to reduce interactions with law enforcement officers and eliminate legal consequences for reporting overdoses are critical.

Racial/ethnic inequality in homelessness and drug overdose deaths in US States

PURPOSE

This study examined whether state-level racial disproportionality in homelessness is associated with racial disproportionality in overdose mortality.

METHODS

Counts of individuals experiencing homelessness (2015-2017; by state and racial/ethnic group) were obtained from the US Department of Housing and Urban Development; population estimates and counts of drug overdose deaths (2018-2021; by state and racial/ethnic group) were obtained from the National Center for Health Statistics. Homelessness and overdose mortality disproportionality scores were calculated to indicate the extent to which each racial group was over- or under- represented among those experiencing homelessness, or among overdose deaths, respectively (relative to each racial group's proportional share in the general population). For each racial group examined, ordinary least squares regression models with robust standard errors (SEs) examined associations between state-level disproportionality in homelessness and disproportionality in overdose mortality, adjusting for percent aged 18-64 and US Census Region, as well as disproportionality in educational attainment and unemployment.

RESULTS

State-level racial disproportionality in homelessness was significantly and positively associated with racial disproportionality in overdose mortality for Black (b = 0.16 [SE = 0.05]; p < .01), American Indian/Alaska Native (b = 0.71 [SE = 0.23]; p < .01), and Hispanic populations (b = 0.17 [SE = 0.05]; p < .01), in models adjusting for region and percent aged 18-64. The significant positive associations in these three populations persisted after adjusting for educational attainment disproportionality, yet the association was no longer significant in the Black population after adjusting for unemployment disproportionality.

CONCLUSION

States with the highest levels of racial/ethnic minority overrepresentation in homelessness generally also had relatively higher levels of racial/ethnic minority overrepresentation in overdose deaths.

Motivation and context of concurrent stimulant and opioid use among persons who use drugs in the rural United States: a multi-site qualitative inquiry

BACKGROUND

In recent years, stimulant use has increased among persons who use opioids in the rural U.S., leading to high rates of overdose and death. We sought to understand motivations and contexts for stimulant use among persons who use opioids in a large, geographically diverse sample of persons who use drugs (PWUD) in the rural settings.

METHODS

We conducted semi-structured individual interviews with PWUD at 8 U.S. sites spanning 10 states and 65 counties. Content areas included general substance use, injection drug use, changes in drug use, and harm reduction practices. We used an iterative open-coding process to comprehensively itemize and categorize content shared by participants related to concurrent use.

RESULTS

We interviewed 349 PWUD (64% male, mean age 36). Of those discussing current use of stimulants in the context of opioid use (n = 137, 39%), the stimulant most used was methamphetamine (78%) followed by cocaine/crack (26%). Motivations for co-use included: 1) change in drug markets and cost considerations; 2) recreational goals, e.g., seeking stronger effects after heightened opioid tolerance; 3) practical goals, such as a desire to balance or alleviate the effects of the other drug, including the use of stimulants to avoid/reverse opioid overdose, and/or control symptoms of opioid withdrawal; and 4) functional goals, such as being simultaneously energized and pain-free in order to remain productive for employment.

CONCLUSION

In a rural U.S. cohort of PWUD, use of both stimulants and opioids was highly prevalent. Reasons for dual use found in the rural context compared to urban studies included changes in drug availability, functional/productivity goals, and the use of methamphetamine to offset opioid overdose. Education efforts and harm reduction services and treatment, such as access to naloxone, fentanyl test strips, and accessible drug treatment for combined opioid and stimulant use, are urgently needed in the rural U.S. to reduce overdose and other adverse outcomes.

Awareness and knowledge of drug decriminalization among people who use drugs in British Columbia: a multi-method pre-implementation study

BACKGROUND

In January 2023, British Columbia implemented a three-year exemption to Controlled Drugs and Substances Act, as granted by the federal government of Canada, to decriminalize the personal possession of small amounts of certain illegal drugs. This decriminalization policy, the first in Canada, was announced in response to the overdose emergency in British Columbia as a public health intervention that could help curb overdose deaths by reducing the impact of criminalization and increasing access to health and social services through stigma reduction.

METHODS

The current multi-method study examines people who use drugs' awareness and knowledge of British Columbia's decriminalization model through cross-sectional quantitative surveys and qualitative interviews among people who use drugs from September-November 2022, immediately prior to the implementation of decriminalization.

RESULTS

Quantitative findings show that two-thirds (63%) of people who use drugs were aware of the policy, but substantial knowledge gaps existed about the legal protections afforded (threshold amount, substances included, drug trafficking, confiscation). The qualitative findings suggest that people who use drugs misunderstood the details of the provincial decriminalization model and often conflated it with regulation. Results suggest that information sharing about decriminalization were minimal pre-implementation, highlighting areas for knowledge dissemination about people who use drugs' rights under this policy.

CONCLUSIONS

Given that decriminalization in British Columbia is a new and landmark reform, and that the success of decriminalization and its benefits may be undermined by poor awareness and knowledge of it, efforts to share information, increase understanding, and empower the community, may be required to promote its implementation and benefits for the community.

