Category Flexibility in Emotion Learning

Learners flexibly update category boundaries to adjust to the range of experiences they encounter. However, little is known about whether the degree of flexibility is consistent across domains. We examined whether categorization of social input, specifically emotions, is afforded more flexibility as compared to other biological input. To address this question, children (6-12 years; 32 female, 37 male; 7 Hispanic or Latino, 62 not Hispanic or Latino; 8 Black or African American, 14 multiracial, 46 White, 1 selected "other") categorized faces morphed from calm to upset and animals morphed from a horse to a cow across task phases that differed in the distribution of stimuli presented. Learners flexibly adjusted both emotion and animal category boundaries according to distributional information, yet children showed more flexibility when updating their category boundaries for emotions. These results provide support for the idea that children-who must adjust to the vast and varied emotional signals of their social partners-respond to social signals dynamically in order to make predictions about the internal states and future behaviors of others.

The Unique and Interactive Effects of Faces, Postures, and Scenes on Emotion Categorization

There is ongoing debate as to whether emotion perception is determined by facial expressions or context (i.e., non-facial cues). The present investigation examined the independent and interactive effects of six emotions (anger, disgust, fear, joy, sadness, neutral) conveyed by combinations of facial expressions, bodily postures, and background scenes in a fully crossed design. Participants viewed each face-posture-scene (FPS) combination for 5 s and were then asked to categorize the emotion depicted in the image. Four key findings emerged from the analyses: (1) For fully incongruent FPS combinations, participants categorized images using the face in 61% of instances and the posture and scene in 18% and 11% of instances, respectively; (2) postures (with neutral scenes) and scenes (with neutral postures) exerted differential influences on emotion categorizations when combined with incongruent facial expressions; (3) contextual asymmetries were observed for some incongruent face-posture pairings and their inverse (e.g., anger-fear vs. fear-anger), but not for face-scene pairings; (4) finally, scenes exhibited a boosting effect of posture when combined with a congruent posture and attenuated the effect of posture when combined with a congruent face. Overall, these findings highlight independent and interactional roles of posture and scene in emotion face perception. Theoretical implications for the study of emotions in context are discussed.

SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION

The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s42761-021-00061-x.

Categorization of Vocal Emotion Cues Depends on Distributions of Input

Learners use the distributional properties of stimuli to identify environmentally relevant categories in a range of perceptual domains, including words, shapes, faces, and colors. We examined whether similar processes may also operate on affective information conveyed through the voice. In Experiment 1, we tested how adults (18–22-year-olds) and children (8–10-year-olds) categorized affective states communicated by vocalizations varying continuously from “calm” to “upset.” We found that the threshold for categorizing both verbal (i.e., spoken word) and nonverbal (i.e., a yell) vocalizations as “upset” depended on the statistical distribution of the stimuli participants encountered. In Experiment 2, we replicated and extended these findings in adults using vocalizations that conveyed multiple negative affect states. These results suggest perceivers’ flexibly and rapidly update their interpretation of affective vocal cues based upon context.

Influence of emotional contexts on facial emotion attribution in schizophrenia

Recent emotion recognition studies in schizophrenia have reported misattribution of emotional content to emotionally neutral faces. While in these studies faces are presented in the absence of any contextual reference, in daily life facial expressions are typically perceived within a specific situational context. However, there is no evidence on the possible modulatory role of contextual aids on emotion attribution to neutral faces. We address this issue in the present study. Thirty schizophrenia patients and thirty paired controls performed an emotion categorization task (by choosing one among six labels of emotions) with neutral target faces that were superimposed on affectively positive, negative or neutral scenes. In presence of positive contexts, patients categorized neutral faces as happy and fearful more frequently than controls. When negative contexts were present, patients also categorized neutral faces as fearful more frequently than controls. However, in the presence of neutral contexts patients and controls did not differ in their categorization pattern. These results suggest that explicit presence of a neutral context seems to compensate for the bias showed by patients. With the purpose of correcting emotion misattribution in schizophrenia, emotionally neutral contexts might be incorporated to treatments aimed at improving social cognition performance in this patient population.

You may look unhappy unless you smile: the distinctiveness of a smiling face against faces without an explicit smile

An expressionless face is often perceived as rude whereas a smiling face is considered as hospitable. Repetitive exposure to such perceptions may have developed stereotype of categorizing an expressionless face as expressing negative emotion. To test this idea, we displayed a search array where the target was an expressionless face and the distractors were either smiling or frowning faces. We manipulated set size. Search reaction times were delayed with frowning distractors. Delays became more evident as the set size increased. We also devised a short-term comparison task where participants compared two sequential sets of expressionless, smiling, and frowning faces. Detection of an expression change across the sets was highly inaccurate when the change was made between frowning and expressionless face. These results indicate that subjects were confused with expressed emotions on frowning and expressionless faces, suggesting that it is difficult to distinguish expressionless face from frowning faces.