Does investor ownership of nursing homes compromise the quality of care?

OBJECTIVES

Two thirds of nursing homes are investor owned. This study examined whether investor ownership affects quality.

METHODS

We analyzed 1998 data from state inspections of 13,693 nursing facilities. We used a multivariate model and controlled for case mix, facility characteristics, and location.

RESULTS

Investor-owned facilities averaged 5.89 deficiencies per home, 46.5% higher than nonprofit facilities and 43.0% higher than public facilities. In multivariate analysis, investor ownership predicted 0.679 additional deficiencies per home; chain ownership predicted an additional 0.633 deficiencies. Nurse staffing was lower at investor-owned nursing homes.

CONCLUSIONS

Investor-owned nursing homes provide worse care and less nursing care than do not-for-profit or public homes.

Smoking and mental illness: A population-based prevalence study

CONTEXT

Studies of selected groups of persons with mental illness, such as those who are institutionalized or seen in mental health clinics, have reported rates of smoking to be higher than in persons without mental illness. However, recent population-based, nationally representative data are lacking.

OBJECTIVE

To assess rates of smoking and tobacco cessation in adults, with and without mental illness.

DESIGN, SETTING, AND PARTICIPANTS

Analysis of data on 4411 respondents aged 15 to 54 years from the National Comorbidity Survey, a nationally representative multistage probability survey conducted from 1991 to 1992.

MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES

Rates of smoking and tobacco cessation according to the number and type of psychiatric diagnoses, assessed by a modified version of the Composite International Diagnostic Interview.

RESULTS

Current smoking rates for respondents with no mental illness, lifetime mental illness, and past-month mental illness were 22.5%, 34.8%, and 41.0%, respectively. Lifetime smoking rates were 39.1%, 55.3%, and 59.0%, respectively (P<.001 for all comparisons). Smokers with any history of mental illness had a self-reported quit rate of 37.1% (P =.04), and smokers with past-month mental illness had a self-reported quit rate of 30. 5% (P<.001) compared with smokers without mental illness (42.5%). Odds ratios for current and lifetime smoking in respondents with mental illness in the past month vs respondents without mental illness, adjusted for age, sex, and region of the country, were 2.7 (95% confidence interval [CI], 2.3-3.1) and 2.7 (95% CI, 2.4-3.2), respectively. Persons with a mental disorder in the past month consumed approximately 44.3% of cigarettes smoked by this nationally representative sample.

CONCLUSIONS

Persons with mental illness are about twice as likely to smoke as other persons but have substantial quit rates. JAMA. 2000;284:2606-2610.

Trends in health insurance coverage, 1989-1997

The authors analyze trends in health insurance coverage in the United States from 1989 through 1997, using cross-sectional surveys by the U.S. Census Bureau (Current Population Survey) of 160,000 persons representative of the non-institutionalized population. Between 1989 and 1997, the number of people without health insurance increased by 10.1 million to 43.4 million. From 1989 to 1993, the proportion covered by Medicaid increased by 3.6 percentage points while the proportion covered by private insurance declined by 4.2 percentage points. Since then, private coverage rates have stabilized and Medicaid coverage has decreased. Consequently, the number and percent uninsured continues to rise. Young adults age 18-39 had the largest increase in the proportion uninsured, and rates among children have also risen steeply since 1992. While blacks had the largest increase in the percent uninsured, Hispanics accounted for 35.6 percent of the increase in the number uninsured. Low-income families constituted over half of the increase in the number uninsured, but since 1993 the middle income group had the largest increase in the percent uninsured. Northeastern states had the largest increase in the percent uninsured. Thus, despite economic prosperity, the numbers and rates of the uninsured continue to rise. Principally affected are children and young adults, poor and middle-income families, blacks, and Hispanics.

Quality of care in investor-owned vs not-for-profit HMOs

CONTEXT

The proportion of health maintenance organization (HMO) members enrolled in investor-owned plans has increased sharply, yet little is known about the quality of these plans compared with not-for-profit HMOs.

