Aiming for Universal Health Coverage through insurance in Ethiopia: State infrastructural power and the challenge of enrolment

Politics-evidence conflict in national health policy making in Africa: a scoping review

BACKGROUND

Generally, public health policy-making is hardly a linear process and is characterized by interactions among politicians, institutions, researchers, technocrats and practitioners from diverse fields, as well as brokers, interest groups, financiers and a gamut of other actors. Meanwhile, most public health policies and systems in Africa appear to be built loosely on technical and scientific evidence, but with high political systems and ideologies. While studies on national health policies in Africa are growing, there seems to be inadequate evidence mapping on common themes and concepts across existing literature.

PURPOSE

The study seeks to explore the extent and type of evidence that exist on the conflict between politics and scientific evidence in the national health policy-making processes in Africa.

METHODS

A thorough literature search was done in PubMed, Cochrane Library, ScienceDirect, Dimensions, Taylor and Francis, Chicago Journals, Emerald Insight, JSTOR and Google Scholar. In total, 43 peer-reviewed articles were eligible and used for this review.

RESULT

We found that the conflicts to evidence usage in policy-making include competing interests and lack of commitment; global policy goals, interest/influence, power imbalance and funding, morals; and evidence-based approaches, self-sufficiency, collaboration among actors, policy priorities and existing structures. Barriers to the health policy process include fragmentation among actors, poor advocacy, lack of clarity on the agenda, inadequate evidence, inadequate consultation and corruption. The impact of the politics-evidence conflict includes policy agenda abrogation, suboptimal policy development success and policy implementation inadequacies.

CONCLUSIONS

We report that political interests in most cases influence policy-makers and other stakeholders to prioritize financial gains over the use of research evidence to policy goals and targets. This situation has the tendency for inadequate health policies with poor implementation gaps. Addressing these issues requires incorporating relevant evidence into health policies, making strong leadership, effective governance and a commitment to public health.

Health insurance ownership among female workers in Indonesia: does socioeconomic status matter?

BACKGROUND

Female workers are vulnerable groups in the Indonesian context, and female workers must be responsible for domestic problems and earn a living. The study aimed to analyze the role of socioeconomic on health insurance ownership among female workers in Indonesia.

METHODS

The study population was all female workers in Indonesia. This cross-sectional study involved 7,943 respondents. The study analyzed health insurance ownership as an outcome variable and socioeconomic status as an exposure variable. The study also involved five control variables: residence, age, marital, education, and occupation. The research used multinomial logistic regression in the final step.

RESULTS

The results show the poorest female workers have a possibility of 0.735 times more than the richest to have NHI (AOR 0.733; 95% CI 0.733-0.737). The poorer female workers have 0.939 times less likely than the richest to have NHI (AOR 0.939; 95% CI 0.937-0.942). Female workers with middle socioeconomic status are possibly 0.833 times less than the richest to have NHI (AOR 0.833; 95% 0.831-0.835). Moreover, the richer female workers have 1.028 times more likely than the richest to have NHI (AOR 1.028; 95% CI 1.025-1.030). Moreover, all socioeconomic statuses have a lower possibility than the richest of having other health insurance.

CONCLUSIONS

The study concluded that socioeconomic has a role in health insurance ownership among female workers in Indonesia.

Infrastructural capital in the Israeli vaccination campaign against COVID-19

This article examines the Israeli vaccination campaign against COVID-19, focusing on the state's acquisition of the vaccines from the pharmaceutical company Pfizer. In December 2020, Israel signed an agreement with Pfizer to purchase enough doses to vaccinate its entire population. In the months that followed, the country became a world leader in vaccination rates. But how was Israel able to purchase large quantities of then-scarce vaccines in the first place? To answer this question, I examine reports and publications by government and civil society bodies as well as news coverage about the campaign. Drawing on insights from the sociology of the state and from science and technology studies, I argue that Israel was able to secure vaccines by using its state-power as a form of currency. Theoretically, I suggest the term “infrastructural capital” – which I define as the resources a state can provide to an external capitalist actor by virtue of its power – to explain how Israel traded with Pfizer. In the conclusion, I discuss the potential implications of this case for other cases.

Socioeconomic Disparities in Hospital Utilization Among Female Workers in Indonesia: A Cross-Sectional Study

BACKGROUND

The study aims to analyze the relationship between socioeconomic and hospital utilization among female workers in Indonesia.

METHODS

The study analyzed secondary data from the 2018 Indonesian Basic Health Survey. The study gathered 161 186 female workers through stratification and multistage random sampling. As control factors, the study looked at age, marital status, education, occupation, and health insurance, in addition to the categories of socioeconomic and hospital utilization. The study used binary logistic regression to evaluate the data in the final step.

RESULTS

The result shows female workers with poorer wealth status are 1.142 times more likely than the most impoverished female workers to utilize the hospital (AOR 1.142; 95% CI 1.135-1.148). Female workers with median wealth status are 1.509 times more likely than the poorest female workers to take advantage of the hospital (AOR 1.509; 95% CI 1.501-1.517). Female workers with wealthier wealth status are 1.808 times more likely than the poorest female workers to use the hospital (AOR 1.808; 95% CI 1.799-1.817). The wealthiest female workers are 2.399 times more likely than the poorest female workers to utilize the hospital (2.399; 95% CI 2.387-2.411).

CONCLUSION

The study concluded a relationship between socioeconomic status and hospital utilization among female workers in Indonesia. The better the socioeconomic, the better the hospital utilization.

Health and politics in pandemic times: COVID-19 responses in Ethiopia

With a focus on responses to coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) in Ethiopia and on political developments that have occurred in the country during the pandemic, this article contributes to the existing scholarship that explores the relationship between health and politics. Drawing on qualitative data from the project ‘COVID-19 Impact Tracing in Ethiopia: Social, Economic, Political, and Security Ramifications’, carried out in the Tigray, Amhara and Oromia Regional States (RS) from June to September 2020, we offer new empirical and theoretical perspectives that shed light on the political status of health and health policies in Ethiopia and beyond. In all the three regions, COVID-19 and the government’s pandemic response was subject to politicization and securitization. The degree of securitization and politicization differed between the regions and fluctuated over time; in areas with strong opposition to political authorities, the COVID-19 mitigating efforts were—during the first phase of the pandemic—more politicized and securitized than in areas with less opposition. Yet, as the political opposition and instability increased, threatening national security and Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s political project, the authorities and the public paid increasingly less attention to the pandemic and the mitigating policies. In our analysis of these dynamics, we draw on a classic distinction that scholars of global public health have borrowed from political science: that of ‘low’ and ‘high’ politics. We argue that a contextually situated use of the high/low distinction allows us to recognize the fleeting and context-dependent nature of health’s political status, providing valuable insights that help us understand the ways that health emerges and disappears as high politics. The temporal and inter-regional shifts that appeared in, and as a response to, Ethiopia’s pandemic policies illustrate the importance of a continuous analysis of the relationships between health and politics at national as well as at sub-national levels.