Athlete endorsements in food marketing

OBJECTIVE

This study quantified professional athletes' endorsement of food and beverages, evaluated the nutritional quality of endorsed products, and determined the number of television commercial exposures of athlete-endorsement commercials for children, adolescents, and adults.

METHODS

One hundred professional athletes were selected on the basis of Bloomberg Businessweek's 2010 Power 100 rankings, which ranks athletes according to their endorsement value and prominence in their sport. Endorsement information was gathered from the Power 100 list and the advertisement database AdScope. Endorsements were sorted into 11 endorsement categories (eg, food/beverages, sports apparel). The nutritional quality of the foods featured in athlete-endorsement advertisements was assessed by using a Nutrient Profiling Index, whereas beverages were evaluated on the basis of the percentage of calories from added sugar. Marketing data were collected from AdScope and Nielsen.

RESULTS

Of 512 brands endorsed by 100 different athletes, sporting goods/apparel represented the largest category (28.3%), followed by food/beverages (23.8%) and consumer goods (10.9%). Professional athletes in this sample were associated with 44 different food or beverage brands during 2010. Seventy-nine percent of the 62 food products in athlete-endorsed advertisements were energy-dense and nutrient-poor, and 93.4% of the 46 advertised beverages had 100% of calories from added sugar. Peyton Manning (professional American football player) and LeBron James (professional basketball player) had the most endorsements for energy-dense, nutrient-poor products. Adolescents saw the most television commercials that featured athlete endorsements of food.

CONCLUSIONS

Youth are exposed to professional athlete endorsements of food products that are energy-dense and nutrient-poor.

Susan Nolen-Hoeksema (1959-2013)

Presents an obituary for Susan Nolen-Hoeksema. Susan received her bachelor's degree from Yale University and her doctorate in clinical psychology from the University of Pennsylvania. Her undergraduate and graduate school mentors were Irving Janis, Robert Sternberg, and Martin Seligman. Susan began her career at Stanford University, where she became a tenured associate professor in 1993, and moved to the University of Michigan, where she was promoted to the rank of professor and directed the Institute for Research on Women and Gender. Susan joined the Yale University Department of Psychology in 2004 as a professor and served as its chair and director of graduate studies. Few words can capture Susan's masterful approach to research, which balanced creativity with pragmatism. A pioneer in the study of depression and a leading figure in research on sex differences in depression, she transformed clinical psychology with her research. Raised in the small town of Stonington, Illinois, Susan acquired a decency, kindness, and strength of character that lasted her lifetime. Despite her academic achievements and stature in the field, she treated everyone with respect and dignity. She was remarkable in her ability to support people through difficult circumstances, fairly treat all individuals, and be a kind and dedicated mentor and colleague to those of us fortunate enough to know her. Our field is richer for her presence, and her untimely death is a tragic loss. There could be no better colleague and friend. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved).

Relation of obesity to neural activation in response to food commercials

Adolescents view thousands of food commercials annually, but the neural response to food advertising and its association with obesity is largely unknown. This study is the first to examine how neural response to food commercials differs from other stimuli (e.g. non-food commercials and television show) and to explore how this response may differ by weight status. The blood oxygen level-dependent functional magnetic resonance imaging activation was measured in 30 adolescents ranging from lean to obese in response to food and non-food commercials imbedded in a television show. Adolescents exhibited greater activation in regions implicated in visual processing (e.g. occipital gyrus), attention (e.g. parietal lobes), cognition (e.g. temporal gyrus and posterior cerebellar lobe), movement (e.g. anterior cerebellar cortex), somatosensory response (e.g. postcentral gyrus) and reward [e.g. orbitofrontal cortex and anterior cingulate cortex (ACC)] during food commercials. Obese participants exhibited less activation during food relative to non-food commercials in neural regions implicated in visual processing (e.g. cuneus), attention (e.g. posterior cerebellar lobe), reward (e.g. ventromedial prefrontal cortex and ACC) and salience detection (e.g. precuneus). Obese participants did exhibit greater activation in a region implicated in semantic control (e.g. medial temporal gyrus). These findings may inform current policy debates regarding the impact of food advertising to minors.

Redefining "child-directed advertising" to reduce unhealthy television food advertising

BACKGROUND

Food and beverage companies have pledged to reduce unhealthy marketing to children through the Children's Food and Beverage Advertising Initiative (CFBAI). However, public health experts question the initiative's effectiveness because pledges apply to only some types of marketing. For instance, the CFBAI covers only TV advertising that is "child-directed," defined as advertising during programs for which children make up 35% or more of the viewing audience.

PURPOSE

To quantify the proportion of food and beverage TV advertisements (ads) viewed by children that is covered by current CFBAI pledges and examine the potential impact of broader definitions of child-directed advertising.