Exploring trauma and wellbeing of people who use drugs after witnessing overdose: A qualitative study

BACKGROUND

The national overdose crisis is often quantified by overdose deaths, but understanding the traumatic impact for those who witness and respond to overdoses can help elucidate mental health needs and opportunities for intervention for this population. Many who respond to overdoses are people who use drugs. This study adds to the literature on how people who use drugs qualitatively experience trauma resulting from witnessing and responding to overdose, through the lens of the Trauma-Informed Theory of Individual Health Behavior.

METHODS

We conducted 60-min semi-structured, in-depth phone interviews. Participants were recruited from six states and Washington, DC in March-April 2022. Participants included 17 individuals who witnessed overdose(s) during the COVID-19 pandemic. The interview guide was shaped by theories of trauma. The codebook was developed using a priori codes from the interview guide; inductive codes were added during content analysis. Transcripts were coded using ATLAS.ti.

RESULTS

A vast majority reported trauma from witnessing overdoses. Participants reported that the severity of trauma varied by contextual factors such as the closeness of the relationship to the person overdosing or whether the event was their first experience witnessing an overdose. Participants often described symptoms of trauma including rumination, guilt, and hypervigilance. Some reported normalization of witnessing overdoses due to how common overdoses were, while some acknowledged overdoses will never be "normal." The impacts of witnessing overdose on drug use behaviors varied from riskier substance use to increased motivation for treatment and safer drug use practices.

CONCLUSION

Recognizing the traumatic impact of witnessed overdoses is key to effectively addressing the full range of sequelae of the overdose crisis. Trauma-informed approaches should be central for service providers when they approach this subject with clients, with awareness of how normalization can reduce help-seeking behaviors and the need for psychological aftercare. We found increased motivation for behavior change after witnessing, which presents opportunity for intervention.

Intersectional Stigma as a Fundamental Cause of Health Disparities: A case study of how drug use stigma intersecting with racism and xenophobia creates health inequities for Black and Hispanic persons who use drugs over time

Recent evidence points to racial and ethnic disparities in drug-related deaths and health conditions. Informed by stigma, intersectionality, intersectional stigma, and fundamental cause theories, we aimed to explore whether intersectional stigma was a fundamental cause of health. We document key events and policies over time and find that when progress is made new mechanisms emerge that negatively affect health outcomes for Black and Hispanic persons. We then focus on intersectional stigma targeting Black and Hispanic persons who use drugs. We document that when a person, or group of people, occupy multiple stigmatized identities the processes of stigmatization and scapegoating are particularly persistent and pernicious since people and groups can be stigmatized and scapegoated on varying intersections. We propose that an intersectional stigma framework allows for a better understanding of observed patterns over time, thereby providing a better guide for policies and interventions designed to reduce disparities. As a framework, intersectional stigma aims to recognize that when different sources of stigma collide, a new set of circumstances is created for those who reside in the intersection. We conclude that intersectional stigma is a fundamental cause of health inequities and provide policy recommendations aimed at dismantling intersectional stigma processes and mitigating the effects of intersectional stigmas to ultimately promote better health outcomes for Black and Hispanic persons who use drugs.

Pathways to racial disparities in the effects of Good Samaritan Laws: A mixed methods pilot study

BACKGROUND

Drug overdose deaths continue to rise, and considerable racial inequities have emerged. Overdose Good Samaritan laws (GSLs) are intended to encourage overdose witnesses to seek emergency assistance. However, evidence of their effectiveness is mixed, and little is known regarding racial disparities in their implementation. This study examined GSL impact by assessing racial differences in awareness of and trust in New York state's GSL.

METHODS

Using a sequential mixed methods design, Black and white participants were recruited from an existing longitudinal cohort study of people who use illicit opioids in New York City to participate in a quantitative survey and qualitative interviews. Racially stratified survey responses were analyzed using chi-squared tests, Fisher exact tests, or t-tests. Qualitative interviews were analyzed using a hybrid inductive-deductive approach.

RESULTS

Participants (n=128) were 56% male and predominantly aged 50 years or older. Most met criteria for severe opioid use disorder (81%). Fifty-seven percent reported that the New York GSL makes them more likely to call 911 even though 42% reported not trusting law enforcement to abide by the GSL; neither differed by race. Black people were less likely to have heard of the GSL (36.1% vs 60%) and were less likely to have accurate information regarding its protections (40.4% vs 49.6%).

CONCLUSIONS

Though GSLs may reduce negative impacts of the criminalization of people who use drugs, their implementation may exacerbate existing racial disparities. Resources should be directed towards harm reduction strategies that do not rely on trust in law enforcement.

National survey findings on law enforcement agency drug response practices, overdose victim outcomes, and Good Samaritan Laws

BACKGROUND

The United States continues to experience unprecedented rates of overdose mortality. Addressing the overdose epidemic has been challenging for policy makers given the lack of effectiveness of existing drug control policy measures. More recently, the implementation of harm reduction-based policies such as Good Samaritan Laws has led to increasing scholarly attention aimed at evaluating their effectiveness at reducing the likelihood of criminal justice-related sanctions for individuals following an overdose incident. The results of these studies, however, have been mixed.