OBJECTIVE

To compare quality-of-care measures for investor-owned and not-for-profit HMOs.

DESIGN, SETTING, AND PARTICIPANTS

Analysis of the Health Plan Employer Data and Information Set (HEDIS) Version 3.0 from the National Committee for Quality Assurance's Quality Compass 1997, which included 1996 quality-of-care data for 329 HMO plans (248 investor-owned and 81 not-for-profit), representing 56% of the total HMO enrollment in the United States.

MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES

Rates for 14 HEDIS quality-of-care indicators.

RESULTS

Compared with not-for-profit HMOs, investor-owned plans had lower rates for all 14 quality-of-care indicators. Among patients discharged from the hospital after myocardial infarction, 59.2% of members in investor-owned HMOs vs 70.6% in not-for-profit plans received a beta-blocker (P<.001); 35.1% of patients with diabetes mellitus in investor-owned plans vs 47.9% in not-for-profit plans had annual eye examinations (P<.001). Investor-owned plans had lower rates than not-for-profit plans of immunization (63.9% vs 72.3%; P<.001), mammography (69.4% vs 75.1%; P<.001), Papanicolaou tests (69.2% vs 77.1%; P<.001), and psychiatric hospitalization (70.5% vs 77.1%; P<.001). Quality scores were highest for staff- and group-model HMOs. In multivariate analyses, investor ownership was consistently associated with lower quality after controlling for model type, geographic region, and the method each HMO used to collect data.

CONCLUSIONS

Investor-owned HMOs deliver lower quality of care than not-for-profit plans.

A reappraisal of private employers' role in providing health insurance

BACKGROUND

In 1996, according to official figures, 61 percent of Americans received health insurance through employers. However, this estimate includes persons who relied primarily on government insurance such as Medicare, workers whose employers arranged their insurance but contributed nothing toward the premiums, and government employees whose private coverage was paid for by taxpayers.

METHODS

To estimate the number of persons whose principal health insurance was paid for in whole or in part by employers in the private sector and the number receiving government-funded insurance, we analyzed data from the March 1997 Current Population Survey. Approximately 130,000 persons representative of the noninstitutionalized U.S. population were sampled. We considered people to be covered principally by health insurance paid for by private-sector employers if they had no public insurance coverage and were covered by insurance from a non-governmental employer who paid all or part of their premiums. Those who were covered by Medicaid, Medicare, insurance resulting from former or current military service, or the Indian Health Service were considered to be receiving government insurance.

RESULTS

In 1996, 43.1 percent of the population (90 percent confidence interval, 42.7 to 43.5 percent) depended principally on health insurance paid for by private-sector employers, 34.2 percent (90 percent confidence interval, 33.8 to 34.6 percent) had publicly funded insurance, 7.1 percent (90 percent confidence interval, 6.8 to 7.6 percent) purchased their own coverage, and 15.6 percent (90 percent confidence interval, 15.3 to 15.9 percent) were uninsured. In only six states was more than half the population covered principally by health insurance paid for by private-sector employers.

CONCLUSIONS

Current definitions of health insurance overemphasize the role of private employers and underestimate the extent to which government pays for health insurance.

Going bare: trends in health insurance coverage, 1989 through 1996

OBJECTIVES

This study analyzed trends in health insurance coverage in the United States from 1989 through 1996.

METHODS

Data from annual cross-sectional surveys by the US Census Bureau were analyzed.

