Learning the language of time: Children's acquisition of duration words

Psychometric properties of the Children's Time Awareness Questionnaire (CTAQ): A study on the validity of a Dutch 20-item questionnaire measuring time awareness in children

This study investigates the validity of Children's Time Awareness Questionnaire (CTAQ), a 20-item task for assessing children's time awareness. The CTAQ was administered to a group of typically developing children (n = 107) and children with any developmental problems reported by parents (non-typically developing children, n = 28), aged 4-8 years old. We found some support for a one-factor structure (EFA), yet the explained variance is relatively low (21%). Our proposed structure of two additional subscales, i.e., "time words" and "time estimation," was not supported by (confirmatory and exploratory) factor analyses. In contrast, exploratory factor analyses (EFA) indicated a six-factor structure, which needs further investigation. We found low, yet non-significant correlations between CTAQ scales and caregiver reports on children's time awareness, planning and impulsivity, and no significant correlations between CTAQ scales and scores on cognitive performance tasks. As expected, we found that older children have higher CTAQ scores than younger children. Non typically developing children had lower scores on CTAQ scales, compared to typically developing children. The CTAQ has sufficient internal consistency. The CTAQ has potential to measure time awareness, future research is indicated to further develop the CTAQ and enhance clinical applicability.

Who feels happier right now?: The impact of temporal distance on children's judgements of emotional intensity

Do children consider temporal distance in their reasoning about the world? Using a novel method that relied minimally on verbal ability, we asked N = 106 3- to 6-year-olds to judge which of two characters felt more 'happy'/'sad' right now: one engaging in a pleasant/unpleasant activity tomorrow or another engaging in this same activity when they are a year older. That is, we examined whether children understood that the closer in time a future event, the more intense the currently felt emotion. Starting at age 4, children correctly judged which child was more 'happy'/'sad' right now. However, 4- to 6-year-olds tended not to explain their judgements by referring to temporal distance, per se. Results suggest that children are sensitive to temporal distance early in development, but do not yet verbally express this understanding. Implications for theories about children's future thinking and future areas of research are discussed.

Towards a neurodevelopmental cognitive perspective of temporal processing

The ability to organize and memorize the unfolding of events over time is a fundamental feature of cognition, which develops concurrently with the maturation of the brain. Nonetheless, how temporal processing evolves across the lifetime as well as the links with the underlying neural substrates remains unclear. Here, we intend to retrace the main developmental stages of brain structure, function, and cognition linked to the emergence of timing abilities. This neurodevelopmental perspective aims to untangle the puzzling trajectory of temporal processing aspects across the lifetime, paving the way to novel neuropsychological assessments and cognitive rehabilitation strategies.

This too shall pass, but when? Children's and adults' beliefs about the time duration of emotions, desires, and preferences

This research investigated children's and adults' understanding of the mind by assessing beliefs about the temporal features of mental states. English-speaking North American participants, varying in socioeconomic status (Study 1: N = 50 adults; Study 2: N = 112, 8- to 10-year-olds and adults; and Study 3: N = 116, 5- to 7-year-olds and adults; tested 2017-2022), estimated the duration (seconds to a lifetime) of emotions, desires (wanting), preferences (liking), and control trials (e.g., napping and having eyes). Participants were 56% female and 44% male; 32% Asian, 1% Black, 13% Hispanic/Latino, 38% White (non-Hispanic/Latino), and 16% multiracial or another race/ethnicity. Children and adults judged that preferences last longer than emotions and desires, with age differences in distinguishing specific emotions by duration (η p 2 s > .03 ). By 5 to 7 years, ideas about the mind include consideration of time.

Everything is Infinite: Children's Beliefs About Endless Space, Time, and Number

How do children form beliefs about the infinity of space, time, and number? We asked whether children held similar beliefs about infinity across domains, and whether beliefs in infinity for domains like space and time might be scaffolded upon numerical knowledge (e.g., knowledge successors within the count list). To test these questions, 112 U.S. children (aged 4;0-7;11) completed an interview regarding their beliefs about infinite space, time, and number. We also measured their knowledge of counting, and other factors that might impact performance on linguistic assessments of infinity belief (e.g., working memory, ability to respond to hypothetical questions). We found that beliefs about infinity were very high across all three domains, suggesting that infinity beliefs may arise early in development for space, time, and number. Second, we found that-across all three domains-children were more likely to believe that it is always possible to add a unit than to believe that the domain is endless. Finally, we found that understanding the rules underlying counting predicted children's belief that it is always possible to add 1 to any number, but did not predict any of the other elements of infinity belief.