METHODS

This study utilizes data from a nationally representative survey of law enforcement agencies designed to provide national information on services, policies, practices, operations, and resources of law enforcement drug response around overdoses to assess whether state Good Samaritan Laws reduce the likelihood of overdose victims being cited or being jailed following an overdose incident.

RESULTS

In general, findings indicate that although most agencies reported that overdose victims were not incarcerated or cited following an overdose incident, that this did not vary by whether agencies were in a state that had a GSL arrest protection for possession of controlled substances.

CONCLUSIONS

GSLs are often written in complex and confusing language that officers and people who use drugs do not fully understand, which may deter their being used for their intended purpose. Although GSLs are well-intentioned, these findings highlight the need for training and education for law enforcement and people who use drugs around the scope of these laws.

Awareness and knowledge of the Good Samaritan Drug Overdose Act among people at risk of witnessing an overdose in British Columbia, Canada: a multi-methods cross sectional study

Introduction

Bystanders to drug overdoses often avoid or delay calling 9–1-1 and cite fear of police involvement as a main reason. In 2017, the Good Samaritan Drug Overdose Act (GSDOA) was enacted by the Canadian government to provide people present at an overdose with legal protection from charges for simple drug possession, and conditions stemming from simple possession. Few studies have taken a multi-methods approach to evaluating the GSDOA. We used quantitative surveys and qualitative interviews to explore awareness, understanding, and perceptions of the GSDOA in people at risk of witnessing an overdose.

Methods

Quantitative cross-sectional surveys and qualitative telephone interviews were conducted with adults and youth at risk of witnessing an overdose across British Columbia. Cross-sectional survey participants were recruited at 19 Take Home Naloxone sites and online through Foundry. Multivariable logistic regression models were constructed hierarchically to determine factors associated with GSDOA awareness. Telephone interview participants were recruited by research assistants with lived/living experience of substance use. Deductive and inductive thematic analyses were conducted to identify major themes.

Results

Overall, 52.7% (n = 296) of the quantitative study sample (N = 453) reported being aware of the GSDOA. In multivariable analysis, cellphone possession (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 2.19; 95% confidence interval [CI] 1.36, 3.54) and having recently witnessed an opioid overdose (AOR = 2.34; 95% CI 1.45, 3.80) were positively associated with GSDOA awareness. Young adults (25 – 34 years) were more likely to be aware of the Act (AOR = 2.10; 95% CI 1.11, 3.98) compared to youth (16–24 years). Qualitative interviews (N = 42) revealed that many overestimated the protections offered by the GSDOA. To increase awareness and knowledge of the Act among youth, participants recommended adding the GSDOA to school curricula and using social media. Word of mouth was suggested to reach adults.

Conclusion

Both awareness and knowledge of the GSDOA remain low in BC, with many overestimating the protections the Act offers. Dissemination efforts should be led by people with lived/living experience and should target those with limited awareness and understanding of the Act as misunderstandings can erode trust in law enforcement and harm reduction policy.

Supplementary Information

The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1186/s13011-022-00472-4.

Review and inventory of 911 Good Samaritan Law Provisions in the United States

BACKGROUND

911 Good Samaritan Laws (GSLs) confer limited legal immunity to bystanders in possession of controlled substances who report emergency overdoses. While these laws may decrease opioid overdose mortality, current literature reduces GSLs to a small number of variables, overlooking substantial differences in implementation and statutory context which dramatically alter their applicability.

METHODS

We identified all state GSLs and their legislative history, characterizing features into four categories using a novel framework: breadth of protected activities, burden placed on Good Samaritans, strength of protection, and exemption in coverage. When protections depended on the nature of the controlled substance, heroin served as a common point of comparison.

RESULTS

GSLs vary substantially across states and time. Protections depend on the quantity of substances involved and may extend to the person experiencing the overdose or persons reporting their own overdose. Protected offenses range from possession of controlled substances to drug-induced homicide. In some states, Good Samaritans must complete substance use treatment or administer naloxone to retain protections. Immunity ranges from protection from arrest to merely procedural protections at trial, and may even exclude persons in possession of opioids. Exemptions target persons engaging in chronic substance use, such as persons invoking protection multiple times or previously reporting an overdose.

CONCLUSION

States offer Good Samaritans substantially different protections even when the statutes confer nominally comparable immunities. Accommodating this heterogeneity will enhance the validity of future studies into these laws and their efficacy.

Characteristics of events in which police responded to overdoses: an examination of incident reports in Rhode Island

Background

Narrow or non-existent Good Samaritan Law protections and harsh drug selling statutes in the USA have been shown to deter bystanders from seeking medical assistance for overdoses. Additionally, little is known about the actions that police take when responding to overdose events. The objectives of this study were to assess the prevalence and correlates of naloxone administration by police, as well as to examine overdose events where arrests were made and those in which the person who overdosed was described as combative.