RESULTS

Between 1989 and 1996, the number of uninsured persons increased by 8.3 million (90% confidence interval [CI] = 7.7, 8.9 million). In 1996, 41.7 million (90% CI = 40.9, 42.5 million) lacked insurance. From 1989 to 1993, the proportion with Medicaid increased by 3.6 percentage points (90% CI = 3.1, 4.0), while the proportion with private insurance declined by 4.2 percentage points (90% CI = 3.7, 4.7). From 1993 to 1996 private coverage rates stabilized but did not reverse earlier declines. Consequently, the number uninsured continued to increase. The greatest increase in the population of uninsured [corrected] was among young adults aged 18 to 39 years; rates among children also rose steeply after 1992. While Blacks had the largest percentage increase, Hispanics accounted for 36.4% (90% CI = 32.3%, 40.5%) of the increase in the number uninsured. From 1989 to 1993, the majority of the increase was among poor families. Since then, middle-income families have incurred the largest increase. Northcentral and northeastern states had the largest increases in percent uninsured.

CONCLUSIONS

Despite economic prosperity, the numbers and rates of the uninsured continued to rise. Principally affected were children and young adults, poor and middle income families, blacks, and Hispanics.

Can Medicaid managed care provide continuity of care to new Medicaid enrollees? An analysis of tenure on Medicaid

OBJECTIVES

The purpose of this study was to analyze duration of coverage among new Medicaid enrollees.

METHODS

The 1991 Survey of Income and Program Participation was used to examined the duration of coverage for individuals who did not have Medicaid in January 1991 and obtained coverage by May 1993.

RESULTS

Of new Medicaid enrollees, 38% (90% confidence interval [CI] = 34%, 42%) remained covered 1 year later; 26% (90% CI = 21%, 31%) remained covered at 28 months. Of those older than 65 years, 54% (90% CI = 31%, 77%) retained Medicaid for 28 months, vs 20% (90% CI = 14%, 26%) of children. Of people who lost Medicaid, 54% (90% CI = 31%, 77%) had no insurance the following month.

CONCLUSIONS

Almost two thirds of new Medicaid recipients lose coverage within 12 months. It is unlikely that Medicaid managed care will enhance continuity of care for new recipients.

Costs of care and administration at for-profit and other hospitals in the United States

BACKGROUND

In fiscal year 1990, administration accounted for 24.8 percent of total hospital costs in the United States - nearly twice the share in Canada. Studies from the 1970s and early 1980s found high costs, especially for administration, at for-profit hospitals.

METHODS

We calculated administrative costs for 6227 nonfederal hospitals and the total costs of inpatient care for 5201 acute care hospitals in the United States for fiscal year 1994 on the basis of data the hospitals submitted to Medicare. We analyzed similar data for fiscal year 1990. Using multivariate analysis, we assessed the effect of hospital ownership (private not-for-profit, for-profit, and public) on administrative costs, controlling for hospital type, census region, hospital size, and the proportion of revenues derived from outpatient services. We adjusted inpatient costs for local wage levels, hospitals' reporting periods, and case mix.

RESULTS

Administrative costs accounted for an average of 26.0 percent of total hospital costs in fiscal year 1994, up 1.2 percentage points from 1990. They increased by 2.2 percentage points, to 34.0 percent, for for-profit hospitals; by 1.2 percentage points, to 24.5 percent, for private not-for-profit hospitals; and by 0.6 percentage point, to 22.9 percent, for public hospitals. In 1994, administration accounted for 37.5 percent of total costs at psychiatric hospitals (44.4 percent at for-profit hospitals) and 33.0 percent of total costs at rehabilitation hospitals (37.7 percent at for-profit hospitals). In a multivariate analysis, for-profit ownership was associated with a 7.9 percent absolute (34 percent relative) increase in the proportion of hospital spending devoted to administration as compared with public hospitals and a 5.7 percent absolute (23 percent relative) increase as compared with private not-for-profit hospitals. Among acute care hospitals, for-profit institutions had higher adjusted costs per discharge ($8,115) than did private not-for-profit ($7,490) or public ($6,507) hospitals. Much of the difference was due to higher administrative costs ($2,289, $1,809, and $1,432 per discharge, respectively).

CONCLUSIONS

Administrative costs as a percentage of total hospital costs increased in the United States between 1990 and 1994 and were particularly high at for-profit hospitals. Overall costs of care were also higher at for-profit hospitals.