How many seconds was that? Teaching children about time does not refine their ability to track durations

Over development, children acquire symbols to represent abstract concepts such as time and number. Despite the importance of quantity symbols, it is unknown how acquiring these symbols impacts one's ability to perceive quantities (i.e., nonsymbolic representations). While it has been proposed that learning symbols shapes nonsymbolic quantitative abilities (i.e., the refinement hypothesis), this hypothesis has been understudied, especially in the domain of time. Moreover, the majority of research in support of this hypothesis has been correlational in nature, and thus, experimental manipulations are critical for determining whether this relation is causal. In the present study, kindergarteners and first graders (N = 154) who have yet to learn about temporal symbols in school completed a temporal estimation task during which they were either (1) trained on temporal symbols and effective timing strategies ("2 s" and counting on the beat), (2) trained on temporal symbols only ("2 s"), or (3) participated in a control training. Children's nonsymbolic and symbolic timing abilities were assessed before and after training. Results revealed a correlation between children's nonsymbolic and symbolic timing abilities at pre-test (when controlling for age), indicating this relation exists prior to formal classroom instruction on temporal symbols. Notably, we found no support for the refinement hypothesis, as learning temporal symbols did not impact children's nonsymbolic timing abilities. Implications and future directions are discussed.

A million is more than a thousand: Children's acquisition of very large number words

Very large numbers words such as "hundred," "thousand," "million," "billion," and "trillion" pose a learning problem for children because they are sparse in everyday speech and children's experience with extremely large quantities is scarce. In this study, we examine when children acquire the relative ordering of very large number words as a first step toward understanding their acquisition. In Study 1, a hundred and twenty-five 5-8-year-olds participated in a verbal number comparison task involving very large number words. We found that children can judge which of two very large numbers is more as early as age 6, prior to entering first grade. In Study 2, we provided a descriptive analysis on the usage of very large number words using the CHILDES database. We found that the relative frequency of large number words does not change across the years, with "hundred" uttered more frequently than others by an order of magnitude. We also found that adults were more likely to use large number words to reference units of quantification for money, weight, and time, than for discrete, physical entities. Together, these results show that children construct a numerical scale for large number words prior to learning their precise cardinal meanings, and highlight how frequency and context may support their acquisition. Our results have pedagogical implications and highlight a need to investigate how children acquire meanings for number words that reference quantities beyond our everyday experience.

Children gradually construct spatial representations of temporal events

English-speaking adults often recruit a "mental timeline" to represent events from left-to-right (LR), but its developmental origins are debated. Here, we test whether preschoolers prefer ordered linear representations of events and whether they prefer culturally conventional directions. English-speaking adults (n = 85) and 3- to 5-year-olds (n = 513; 50% female; ~47% white, ~35% Latinx, ~18% other; tested 2016-2018) were told three-step stories and asked to choose which of two image sequences best illustrated them. We found that 3- and 4-year-olds chose ordered over unordered sequences, but preferences between directions did not emerge until at least age 5. Together, these results show that children conceptualize time linearly early in development but gradually acquire directional preferences (e.g., for LR).

The effects of cueing episodic future thinking on delay discounting in children, adolescents, and adults

Discounting the value of delayed rewards such that even a relatively small, immediately available reward is preferred to a larger delayed reward is a commonly observed human trait. Children are particularly steep discounters of delayed rewards as evidenced by delay of gratification studies. In recent years, however, a growing literature indicates that cueing individuals to imagine personal future events attenuates their discounting of delayed rewards. The present studies extend this literature by examining whether cueing future thinking promotes patient choices in children and adolescents. In Experiment 1 we found that cueing future thinking had no effect on 8-11-year-olds' (n = 177) delay discounting of either real or hypothetical rewards. In Experiment 2 we found that cueing adolescents (12-14-year-olds, n = 126) and adults (n = 122) to think about personal future events decreased their discounting of delayed rewards relative to three other conditions: a no cue control, an episodic memory condition and a novel 'future other' condition in which individuals imagine future events that might happen to a significant other person in their life. Cueing adults and adolescents to think about personal future events did not however affect how connected they felt to their future selves or their subjective sense of how close future time points felt to them - two constructs that have previously been shown to be related to delay discounting.