Methods

We analyzed incident reports of police responding to an overdose between September 1, 2019, and August 31, 2020 (i.e., 6 months prior to and during the COVID-19 pandemic), from a city in Rhode Island. We examined characteristics of incidents, as well as individual characteristics of the person who overdosed. Correlates of police naloxone administration were assessed using Wilcoxon rank sum tests and Fisher’s exact tests, and we examined incidents where arrests occurred and incidents in which the person who overdosed was described as combative descriptively.

Results

Among the 211 incidents in which police responded to an overdose during the study period, we found that police administered naloxone in approximately 10% of incidents. In most incidents, police were the last group of first responders to arrive on scene (59%), and most often, naloxone was administered by others (65%). Police were significantly more likely to administer naloxone when they were the first professionals to arrive, when naloxone had not been administered by others, and when the overdose occurred in public or in a vehicle. Arrests at overdose events were rarely reported (1%), and people who overdosed were rarely (1%) documented in incident reports as being ‘combative.’

Conclusions

Considering these findings, ideally, all jurisdictions should have sufficient first responder staffing and resources to ensure a rapid response to overdose events, with police rarely or never dispatched to respond to overdoses. However, until this ideal can be achieved, any available responders should be dispatched concurrently, with police instructed to resume patrol once other professional responders arrive on scene; additionally, warrant searches of persons on scene should be prohibited.

Supplementary Information

The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1186/s12954-022-00698-2.

Stayin' Alive in Little 5: Application of Sentiment Analysis to Investigate Emotions of Service Industry Workers Responding to Drug Overdoses

The opioid epidemic has increasingly been recognized as a public health issue and has challenged our current legal, social, and ethical beliefs regarding drug use. The epidemic not only impacts persons who use drugs, but also those around them, including people who do not expect to witness an overdose. For example, in the commercial district of Little 5 Points, Atlanta, GA, many service industry workers have become de facto responders to opioid overdoses when a person experiences an opioid-involved overdose in their place of employment. To provide additional insights into >300 pages of interview data collected from service industry workers that have responded to an opioid overdose while at work, we utilized a mixed-methods approach to conduct this sentiment analysis. First, using R version 4.2.1, a data-science based textual analytic approach was applied to the interview data. Using a corpus algorithm, each line of interview text was characterized as one of the eight following sentiments, anger, anticipation, disgust, fear, joy, sadness, surprise, or trust. Once having identified statements that fit into each of these eight codes, qualitative thematic analysis was conducted. The three most prevalent emotions elucidated from these interviews with service industry workers were trust, anticipation, and joy with 20.4%, 16.2%, and 14.7% across all statements, respectively labeled as each emotion. Thematic analysis revealed three themes in the data: (1) individuals have a part to address in the opioid epidemic, (2) communities have many needs related to the opioid crisis, and (3) structural forces create pathways and barriers to opioid overdose response and rescue. This analysis thematically identified roles service industry workers have in addressing the opioid crisis in Atlanta. Similarly, community needs and barriers to responding to an opioid-involved overdose were characterized. Uniquely, this study found key sentiments related to each of these themes. Future research can leverage these findings to inform the development of overdose prevention and response interventions for service industry works that systematically address common emotions and beliefs trainees may have.

Naloxone administration by law enforcement officers in New York State (2015-2020)

BACKGROUND

The COVID-19 pandemic has amplified the need for wide deployment of effective harm reduction strategies in preventing opioid overdose mortality. Placing naloxone in the hands of key responders, including law enforcement officers who are often first on the scene of a suspected overdose, is one such strategy. New York State (NYS) was one of the first states to implement a statewide law enforcement naloxone administration program. This article provides an overview of the law enforcement administration of naloxone in NYS between 2015 and 2020 and highlights key characteristics of over 9000 opioid overdose reversal events.

METHODS

Data in naloxone usage report forms completed by police officers were compiled and analyzed. Data included 9133 naloxone administration reports by 5835 unique officers located in 60 counties across NYS. Descriptive statistics were used to examine attributes of the aided individuals, including differences between fatal and non-fatal incidents. Additional descriptive analyses were conducted for incidents in which law enforcement officers arrived first at the scene of suspected overdose. Comparisons were made to examine year-over-year trends in administration as naloxone formulations were changed. Quantitative analysis was supplemented by content analysis of officers' notes (n = 2192).

RESULTS

In 85.9% of cases, law enforcement officers arrived at the scene of a suspected overdose prior to emergency medical services (EMS) personnel. These officers assessed the likelihood of an opioid overdose having occurred based on the aided person's breathing status and other information obtained on the scene. They administered an average of 2 doses of naloxone to aided individuals. In 36.8% of cases, they reported additional administration of naloxone by other responders including EMS, fire departments, and laypersons. Data indicated the aided survived the suspected overdose in 87.4% of cases.