US emergency department costs: no emergency

BACKGROUND

Many perceive emergency department (ED) overuse as an important cause of high medical care costs in the United States. Managed care plans and politicians have seen constraints on ED use as an important element of cost control.

METHODS

We measured ED-associated and other medical care costs, using the recently released 1987 National Medical Expenditure Survey of approximately 35,000 persons in 14,000 households representative of the US civilian, noninstitutionalized population.

RESULTS

In 1987, total ED expenditures were $8.9 billion, or 1.9% of national health expenditures. People with health insurance represented 86% of the population and accounted for 88% of ED spending. The uninsured paid 47% of ED costs themselves; free care covered only 10%. For the uninsured, the cost of hospitalization initiated by ED visits totaled $3.3 billion, including $1.1 billion in free care. Whites accounted for 75% of total ED costs. The ED costs of poor and near-poor individuals accounted for only 0.47% of national health costs.

CONCLUSIONS

ED use accounts for a small share of US medical care costs, and cost shifting to the insured to cover free ED care for the uninsured is modest. Constraining ED use cannot generate substantial cost savings but may penalize minorities and the poor, who receive much of their outpatient care in EDs.

Medical care employment in the United States, 1968 to 1993: The importance of health sector jobs for African Americans and women

OBJECTIVES

The purpose of this study was to elucidate the social and economic impact of health sector employment.

METHODS

US medical care employment was analyzed for each year between 1968 and 1993, with data from the March Current Population Survey.

RESULTS

Between 1968 and 1993, medical care employment grew from 4.32 million to 11.40 million persons, accounting for 5.7% of all jobs in 1968 and 8.4% in 1993. Today, one seventh of employed women work in medical care; they hold 78% of medical care jobs. One fifth of all employed African-American women work in medical care. African-Americans hold 15.5% of jobs in the health sector: they hold 24.1% of the jobs in nursing homes, 15.9% of the jobs in hospitals, but only 5.6% of the jobs in practitioners' offices. Hispanics constitute 6.4% of medical care employees. Real wages rose 25% to 50% between 1968 and 1993 for most health occupations. Wages of registered nurses rose 86%; physicians' incomes rose 22%. Wages of nursing home workers were far lower than those of comparable hospital workers, and the gap has widened. In 1993, 11.7% of all medical care workers lacked health insurance and 597 000 lived in poverty.

CONCLUSIONS

Hospital cuts and the continuing neglect of long-term care exacerbate unemployment and poverty among women and African Americans.

Who administers? Who cares? Medical administrative and clinical employment in the United States and Canada

OBJECTIVES

We compared US and Canadian health administration costs using national medical care employment data for both countries.

METHODS

Data from census surveys on hospital, nursing home, and outpatient employment in the United States (1968 to 1993) and Canada (1971 and 1986) were analyzed.

RESULTS

Between 1968 and 1993, US medical care employment grew from 3.976 to 10.308 million full-time equivalents. Administration grew from 0.719 to 2.792 million full-time equivalents, or from 18.1% to 27.1% of the total employment. In 1986, the United States deployed 33,666 health care full-time equivalent personnel per million population, and Canada deployed 31,529. The US excess was all administrative; Canada employed more clinical personnel, especially registered nurses. Between 1971 and 1986, hospital employment per capita grew 29% in the United States (mostly because of administrative growth) and fell 14% in Canada. In 1986, Canadian hospitals still employed more clinical staff per million. Outpatient employment was larger and grew faster in the United States. Per capita nursing home employment was substantially higher in Canada.

CONCLUSIONS

If US hospitals and outpatient facilities adopted Canada's staffing patterns, 1,407,000 fewer managers and clerks would be necessary. Despite lower medical spending, Canadians receive slightly more nursing and other clinical care than Americans, as measured by labor inputs.