METHODS

Nielsen data were used to quantify percentages of children (aged 2-11 years) in the audience (i.e., child-audience share), as well as absolute numbers of child viewers, for all national TV programs in 2009. Nielsen advertising data provided the number of food and beverage ads viewed by preschoolers (aged 2-5 years); older children (aged 6-11 years); and adults (aged 18-49 years) during programs with various child-audience compositions. Data were collected in 2010 and analyzed in 2011.

RESULTS

Just 45%-48% of food ads viewed by children met current CFBAI definitions of child-directed advertising. Expanding this definition to include advertising during programs with a child-audience share of 20% or higher and/or 100,000 or more child viewers would cover 70%-71% of food advertising seen by children but just one third of ads seen by adults.

CONCLUSIONS

Children viewed an estimated 35% fewer food ads during TV programs with a high child-audience share (≥50%) in 2009 compared with 2004. However, ensuring that nutrition standards apply to the majority of food ads viewed by children requires broader definitions of child-directed advertising.

Evaluation of consumer understanding of different front-of-package nutrition labels, 2010-2011

Introduction

Governments throughout the world are using or considering various front-of-package (FOP) food labeling systems to provide nutrition information to consumers. Our web-based study tested consumer understanding of different FOP labeling systems.

Methods

Adult participants (N = 480) were randomized to 1 of 5 groups to evaluate FOP labels: 1) no label; 2) multiple traffic light (MTL); 3) MTL plus daily caloric requirement icon (MTL+caloric intake); 4) traffic light with specific nutrients to limit based on food category (TL+SNL); or 5) the Choices logo. Total percentage correct quiz scores were created reflecting participants’ ability to select the healthier of 2 foods and estimate amounts of saturated fat, sugar, and sodium in foods. Participants also rated products on taste, healthfulness, and how likely they were to purchase the product. Quiz scores and product perceptions were compared with 1-way analysis of variance followed by post-hoc Tukey tests.

Results

The MTL+caloric intake group (mean [standard deviation], 73.3% [6.9%]) and Choices group (72.5% [13.2%]) significantly outperformed the no label group (67.8% [10.3%]) and the TL+SNL group (65.8% [7.3%]) in selecting the more healthful product on the healthier product quiz. The MTL and MTL+caloric intake groups achieved average scores of more than 90% on the saturated fat, sugar, and sodium quizzes, which were significantly better than the no label and Choices group average scores, which were between 34% and 47%.

Conclusion

An MTL+caloric intake label and the Choices symbol hold promise as FOP labeling systems and require further testing in different environments and population subgroups.

The Social Self, Body Dissatisfaction, and Binge Eating in Obese Females

We examined the relationship of the social self to body dissatisfaction and to binge eating in two clinical samples of obese females. In the first study, with 32 nonbingeing obese females, social self measures of Public Self-Consciousness and Social Anxiety were positively correlated with body dissatisfaction. Self-esteem was negatively correlated with body dissatisfaction. In the second study, 11 obese binge eaters were compared with 11 matched nonbingeing obese females. Binge eaters were characterized by significantly higher levels of social anxiety and body dissatisfaction than the obese nonbingeing controls. These findings support the hypothesized links of social self concerns to body dissatisfaction and to binge eating in obese females.

Facts up front versus traffic light food labels: a randomized controlled trial

BACKGROUND

The U.S. food and beverage industry recently released a new front-of-package nutrition labeling system called Facts Up Front that will be used on thousands of food products.

PURPOSE

To test consumer understanding of the Facts Up Front system (Facts Up Front) compared to the Multiple Traffic Light system (Traffic Light). Facts Up Front displays grams/milligrams and percentage daily value information for various nutrients; Traffic Light uses an interpretive color-coded scheme to alert consumers to low, medium, and high levels of certain nutrients.

DESIGN

Participants in an Internet-based study were randomized to one of five front-of-package label conditions: (1) no label; (2) Traffic Light; (3) Traffic Light plus information about protein and fiber (Traffic Light+); (4) Facts Up Front; or (5) Facts Up Front plus information about "nutrients to encourage" (Facts Up Front+).

SETTING/PARTICIPANTS

A total of 703 adults recruited through an online database in May 2011 participated in this study, and data were analyzed in June 2011.

MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES

Total percentage correct quiz scores were generated reflecting participants' ability to compare two foods on nutrient levels, based on their labels, and to estimate amounts of saturated fat, sugar, sodium, fiber and protein in the foods.

RESULTS

The front-of-package label groups outperformed the control group on nearly all of the nutrient quizzes (p<0.05). The control group did not differ from the Facts Up Front group on the saturated fat quiz, or from the Facts Up Front+ group on the sugars quiz. Those in the Traffic Light+ group had the best overall performance (>80% on all quizzes).