CONCLUSIONS

With appropriate training, law enforcement personnel were able to recognize opioid overdoses and prevent fatalities by administering naloxone and carrying out time-sensitive medical interventions. These officers provided life-saving services to aided individuals alongside other responders including EMS, fire departments, and bystanders. Further expansion of law enforcement naloxone administration nationally and internationally could help decrease opioid overdose mortality.

Real-world study of multiple naloxone administrations for opioid overdose reversal among emergency medical service providers

Background: The increasing rates of highly potent, illicit synthetic opioids (i.e., fentanyl) in the US is exacerbating the ongoing opioid epidemic. Multiple naloxone administrations (MNA) may be required to successfully reverse opioid overdoses. We conducted a real-world study to assess the rate of MNA for opioid overdose and identify factors associated with MNA. Methods: Data from the 2015-2020 National Emergency Medical Services Information System was examined to determine trends in events requiring MNA. Logistic regression analysis was performed to determine factors associated with MNA. Results: The percentage of individuals receiving MNA increased from 18.4% in 2015 to 28.4% in 2020. The odds of an event requiring MNA significantly increased by 11% annually. The adjusted odds ratio (aOR) for MNA were greatest among males, when advanced life support (ALS) was provided, and when the dispatch complaint indicated there was a drug poisoning event. Conclusions: The 54% increase in MNA since 2015 parallels the rise in overdose deaths attributable to synthetic opioids. This growth is visible in all regions of the country, including the West, where the prevalence of illicitly manufactured synthetic opioids is intensifying. Given this phenomenon, higher naloxone formulations may fulfill an unmet need in addressing the opioid overdose crisis.

Understanding Racial Inequities in the Implementation of Harm Reduction Initiatives

Objectives. To elucidate a structurally oriented theoretical framework that considers legacies of racism, trauma, and social exclusion and to interrogate the "unmet obligations" of the institutionalization of the harm reduction infrastructure to provide equitable protections to Black and Latinx people who use drugs (PWUD) in Maryland. Methods. In 2019, we conducted a rapid ethnographic assessment of and qualitative interviews with PWUD (n = 72) and stakeholders (n = 85) in 5 Maryland counties. We assessed PWUD's experiences, service gaps in as well as barriers and facilitators to accessing services, and the potential to expand harm reduction programs. Results. The unmet obligations we found included enforcement and punitive governance of syringes, naloxone, and other drug use equipment; racism and racialization, social exclusion, and legacies of trauma; and differential implications of harm reduction for populations experiencing racialized criminalization. Conclusions. The implementation of harm reduction policies are a first step, but assessment of structural dynamics are needed for diverse communities with unique histories. This research illuminates a key paradox: progressive policy is implemented, yet the overdose crisis escalates in communities where various forms of racialized exclusions are firmly entrenched. (Am J Public Health. 2022;112(S2):S173-S181. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2022.306767).

Drug overdose mortality by race/ethnicity across US-born and immigrant populations

BACKGROUND

The present study examined racial/ethnic differences in US drug overdose mortality among US-born and foreign-born men and women.

METHODS

In this cross-sectional analysis of 2010-2019 data from the National Center for Health Statistics, Bayesian hierarchical models predicted drug overdose mortality based on the interaction of race/ethnicity, nativity, and sex, adjusting for age, for 518,553 drug overdose deaths among individuals ages 15-74 identified as Non-Hispanic (NH) White, NH Black, Hispanic, or NH Asian/Pacific Islander (PI). Rate ratios with 95% Highest Posterior Density Intervals (HPDIs) were examined by race/ethnicity and nativity.

RESULTS

In the US-born population, 2017-2019 estimated overdose mortality rates were higher for NH Black than NH White men (ratio 1.48 [95% HPDI 1.28-1.72]), similar between NH Black and NH White women (ratio 1.03 [95% HPDI 0.89-1.20]), similar between Hispanic and NH White men (ratio 0.96 [95% HPDI 0.82-1.10]), and lower for NH Asian/PI than NH White men and women. In the foreign-born population, both for men and women, estimated overdose mortality rates were lower in every racial/ethnic group relative to the NH White group. For men and women of all racial/ethnic groups examined, estimated overdose mortality rates were higher in US-born than foreign-born subpopulations, yet the extent of this nativity differential was least pronounced in the NH White group.

CONCLUSIONS

In the US-born population, NH Black men experienced the highest recent rates of overdose mortality; in the foreign-born population, the highest rates of overdose mortality were observed among NH White men and women.

Perspectives from law enforcement officers who respond to overdose calls for service and administer naloxone

BACKGROUND

Many law enforcement agencies across the United States equip their officers with the life-saving drug naloxone to reverse the effects of an opioid overdose. Although officers can be effectively trained to administer naloxone, and hundreds of law enforcement agencies carry naloxone to reverse overdoses, little is known about what happens on scene during an overdose call for service from an officer's perspective, including what officers perceive their duties and responsibilities to be as the incident evolves.

METHODS

The qualitative study examined officers' experiences with overdose response, their perceived roles, and what happens on scene before, during, and after an overdose incident. In-person interviews were conducted with 17 officers in four diverse law enforcement agencies in the United States between January and May 2020.