The growing epidemic of uninsurance: new data on the health insurance coverage of Americans

Despite a massive expansion of Medicaid and an upswing in the economy, the total number of Americans uninsured in 1993 was 39.7 million, more than at any time since the passage of Medicaid and Medicare in the 1960s. Since 1989, the ranks of the uninsured have swelled by 6.3 million. Millions more would be uninsured if Medicaid enrollment had not risen dramatically, by 10.5 million people since 1989. Loss of health coverage is a growing problem for middle-income families, women, and children, as it has long been for low-income families. Even in Hawaii, whose employer mandate program is often cited as a model of universal coverage, there was a large increase in uninsurance. Nationwide, the sharp upswing in the number of Americans who are uninsured has coincided with government and corporate policies to encourage medical competition and push people into managed care plans. Republican proposals to limit AFDC benefits threaten to further increase uninsurance, particularly among women and children. Only a Canadian-style single-payer reform can assure universal coverage and simultaneously contain costs.

Care denied: US residents who are unable to obtain needed medical services

OBJECTIVES

This study analyzed data on US residents reporting that they were unable to obtain needed care. Inadequately immunized children and women inadequately screened for breast or cervical cancer were also examined.

METHODS

Data from the 1987 National Medical Expenditure Survey was analyzed.

RESULTS

A total of 6,375,000 (90% confidence interval [CI] = 6,039,000, 6,711,000) people could not get hospitalization, prescription medications, medical equipment/supplies, or emergency, pediatric, mental health, or home care. Although the uninsured were more likely to forego care unavailable, three quarters of those unable to obtain services were insured, and 46% (90% CI = 42.4%, 49.6%) had private coverage. Of those reporting the reason why they failed to obtain care, 65.1% (90% CI = 61.7%, 68.6%) listed high costs or lack of insurance, including 60.7% (90% CI = 57.1%, 64.3%) of the privately insured. More than a third of women had not had a breast examination in the previous 2 years, a fifth had not had a Pap smear within the previous 4 years, and half had never had a mammogram (ages 50-69 only). Of children 2 to 5 years old, 35.1% (90% CI = 31.5%, 35.7%) were inadequately immunized. Medicaid recipients had measures of access to care similar to those of the uninsured.

CONCLUSIONS

Many US residents--most of whom have insurance--are unable to obtain needed care, usually because of high costs.

Clinton's health plan: Prudential's choice

President Clinton has proposed a managed competition model for health care reform. This strategy would accelerate the corporatization of U.S. health care resulting in more bureaucracy, less patient choice, and a health system owned by a few insurance giants. There is no evidence that competition or other central features of Clinton's plan can lower costs or improve quality. Because cost containment is doubtful, the promised expansion of coverage is unlikely to be implemented.

Inappropriate drug prescribing for the community-dwelling elderly

OBJECTIVE

To examine the amount of inappropriate drug prescribing for Americans aged 65 years or older living in the community.

DESIGN

Cross-sectional survey of a national probability sample of older adults.

SETTING

The 1987 National Medical Expenditure Survey, a national probability sample of the US civilian noninstitutionalized population, with oversampling of some population groups, including the elderly.

SUBJECTS

The 6171 people aged 65 years or older in the National Medical Expenditure Survey sample, using appropriate weighting procedures to produce national estimates.

MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES

Incidence of prescribing 20 potentially inappropriate drugs, using explicit criteria previously developed by 13 United States and Canadian geriatrics experts through a modified Delphi consensus technique. Three cardiovascular drugs identified as potentially inappropriate were analyzed separately since they may be considered appropriate for some noninstitutionalized elderly patients.

RESULTS

A total of 23.5% (95% confidence interval [CI], 22.4% to 24.6%) of people aged 65 years or older living in the community, or 6.64 million Americans (95% CI, 6.28 million to 7.00 million), received at least one of the 20 contraindicated drugs. While 79.6% (95% CI, 77.2% to 82.0%) of people receiving potentially inappropriate medications received only one such drug, 20.4% received two or more. The most commonly prescribed of these drugs were dipyridamole, propoxyphene, amitriptyline, chlorpropamide, diazepam, indomethacin, and chlordiazepoxide, each used by at least half a million people aged 65 years or older. Including the three controversial cardiovascular agents (propranolol, methyldopa, and reserpine) in the list of contraindicated drugs increased the incidence of probably inappropriate medication use to 32% (95% CI, 30.7% to 33.3%), or 9.04 million people (95% CI, 8.64 million to 9.44 million).