Cultural influences on word meanings revealed through large-scale semantic alignment

If the structure of language vocabularies mirrors the structure of natural divisions that are universally perceived, then the meanings of words in different languages should closely align. By contrast, if shared word meanings are a product of shared culture, history and geography, they may differ between languages in substantial but predictable ways. Here, we analysed the semantic neighbourhoods of 1,010 meanings in 41 languages. The most-aligned words were from semantic domains with high internal structure (number, quantity and kinship). Words denoting natural kinds, common actions and artefacts aligned much less well. Languages that are more geographically proximate, more historically related and/or spoken by more-similar cultures had more aligned word meanings. These results provide evidence that the meanings of common words vary in ways that reflect the culture, history and geography of their users.

Children's Memory for Temporal Information: The Roles of Temporal Language and Executive Function

The ability to recall the temporal order of events develops much more slowly than the ability to recall facts about events. To explore what processes facilitate memory for temporal information, we tested 3- to 6-year-old children (N = 40) for immediate memory of the temporal order of events from a storybook, using a visual timeline task and a yes/no recognition task. In addition, children completed tasks assessing their understanding of before and after and the executive functions of inhibition using the Day/Night Stroop task and cognitive shifting using the Dimensional Change Card Sort (DCCS) task. Older children (Mage = 69.25 months) outperformed younger children (Mage = 52.35 months) on all measures; however, the only significant predictor of memory for the temporal ordering of events was cognitive shifting. The findings suggest that the difficulty in memory for temporal information is related to development of a general cognitive ability, as indexed by the DCCS, rather than specific temporal abilities.

Age-related changes in duration production for familiar actions

The present study dealt with an aspect of temporal cognition that is rarely discussed in the literature: the ability to estimate the duration of familiar actions. In everyday life, we often have to process both very short durations (e.g., when we are driving), but we also have to deal with actions or events that last for several minutes or even hours (e.g., watching a film). The aim of our study was to examine whether young children aged six and 9 years and adults are able to estimate the time usually taken by various familiar actions to perform using a production task. More precisely, they were successively presented with photographs of familiar actions that usually take more (e.g., blown a balloon up) or less (e.g., blow a candle out) time to perform. As soon as a photograph was presented on the screen, they have to start estimating the time taken to perform the depicted action and press the space bar when they think that this time has elapsed. Results showed that the 6-year-olds failed to produce longer durations for the long action category than for the short one, unlike the older children and adults. Moreover, for the short action category, increasingly short durations were produced with age. Only the adults produced different durations for different actions belonging to the same category (i.e., short or long). These results are discussed in relation to the development of an event-based system of time that can be used to solve duration tasks. Statement of contribution What is already known on this subject? Young children understand the relative durations of daily actions. There is not any mapping between duration words and approximate durations in young children. Young children have great difficulty in understanding that the same duration can be shared by different actions. What the present study adds? There is a clear improvement with age in the ability to produce the durations of familiar actions. Children can use the event-based system of time they develop to successfully perform duration tasks.

What time words teach us about children's acquisition of the temporal reasoning system

Here I consider the possible role of the temporal updating system in the development of the temporal reasoning system. Using evidence from children's acquisition of time words, I argue that abstract temporal concepts are not built from primitive representations of time. Instead, I propose that language and cultural learning provide the primary sources of the temporal reasoning system.

The Development of Temporal Concepts: Linguistic Factors and Cognitive Processes

Temporal concepts are fundamental constructs of human cognition, but the trajectory of how these concepts emerge and develop is not clear. Evidence of children's temporal concept development comes from cognitive developmental and psycholinguistic studies. This paper reviews the linguistic factors (i.e., temporal language production and comprehension) and cognitive processes (i.e., temporal judgment and temporal reasoning) involved in children's temporal conceptualization. The relationship between children's ability to express time in language and the ability to reason about time, and the challenges and difficulties raised by the interaction between cognitive and linguistic components are discussed. Finally, we propose ways to reconcile controversies from different research perspectives and present several avenues for future research to better understand the development of temporal concepts.