RESULTS

Following an overdose, the officers described that overdose victims are required to go to a hospital or they are taken to jail. Officers also described their duties on scene during and after naloxone administration, including searching the belongings of the person who overdosed and seizing any drug paraphernalia.

CONCLUSION

These findings point to a pressing need for rethinking standard operating procedures for law enforcement in these situations so that the intentions of Good Samaritan Laws are upheld and people get the assistance they need without being deterred from asking for future help.

How do naloxone-based interventions work to reduce overdose deaths: a realist review

BACKGROUND

Naloxone-based interventions as part of health systems can reverse an opioid overdose. Previous systematic reviews have identified the effectiveness of naloxone; however, the role of context and mechanisms for its use has not been explored. This realist systematic review aims to identify a theory of how naloxone works based on the contexts and mechanisms that contribute to the success of the intervention for improved outcomes.

METHODS

Pre-registered at PROSPERO, this realist review followed RAMESES standards of reporting. Keywords included 'naloxone' and ' opioid overdose'. All study designs were included. Data extraction using 55 relevant outputs based on realist logic produced evidence of two middle-range theories: Naloxone Bystander Intervention Theory and Skills Transfer Theory.

RESULTS

Harm reduction and/or low threshold contexts provide a non-judgemental approach which support in-group norms of helping and empower the social identity of the trained and untrained bystander. This context also creates the conditions necessary for skills transfer and diffusion of the intervention into social networks. Stigma and negative attitudes held by first responders and stakeholders involved in the implementation process, such as police or GPs, can prohibit the bystander response by inducing fear in responding. This interferes with skills transfer, naloxone use and carriage of naloxone kits.

CONCLUSIONS

The findings provide theoretically informed guidance regarding the harm reduction contexts that are essential for the successful implementation of naloxone-based interventions. Peer-to-peer models of training are helpful as it reinforces social identity and successful skills transfer between bystanders. Health systems may want to assess the prevalence of, and take steps to reduce opioid-related stigma with key stakeholders in contexts using a low threshold training approach to build an environment  to support positive naloxone outcomes.

TRIAL REGISTRATION

PROSPERO 2019 CRD42019141003.

Polysubstance Overdose Deaths in the Fentanyl Era: A Latent Class Analysis

OBJECTIVES

To elucidate the main latent classes of substances detected among overdose decedents, and latent class associations with age, sex, race, and jurisdiction of death in Maryland.

METHODS

We used toxicology data from the Office of the Chief Medical Examiner of Maryland for all decedents. We analyzed all cases of drug overdose deaths that occurred from 2016 to 2018 (N = 6566) using latent class analysis and regression.

RESULTS

Drug overdose deaths were concentrated in 2 of 24 counties in Maryland (Baltimore City and County). Fentanyl was involved in 71% of all drug overdose deaths, and the majority (76%) of these deaths included multiple substances. Three latent classes emerged: (1) fentanyl/heroin/cocaine (64%); (2) fentanyl/alcohol (18%); and (3) prescription drugs including opioids, benzodiazepines and antidepressants (18.0%). The fentanyl/heroin/cocaine class members were significantly younger (<30 years), female and White compared to the fentanyl/alcohol class, but more male and non-White than the prescription drugs class (all P < 0.05). Deaths in Baltimore City/County were more likely than in other locations to involve fentanyl/alcohol (P < 0.05).

CONCLUSIONS

The majority of fentanyl-involved overdose deaths in Maryland involved multiple substances, and several demographic and geographic differences in these patterns emerged. Geographically-targeted interventions that are tailored to reduce the harms associated with polysubstance use (including cocaine, alcohol, and prescription drugs) for different demographic groups are warranted.

"The Law Doesn't Protect Me": Examining the Effectiveness of Good Samaritan Drug Overdose Legislation

Background: Amid an unprecedented overdose crisis in Canada, the federal government passed the Good Samaritan Drug Overdose Act, which provides immunity from simple drug possession charges to overdose witnesses who phone 911. The law was meant to address the barriers posed by police presence and to encourage bystanders to seek emergency supports. Objectives: Our goal was to examine the effectiveness of the Good Samaritan law from the perspective of people who use drugs. We wanted to find out how aware they were of the law's protections and limitations, if first responders were adhering to the legislation, and if it ultimately had an impact on bystanders' helpseeking behaviors. Methods: We engaged a participatory research process that included surveys and focus groups with 109 people who use drugs in Ontario, Canada. This article focuses on the qualitative findings from focus group with 40 individuals in three cities. Results: Our results reveal that people who use drugs are confused about the law's safeguards, and based on their negative experiences with police, do not trust police to uphold the letter or spirit of the legislation. As a result, many engage in strategies to avoid contact with law enforcement. Conclusions/Importance: Greater knowledge of the law is beneficial, but even with such knowledge, mistrust of police and fear of criminal charges continue to deter people from calling 911. Good Samaritan laws would be more effective if they included a broader range of protections beyond simple possession and if police did not routinely attend overdoses.