CONCLUSION

Physicians prescribe potentially inappropriate medications for nearly a quarter of all older people living in the community, placing them at risk of drug adverse effects such as cognitive impairment and sedation. Although most previous strategies for improving drug prescribing for the elderly have focused on nursing homes, broader educational and regulatory initiatives are needed.

Health care paper chase, 1993: the cost to the nation, the states, and the District of Columbia

The U.S. health care payment system is an elaborate and increasingly wasteful paper chase. This article presents new state-by-state estimates of health care administrative costs in the United States, and savings that could be realized with single-payer reform. In 1993, health care bureaucracy will consume 24.7 cents of every health care dollar, a total of $232.3 billion. Administration's share of health spending is up from 23.9 percent in 1987, and from 21.9 percent in 1983. Reducing the cost of administration to Canadian levels by adopting a single-payer health care system would cut U.S. health care bureaucracy by more than half (50.7 percent), saving at least $117.7 billion in 1993. The savings achievable with a single-payer system could fund universal access for the uninsured and improve benefits for the tens of millions of Americans who currently have only partial coverage, without any increase in overall health spending. Reform measures such as electronic billing, insurance industry consolidation, and increased competition (including "managed competition") would save little or nothing on administration. Only a single-payer reform that incorporates the "macro-management" approach to cost control, as in Canada, can achieve significant administrative savings.

Administrative costs in U.S. hospitals

BACKGROUND

Previous estimates of administrative costs in U.S. hospitals have been based on figures for California, and nationwide extrapolation has been controversial. If the costs of bureaucracy are high, major policy reforms may yield substantial savings.

METHODS

We obtained detailed data on hospital expenses for fiscal year 1990 from reports submitted to Medicare by 6400 hospitals. We calculated each hospital's administrative costs by summing expenses in the following Medicare cost-accounting categories: administrative and general, nursing administration, central services and supply (excluding the purchase cost of supplies), medical records and library, utilization review, and the salary costs of the employee benefits department. We classified costs in most other categories as clinical. Some small categories of expenses (e.g., gift shop) were excluded from both our clinical and administrative groupings, and for others (e.g., plant operations), a proportional share was allocated between the two groupings.

RESULTS

Nationwide, administration accounted for an average of 24.8 percent of each hospital's spending in fiscal 1990. Average hospital administrative costs ranged from 20.5 percent in Minnesota to 30.6 percent in Hawaii. Administrative salaries accounted for 22.4 percent of the average hospital's salary costs. Administrative costs were similar in states with high and low rates of enrollment in health maintenance organizations (HMOs).

CONCLUSIONS

Hospital administrative costs in the United States are higher than previous estimates and more than twice as high as those in Canada. Greater enrollment in HMOs, with more competitive bidding by hospitals for managed-care contracts, an important element of proposed managed-competition health care reforms, does not seem to lower hospital administrative costs.

High noon for U.S. health care reform

A growing popular movement besieges a health policy status quo near financial as well as moral bankruptcy. A single-payer, Canadian-style national health program would assure universal, egalitarian coverage; democratic, rather than corporate, control of key policy choices; financing based on ability to pay; and cost controls that spare needed care as well as health workers' standard of living. Despite a misinformation campaign (generously funded by insurance and pharmaceutical firms) that slanders the Canadian experience, most Americans favor a national health program. The public health community should fight for no less.