Contrast and entailment: Abstract logical relations constrain how 2- and 3-year-old children interpret unknown numbers

Do children understand how different numbers are related before they associate them with specific cardinalities? We explored how children rely on two abstract relations - contrast and entailment - to reason about the meanings of 'unknown' number words. Previous studies argue that, because children give variable amounts when asked to give an unknown number, all unknown numbers begin with an existential meaning akin to some. In Experiment 1, we tested an alternative hypothesis, that because numbers belong to a scale of contrasting alternatives, children assign them a meaning distinct from some. In the "Don't Give-a-Number task", children were shown three kinds of fruit (apples, bananas, strawberries), and asked to not give either some or a number of one kind (e.g. Give everything, but not [some/five] bananas). While children tended to give zero bananas when asked to not give some, they gave positive amounts when asked to not give numbers. This suggests that contrast - plus knowledge of a number's membership in a count list - enables children to differentiate the meanings of unknown number words from the meaning of some. Experiment 2 tested whether children's interpretation of unknown numbers is further constrained by understanding numerical entailment relations - that if someone, e.g. has three, they thereby also have two, but if they do not have three, they also do not have four. On critical trials, children saw two characters with different quantities of fish, two apart (e.g. 2 vs. 4), and were asked about the number in-between - who either has or doesn't have, e.g. three. Children picked the larger quantity for the affirmative, and the smaller for the negative prompts even when all the numbers were unknown, suggesting that they understood that, whatever three means, a larger quantity is more likely to contain that many, and a smaller quantity is more likely not to. We conclude by discussing how contrast and entailment could help children scaffold the exact meanings of unknown number words.

The mental timeline is gradually constructed in childhood

When reasoning about time, English-speaking adults often invoke a "mental timeline" stretching from left to right. Although the direction of the timeline varies across cultures, the tendency to represent time as a line has been argued to be ubiquitous and primitive. On this hypothesis, we might predict that children also spontaneously invoke a spatial timeline when reasoning about time. However, little is known about how and when the mental timeline develops, or to what extent it is variable and malleable in childhood. Here, we used a sticker placement task to test whether preschoolers and kindergarteners spontaneously map temporal events (breakfast, lunch, and dinner) and deictic time words (yesterday, today, tomorrow) onto lines, and to what degree their representations of time are adult-like. We found that, at age 4, preschoolers were able to arrange temporal items in lines with minimal spatial priming. However, unlike kindergarteners and adults, most preschoolers did not represent time as a line spontaneously, in the absence of priming, and did not prefer left-to-right over right-to-left lines. Furthermore, unlike most adults, children of all ages could be easily primed to adopt an unconventional vertical timeline. Our findings suggest that mappings between time and space in children are initially flexible, and become increasingly automatic and conventionalized in the early school years.

Time Reference in the Service of Social Action

The present study investigates the ways that members of society refer to time. Concrete methods for communicating about points in time and locating events in relation to them make relevant and thereby ground abstract time-reckoning in the lives of interactants. Through a taxonomy of references to time—termed absolute and event-relative, each with subcategories—we describe the intrinsic affordances that different designs provide coparticipants engaging in social interaction. In analyzing talk from both ordinary and institutional contexts, we demonstrate how these affordances can be mobilized in the co-construction and maintenance of intersubjectivity, in managing interpersonal relationships, and in conjunction with a variety of social actions. By describing how sociotemporal ordering is invoked, put into use, and contextually achieved in the immediacy of quotidian conduct, we posit that time-reckoning categories are social not only in their construction but also in their everyday use.

The emergence of temporal language in Nicaraguan Sign Language

Understanding what uniquely human properties account for the creation and transmission of language has been a central goal of cognitive science. Recently, the study of emerging sign languages, such as Nicaraguan Sign Language (NSL), has offered the opportunity to better understand how languages are created and the roles of the individual learner and the community of users. Here, we examined the emergence of two types of temporal language in NSL, comparing the linguistic devices for conveying temporal information among three sequential age cohorts of signers. Experiment 1 showed that while all three cohorts of signers could communicate about linearly ordered discrete events, only the second and third generations of signers successfully communicated information about events with more complex temporal structure. Experiment 2 showed that signers could discriminate between the types of temporal events in a nonverbal task. Finally, Experiment 3 investigated the ordinal use of numbers (e.g., first, second) in NSL signers, indicating that one strategy younger signers might have for accurately describing events in time might be to use ordinal numbers to mark each event. While the capacity for representing temporal concepts appears to be present in the human mind from the onset of language creation, the linguistic devices to convey temporality do not appear immediately. Evidently, temporal language emerges over generations of language transmission, as a product of individual minds interacting within a community of users.