The Public Health Approach to the Worsening Opioid Crisis in the United States Calls for Harm Reduction Strategies to Mitigate the Harm From Opioid Addiction and Overdose Deaths

The opioid crisis has devastated the U.S. more than any other country, and the epidemic is getting worse. While opioid prescriptions have decreased by more than 40% from its peak in 2010, unfortunately, opioid-related overdose deaths have not declined but continued to increase. With greater scrutiny on prescription opioids, many users switched to the cheaper and more readily available heroin that drove up heroin-related overdose deaths from 2010 to peak in 2016, being overtaken by the spike in synthetic opioid (mostly fentanyl)-related overdose deaths. The surge in fentanyl-related overdose deaths since 2013 is alarming as fentanyl is more potent and deadly. One thing is certain the opioid crisis is not improving but has become dire with the surge in fentanyl-related overdose deaths. Evidence-based strategies have to be implemented in the U.S. to control this epidemic before it destroys more lives. Other countries, including European countries and Canada, have invested more in harm reduction strategies than the U.S. even though they (especially Europe) do not face anywhere near the level of crisis as the U.S. In the long-run, upstream measures (tackling the social determinants of health) are more effective public health strategies to control the epidemic. In the meantime, however, harm reduction strategies have to be employed to mitigate the harm from addiction and overdose deaths.

Peer Support and Overdose Prevention Responses: A Systematic 'State-of-the-Art' Review

Overdose prevention for people who use illicit drugs is essential during the current overdose crisis. Peer support is a process whereby individuals with lived or living experience of a particular phenomenon provide support to others by explicitly drawing on these experiences. This review provides a systematic search and evidence synthesis of peer support within overdose prevention interventions for people who use illicit drugs. A systematic search of six databases (CINAHL, SocINDEX, PsycINFO, MEDLINE, Scopus, and Web of Knowledge) was conducted in November 2020 for papers published in English between 2000 and 2020. Following screening and full-text review, 46 papers met criteria and were included in this review. A thematic analysis approach was used to synthesize themes. Important findings include: the value of peers in creating trusted services; the diversity of peers' roles; the implications of barriers on peer-involved overdose prevention interventions; and the stress and trauma experienced by peers. Peers play a pivotal role in overdose prevention interventions for people who use illicit drugs and are essential to the acceptability and feasibility of such services. However, peers face considerable challenges within their roles, including trauma and burnout. Future interventions must consider how to support and strengthen peer roles in overdose settings.

Perceived vulnerability to overdose-related arrests among people who use drugs in Maryland

BACKGROUND

People who use drugs (PWUD) must weigh complex legal scenarios when seeking help during overdose events. Good Samaritan laws (GSL) offer limited immunity for certain low-level drug crimes to encourage PWUD to call 911. Drug-induced homicide laws (DHL) allow for criminal prosecution of people delivering drugs that result in overdose death and may exert opposing effects on the decision-making process. We examined whether perceptions of these laws were related to overall perceived vulnerability to overdose-related arrests, which can impact help-seeking and overdose mortality.

METHODS

We conducted a cross-sectional study of PWUD (N = 173) in Anne Arundel County, Maryland and measured sociodemographic characteristics, structural vulnerabilities, and knowledge of GSL and DHL. Perceived vulnerability to overdose-related arrest was defined as self-reported concern arising from calling 911, receiving medical help, or supplying drugs in the event of an overdose. Multivariable logistic regression was used to identify significant correlates of perceived vulnerability to overdose-related arrest.

RESULTS

Most participants were aware of DHL (87%) and half were aware of GSL (53%). Forty-seven percent of PWUD expressed concern about arrest during or due to an overdose. After adjustment, positive correlates of perceived vulnerability to arrest were non-white race (aOR 2.0, 95% CI 1.5-2.5) and hearing of somebody charged with DHL (aOR 3.1, 95%CI 1.9-5.0), and negative correlates were history of drug treatment (aOR 0.6, 95%CI 0.4-1.0), receiving naloxone (aOR 0.6, 95% CI 0.4-1.0), and having made, sold or traded drugs in the past 3 months (aOR 0.4, 95% CI 0.2-0.9).

CONCLUSIONS

We report persisting concern about arrest during overdose events among street-based PWUD facing a complicated landscape of legal protections and liabilities. Findings demonstrate clear racial disparities of concern outside an urban centre, where impacts of policing on health are less studied, and present evidence that DHL may compromise overdose prevention efforts. Changes to drug policy and enforcement including police nonattendance at overdose scenes may be necessary to promote help-seeking among PWUD and reduce overdose fatalities.

A drug-related Good Samaritan Law and calling emergency medical services for drug overdoses in a Canadian setting

Background

People who use drugs (PWUD) are known to fear calling emergency medical services (EMS) for drug overdoses. In response, drug-related Good Samaritan Laws (GSLs) have been widely adopted in the USA and Canada to encourage bystanders to call emergency medical services (EMS) in the event of a drug overdose. However, the effect of GSLs on EMS-calling behaviours has been understudied. We sought to identify factors associated with EMS-calling, including the enactment of the Canadian GSL in May 2017, among PWUD in Vancouver, Canada, a setting with an ongoing overdose crisis.