Questions and answers about managed competition

The Managed Competition strategy for health care financing reform would push most people into cut-rate versions of health maintenance organizations chosen for them by their employer and owned by an insurance company. Many of those who currently enjoy good coverage would be forced into bare bones plans, and would forfeit the right to choose their health care provider. There is little evidence that the rigidly multi-tiered system created by Managed Competition would be more efficient or less expensive than the current U.S. system, and administrative costs would likely rise. Promises to expand coverage for the uninsured are likely to fall by the wayside if cost containment fails, and no current Managed Competition proposals address long-term care. In rural areas including at least 30 percent of the U.S. population, price competition central to the Managed Competition strategy is untenable since a long hospital or other provider cannot compete with itself. Managed Competition would empower vertically integrated corporate health care insurer/providers and disempower patients and the clinical work force.

The vanishing health care safety net: new data on uninsured Americans

New data obtained from the Census Bureau shows that the number of Americans without any health insurance increased by 1.3 million between 1989 and 1990, bringing the total number of uninsured to 34.7 million, more than at any time since the passage of Medicare and Medicaid 25 years ago. This increase coincided with a 10.5 percent increase in health spending, the second largest in the past three decades. The number of people covered by Medicaid grew by 3.1 million, due to a one-time expansion of eligibility mandated by Congress, but this was more than counter-balanced by a population growth of 3 million and a decrease of 1.3 million in people covered by private insurance. Had Medicaid not been expanded, the number of uninsured would have increased by 4.4 million. The increase in the uninsured affected virtually all parts of the nation. Seven states had increases of more than 100,000 persons each. Only Texas experienced a decrease of that magnitude, but still had the second highest rate of uninsurance of any state. Of the 1.3 million additional uninsured in 1990, 77 percent were male, 32 percent had family incomes in excess of $50,000 per year, and 74 percent had annual family incomes above $25,000. Fewer than 9 percent had incomes below the poverty line. The numbers of uninsured children and senior citizens fell slightly (but not significantly), while the number of uninsured working-age adults rose by 1.4 million. The number of uninsured workers in each of four of 20 major industry groups increased by more than 100,000 in 1990. None of the industry groups showed a significant decline in the number of uninsured. Among professionals, there were substantial numbers of uninsured doctors, engineers, teachers, college professors, clergy, and others, but all legislators and judges were insured. The data presented here largely predate the recession and understate current problems. In 1991 the number of uninsured will likely reach nearly 40 million. Also, these estimates are based on the number of people uninsured at a single time during 1990; a far higher number were temporarily uninsured at some point during the year. Moreover the Census Bureau survey ignores the problem of the underinsurance of at least 50 million insured Americans. Patchwork public programs are grossly inadequate to plug the holes. A national health program covering all Americans could assure access to care and contain costs.

A national long-term care program for the United States. A caring vision. The Working Group on Long-term Care Program Design, Physicians for a National Health Program

The financing and delivery of long-term care (LTC) need substantial reform. Many cannot afford essential services; age restrictions often arbitrarily limit access for the nonelderly, although more than a third of those needing care are under 65 years old; Medicaid, the principal third-party payer for LTC, is biased toward nursing home care and discourages independent living; informal care provided by relatives and friends, the only assistance used by 70% of those needing LTC, is neither supported nor encouraged; and insurance coverage often excludes critically important services that fall outside narrow definitions of medically necessary care. We describe an LTC program designed as an integral component of the national health program advanced by Physicians for a National Health Program. Everyone would be covered for all medically and socially necessary services under a single public plan, federally mandated and funded but administered locally. An LTC payment board in each state would contract directly with providers through a network of local public agencies responsible for eligibility determination and care coordination. Nursing homes, home care agencies, and other institutional providers would be paid a global budget to cover all operating costs and would not bill on a per-patient basis. Alternatively, integrated provider organizations could receive a capitation fee to cover a broad range of LTC and acute care services. Individual practitioners could continue to be paid on a fee-for-service basis or could receive salaries from institutional providers. Support for innovation, training of LTC personnel, and monitoring of the quality of care would be greatly augmented. For-profit providers would be compensated for past investments and phased out. Our program would add between $18 billion and $23.5 billion annually to current spending on LTC. Polls indicate that a majority of Americans want such a program and are willing to pay earmarked taxes to support it.