CONCLUSIONS

Overall, those in the Traffic Light+ condition performed better than those in the Facts Up Front conditions on measures of nutrition knowledge and label perceptions.

TRIAL REGISTRATION

This study is registered at clinicaltrials.gov NCT01626729.

The addiction potential of hyperpalatable foods

Scientific interest in "food addiction" continues to grow due both to neurobiological and behavioral similarities between substance dependence and excessive food consumption. An important next step is to examine the addictive potential of highly processed foods. In this paper, we explore addiction-related changes in the modern food environment (e.g., increased potency, elevated speed of absorption), examine the historical and modern understanding of addictive substances as applied to hyperpalatable foods, and outline shared factors that increase the public health costs of both addictive drugs and certain foods.

Choosing front-of-package food labelling nutritional criteria: how smart were 'Smart Choices'?

OBJECTIVE

The 'Smart Choices' programme was an industry-driven, front-of-package (FOP) nutritional labelling system introduced in the USA in August 2009, ostensibly to help consumers select healthier options during food shopping. Its nutritional criteria were developed by members of the food industry in collaboration with nutrition and public health experts and government officials. The aim of the present study was to test the extent to which products labelled as 'Smart Choices' could be classified as healthy choices on the basis of the Nutrient Profile Model (NPM), a non-industry-developed, validated nutritional standard.

DESIGN

A total of 100 packaged products that qualified for a 'Smart Choices' designation were sampled from eight food and beverage categories. All products were evaluated using the NPM method.

RESULTS

In all, 64 % of the products deemed 'Smart Choices' did not meet the NPM standard for a healthy product. Within each 'Smart Choices' category, 0 % of condiments, 8·70 % of fats and oils, 15·63 % of cereals and 31·58 % of snacks and sweets met NPM thresholds. All sampled soups, beverages, desserts and grains deemed 'Smart Choices' were considered healthy according to the NPM standard.

CONCLUSIONS

The 'Smart Choices' programme is an example of industries' attempts at self-regulation. More than 60 % of foods that received the 'Smart Choices' label did not meet standard nutritional criteria for a 'healthy' food choice, suggesting that industries' involvement in designing labelling systems should be scrutinized. The NPM system may be a good option as the basis for establishing FOP labelling criteria, although more comparisons with other systems are needed.

Thinking forward: the quicksand of appeasing the food industry

In an article that forms part of the PLoS Medicine series on Big Food, Kelly Brownell offers a perspective on engaging with the food industry, and argues that governments and the public health community should be working for regulation, not collaboration.

Mind over milkshakes: mindsets, not just nutrients, determine ghrelin response

OBJECTIVE

To test whether physiological satiation as measured by the gut peptide ghrelin may vary depending on the mindset in which one approaches consumption of food.

METHODS

On 2 separate occasions, participants (n = 46) consumed a 380-calorie milkshake under the pretense that it was either a 620-calorie "indulgent" shake or a 140-calorie "sensible" shake. Ghrelin was measured via intravenous blood samples at 3 time points: baseline (20 min), anticipatory (60 min), and postconsumption (90 min). During the first interval (between 20 and 60 min) participants were asked to view and rate the (misleading) label of the shake. During the second interval (between 60 and 90 min) participants were asked to drink and rate the milkshake.

RESULTS

The mindset of indulgence produced a dramatically steeper decline in ghrelin after consuming the shake, whereas the mindset of sensibility produced a relatively flat ghrelin response. Participants' satiety was consistent with what they believed they were consuming rather than the actual nutritional value of what they consumed.

CONCLUSIONS

The effect of food consumption on ghrelin may be psychologically mediated, and mindset meaningfully affects physiological responses to food.

The impact of weight stigma on caloric consumption

The present study assessed the influence of exposure to weight stigma on energy intake in both overweight and normal-weight adult women. Seventy-three women (mean age: 31.71 ± 12.72 years), both overweight (n = 34) and normal weight (n = 39), were randomly assigned to view one of two videos depicting either weight stigmatizing material or neutral material, after which they consumed snacks ad libitum. Pre- and post-video measures included blood pressure, attitudes toward overweight individuals, and positive and negative affect. Participants' body weight was measured, as was the number of kilocalories consumed following video exposure. Overweight women who watched the stigmatizing video ate more than three times as many kilocalories as overweight women who watched the neutral video (302.82 vs. 89.00 kcal), and significantly more calories than the normal-weight individuals who watched either the stigmatizing or the neutral video. A two-by-two analysis of covariance revealed that even after adjusting for relevant covariates, there was a significant interaction between video type and weight status in that when overweight, individuals consumed significantly more calories if they were in the stigmatizing condition vs. the neutral condition (F(1,65) = 4.37, P = 0.04, η(2) = 0.03). These findings suggest that among overweight women, exposure to weight stigmatizing material may lead to increased caloric consumption. This directly challenges the notion that pressure to lose weight in the form of weight stigma will have a positive, motivating effect on overweight individuals.