Methods

Data were derived from three prospective cohort studies of PWUD in Vancouver in 2014–2018. Multivariable logistic regression was used to determine factors associated with EMS-calling among PWUD who witnessed an overdose event. An interrupted time series (ITS) analysis was employed to assess the impact of GSL on monthly prevalence of EMS-calling.

Results

Among 540 eligible participants, 321 (59%) were males and 284 (53%) reported calling EMS. In multivariable analysis, ever having administered naloxone three or more times (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] 2.00; 95% confidence interval [CI] 1.08–3.74) and residence in the Downtown Eastside (DTES) neighbourhood of Vancouver (AOR 1.96; 95% CI 1.23–3.13) were positively associated with EMS-calling, while living in a single occupancy hotel (SRO) was negatively associated with EMS-calling (AOR 0.51; 95% CI 0.30–0.86). The post-GSL enactment period was not associated with EMS-calling (AOR 0.81; 95% CI 0.52–1.25). The ITS found no significant difference in the monthly prevalence of EMS-calling between pre- and post-GSL enactment periods.

Conclusion

We observed EMS being called about half the time and the GSL did not appear to encourage EMS-calling. We also found that individuals living in SROs were less likely to call EMS, which raises concern given that fatal overdose cases are concentrated in SROs in our setting. The link between many naloxone administrations and EMS-calling could indicate that those with prior experience in responding to overdose events were more willing to call EMS. Increased efforts are warranted to ensure effective emergency responses for drug overdoses among PWUD.

Supplementary Information

The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1186/s12954-021-00537-w.

Good Samaritan laws and overdose mortality in the United States in the fentanyl era

BACKGROUND

As of July 2018, 45 United States (US) states and the District of Columbia have enacted an overdose Good Samaritan law (GSL). These laws, which provide limited criminal immunity to individuals who request assistance during an overdose, may be of importance in the current wave of the overdose epidemic, which is driven primarily by illicit opioids including heroin and fentanyl. There are substantial differences in the structures of states' GSL laws which may impact their effectiveness. This study compared GSLs which have legal provisions protecting from arrest and laws which have more limited protections.

METHODS

Using national county-level overdose mortality data from 3109 US counties, we examined the association of enactment of GSLs with protection from arrest and GSLs with more limited protections with subsequent overdose mortality between 2013 and 2018. Since GSLs are often enacted in conjunction with Naloxone Access Laws (NAL), we examined the effect of GSLs separately and in conjunction with NAL. We conducted these analyses using hierarchical Bayesian spatiotemporal Poisson models.

RESULTS

GSLs with protections against arrest enactment in conjunction with a NAL were associated with 7% lower rates of all overdose deaths (rate ratio (RR): 0.93% Credible Interval (CI): 0.89-0.97), 10% lower rates in opioid overdose deaths (RR: 0.90; CI: 0.85-0.95) and 11% lower rates of heroin/synthetic overdose mortality (RR: 0.89; CI: 0.82-0.96) two years after enactment, compared to rates in states without these laws. Significant reductions in overdose mortality were not seen for GSLs with protections for charge or prosecution.

CONCLUSION

GSLs with more expansive legal protections combined with a NAL, were associated with lower rates of overdose deaths, although these risk reductions take time to manifest. Policy makers should consider enacting and implementing more expansive GSLs with arrest protections to increase the likelihood people will contact emergency services in the event of an overdose.

Knowledge of a Drug-Related Good Samaritan Law Among People Who Use Drugs, Vancouver, Canada

BACKGROUND

Across the United States and Canada drug-related Good Samaritan laws (GSLs) have been enacted to encourage observers of acute drug overdose events to contact emergency medical services (EMS) without fear of legal repercussions. However, little is known about the working knowledge of GSLs among people who use illicit drugs (PWUD). We sought to evaluate the prevalence and factors associated with accurate knowledge of a GSL among PWUD in Vancouver, Canada, 1 year after the GSL was enacted.

METHOD

We used data from participants in three community-recruited prospective cohort studies of PWUD interviewed between June and November 2018. Multivariable logistic regression was used to identify factors associated with accurate knowledge of the GSL.

RESULTS

Among 1,258 participants, including 760 males (60%), 358 (28%) had accurate knowledge of the GSL. In multivariable analyses, participants who reported ever having a negative police encounter (defined as being stopped, searched, or detained by the police) were less likely to have accurate knowledge of the GSL (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 0.70; 95% CI [0.54, 0.90]), while those involved in drug dealing were more likely to have accurate knowledge of the GSL (AOR = 1.50; 95% CI [1.06, 2.06]).

DISCUSSION

Despite having been enacted for a full year, approximately three quarters of participants did not have accurate GSL knowledge, warranting urgent educational efforts among PWUD. Additional research is needed to understand whether GSLs can mitigate the fears of legal repercussions among those engaged in drug dealing and with past negative experiences with the police.