Who cares for the care givers? Lack of health insurance among health and insurance personnel

OBJECTIVE

--To analyze the health insurance status of physicians, other health personnel, and insurance industry personnel.

DESIGN

--The study was based on data collected by the US Bureau of the Census in the March 1991 Current Population Survey for six groups of workers in health care occupations and three classifications of insurance employees. This survey included 6182 civilian health personnel and 1498 insurance workers under the age of 65 years.

RESULTS

--Of civilian health personnel under the age of 65 years, 9% (90% confidence interval [CI], 8.2% to 9.8%) are uninsured, equivalent to 834,000 persons, including 15,000 (90% CI, 5000 to 25,000) physicians. Among insurance workers, 5.1% (90% CI, 3.9% to 6.2%) are uninsured. While 6% (90% CI, 4.2% to 7.9%) of those working in physicians' offices are uninsured, 52.2% (90% CI, 48.2% to 56.3%) receive no employer contribution toward their coverage. More than a fifth of nursing home employees lack insurance coverage, as do nearly a quarter of the 1.868 million health care workers with annual incomes less than $10,000.

CONCLUSION

--Nearly a million health care and insurance workers are themselves uninsured and at high risk for being unable to obtain needed care.

Liberal benefits, conservative spending. The Physicians for a National Health Program proposal

The Physicians for a National Health Program proposes to cover all Americans under a single, comprehensive public insurance program without copayments or deductibles and with free choice of provider. Such a national health program could reap tens of billions dollars in administrative savings in the initial years, enough to fund generous increases in health care services not only for the uninsured, but for the underinsured as well. We delineate a transitional national health program budget that would hold overall health spending at current levels while accommodating increases in hospital and physician utilization. Future national health program spending would be indexed to the growth in gross national product adjusted for demographic, epidemiologic, and technologic shifts. Financing for the national health program would transfer funds into the public program without disrupting the general pattern of current revenue sources. We suggest a funding package that would augment existing government health spending with earmarked health care taxes. Because these new taxes would replace employer-employee insurance premiums and substantial portions of current out-of-pocket expenditures, they would not increase health costs for the average American.

The deteriorating administrative efficiency of the U.S. health care system

BACKGROUND AND METHODS

In 1983 the proportion of health care expenditures consumed by administration in the United States was 60 percent higher than in Canada and 97 percent higher than in Britain. To assess the effects of recent health policy initiatives on the administrative efficiency of health care, we examined four components of administrative costs in the United States and Canada for 1987: insurance overhead, hospital administration, nursing home administration, and physicians' billing and overhead expenses. Most data were provided by the two nations' federal health and statistics agencies, supplemented by state and provincial data and published sources. Because data on physicians' billing costs were limited, we estimated a range for these costs by two methods that rely on different sources of data. All figures are reported in 1987 U.S. dollars.

RESULTS

In 1987 health care administration cost between $96.8 billion and $120.4 billion in the United States, amounting to 19.3 to 24.1 percent of total spending on health care, or $400 to $497 per capita. In Canada, between 8.4 and 11.1 percent of health care spending ($117 to $156 per capita) was devoted to administration. Administrative costs in the United States increased 37 percent in real dollars between 1983 and 1987, whereas in Canada they declined. The proportion of health care spending consumed by administration is now at least 117 percent higher in the United States than in Canada and accounts for about half the total difference in health care spending between the two nations. If health care administration in the United States had been as efficient as in Canada, $69.0 billion to $83.2 billion would have been saved in 1987.

CONCLUSIONS

The administrative structure of the U.S. health care system is increasingly inefficient as compared with that of Canada's national health program. Recent health policies with the avowed goal of improving the efficiency of care have imposed substantial new bureaucratic costs and burdens.