Taxation as prevention and as a treatment for obesity: the case of sugar-sweetened beverages

The contemporary American food environment makes energy-dense, nutrient-poor foods and beverages the "default" option for most consumers. Economic interventions like taxes can shift the relative prices of unhealthy foods to nudge consumers towards healthier options. Beverages with added sugar are a good starting point for food taxation; they constitute over 10 percent of caloric intake nationwide and provide little or no nutritional value. Current levels of taxation on sugar-sweetened beverages (SSBs) are too low to affect consumer behavior, but the implementation of a penny-per-ounce excise tax could lead to substantial public health benefits. Current estimates predict that a tax that raised the cost of SSBs by 20 percent could lead to an average reduction of 3.8 pounds per year for adults, causing the prevalence of obesity to decline from 33 to 30 percent. SSB taxes would also generate considerable revenue for public health and obesity prevention programs. Although the beverage industry is fighting such taxes with massive lobbying and public relations campaigns, support for the policies is increasing, especially when revenue is earmarked for obesity prevention.

Personal responsibility and obesity: a constructive approach to a controversial issue

The concept of personal responsibility has been central to social, legal, and political approaches to obesity. It evokes language of blame, weakness, and vice and is a leading basis for inadequate government efforts, given the importance of environmental conditions in explaining high rates of obesity. These environmental conditions can override individual physical and psychological regulatory systems that might otherwise stand in the way of weight gain and obesity, hence undermining personal responsibility, narrowing choices, and eroding personal freedoms. Personal responsibility can be embraced as a value by placing priority on legislative and regulatory actions such as improving school nutrition, menu labeling, altering industry marketing practices, and even such controversial measures as the use of food taxes that create healthier defaults, thus supporting responsible behavior and bridging the divide between views based on individualistic versus collective responsibility.

Predicting support for restricting food marketing to youth

To address the obesity crisis, public health experts recommend major reductions in the marketing of unhealthy food to youth. However, policies to restrict food marketing are not currently viewed as politically feasible. This paper examines attitudes and knowledge about food marketing and support for restricting unhealthy food marketing [corrected] among one group of constituents: parents. A survey of 807 parents found that those most likely to support food marketing restrictions were also more likely to have negative views of current food practices. [corrected] These findings suggest that increased public education about the harm caused by food marketing may increase public support for policy interventions.

Can food be addictive? Public health and policy implications

AIMS

Data suggest that hyperpalatable foods may be capable of triggering an addictive process. Although the addictive potential of foods continues to be debated, important lessons learned in reducing the health and economic consequences of drug addiction may be especially useful in combating food-related problems.

METHODS

In the current paper, we review the potential application of policy and public health approaches that have been effective in reducing the impact of addictive substances to food-related problems.

RESULTS

Corporate responsibility, public health approaches, environmental change and global efforts all warrant strong consideration in reducing obesity and diet-related disease.

CONCLUSIONS

Although there exist important differences between foods and addictive drugs, ignoring analogous neural and behavioral effects of foods and drugs of abuse may result in increased food-related disease and associated social and economic burdens. Public health interventions that have been effective in reducing the impact of addictive drugs may have a role in targeting obesity and related diseases.

Estimating the potential of taxes on sugar-sweetened beverages to reduce consumption and generate revenue

OBJECTIVE

Beverage taxes came into light with increasing concerns about obesity, particularly among youth. Sugar-sweetened beverages have become a target of anti-obesity initiatives with increasing evidence of their link to obesity. Our paper offers a method for estimating revenues from an excise tax on sugar-sweetened beverages that governments of various levels could direct towards obesity prevention.

MODEL

We construct a model projecting beverage consumption and tax revenues based on best available data on regional beverage consumption, historic trends and recent estimates of the price elasticity of sugar-sweetened beverage demand.

RESULTS

The public health impact of beverage taxes could be substantial. An estimated 24% reduction in sugar-sweetened beverage consumption from a penny-per-ounce sugar-sweetened beverage tax could reduce daily per capita caloric intake from sugar-sweetened beverages from the current 190-200 cal to 145-150 cal, if there is no substitution to other caloric beverages or food. A national penny-per-ounce tax on sugar-sweetened beverages could generate new tax revenue of $79 billion over 2010-2015.

CONCLUSION

A modest tax on sugar-sweetened beverages could both raise significant revenues and improve public health by reducing obesity. To the extent that at least some of the tax revenues get invested in obesity prevention programs, the public health benefits could be even more pronounced.