How delinquent youths acquire guns: initial versus most recent gun acquisitions

Characteristics and Obtainment Methods of Firearms Used in Adolescent School Shootings

Importance

Within gun violence research, the types of firearms involved in US school shootings and the origins of these weapons have not been well explored.

Objective

To examine the type, make, and power of firearms involved in school-related gun violence as well as the sources and methods through which adolescents obtained these weapons.

Design, Setting, and Participants

This cross-sectional study used descriptive statistics and logistic regression to analyze 253 school shootings executed by 262 adolescents (aged ≤19 years) in the US from January 1, 1990, to December 31, 2016, and to calculate adjusted estimates for missing cases. The data were sourced from The American School Shooting Study (TASSS), which compiles information about these shooting events from open-source materials. Data analysis was performed from June 23, 2023, to July 20, 2023.

Exposures

Firearm type, make, and power.

Main Outcomes and Measures

The firearm type refers to whether a weapon was a handgun, rifle, or shotgun. The firearm's make differentiates semiautomatic or fully automatic guns from other action mechanisms. The firearm's power refers to the caliber and velocity, distinguished as small, moderate, or higher power. The acquisition source captures from whom the firearm was received. The obtainment method refers to how the shooter obtained the firearm. Estimates were adjusted by total number of documents and TASSS reliability score as well as neighborhood demographic, socioeconomic, and land use variables measured at the census tract level, and were weighted to account for item nonresponse.

Results

A total of 262 adolescents (mean [SD] age, 16.2 [1.9] years; 256 [97.8%] male) were studied. In the adjusted analyses, handguns were the most used weapon in school shootings (85.5%; 95% CI, 80.6%-89.4%). Firearms were predominantly lower (37.0%; 95% CI, 29.9%-44.7%) or moderate (39.7%; 95% CI, 32.0%-47.8%) in power. Adolescents mainly obtained their guns from relatives (41.8%; 95% CI, 31.7%-52.6%), friends or acquaintances (22.0%; 95% CI, 13.2%-34.5%), the illegal market (29.6%; 95% CI, 19.3%-42.5%), strangers or persons who were shot (4.7%; 95% CI, 1.8%-11.6%), or licensed dealers (1.9%; 95% CI, 0.7%-5.2%). Most firearms were procured via theft from relatives (82.1%; 95% CI, 69.4%-90.3%).

Conclusions and Relevance

Despite the more frequent use of lower to moderately powered firearms in school shootings, this study's results indicated stability in the use of high-powered weapons in adolescent school shootings throughout the research timeframe. A majority of the firearms were procured from the perpetrator's family or relatives or from friends or acquaintances. These findings may significantly influence discussions around gun control policy, particularly in advocating for secure firearm storage to reduce adolescents' access to weapons.

The effect of state gun laws on youth suicide by firearm: 1981-2017

BACKGROUND

Many studies have found that state gun laws that regulate the purchase and possession of firearms can lead to a reduction in suicide rates. Yet, the literature has primarily focused on the effects of state gun laws on adult suicides, despite the fact that some gun laws are specifically tailored to restrict the purchase and possession of firearms by youths.

AIMS

In this study, we estimate the effect of two such laws-Child Access Prevention (CAP) laws and minimum age laws-on youth suicide by firearm rates.

MATERIALS & METHODS

Our sample consists of state-level panel data for 41 states observed over the years 1981-2017.

RESULTS

Based on a series of negative binomial regression analyses, we confirm previous research by finding that CAP laws are associated with a decrease in youth suicides by firearm, especially among males. However, we show that this effect is limited to states that have adopted relatively strict CAP laws. We also find that minimum age laws serve to reduce the youth suicide rate, but once again this effect is largely concentrated among males. Finally, we investigate the possibility that these effects were countered to some degree by "means substitution"-the substitution of firearms with other methods of suicide.

DISCUSSION

Similar to other studies that have examined this question, we find no effect of youth-targeted gun laws on nonfirearm suicide deaths.

CONCLUSION

Despite the noteworthy increase in youth suicide rates over the last decade, our results suggest that state laws which restrict firearm access to young people continue to represent a potentially effective strategy for suicide reduction.

Association of Firearm Access, Use, and Victimization During Adolescence With Firearm Perpetration During Adulthood in a 16-Year Longitudinal Study of Youth Involved in the Juvenile Justice System

IMPORTANCE

Preventing firearm violence requires understanding its antecedents. Yet no comprehensive longitudinal study has examined how involvement with firearms during adolescence-use, access, and victimization (defined as threatened with a weapon or gunshot injury)-is associated with the perpetration of firearm violence in adulthood.

OBJECTIVE

To examine the association between firearm involvement during adolescence and subsequent firearm perpetration and ownership in adulthood among youth involved in the juvenile justice system.

DESIGN, SETTING, AND PARTICIPANTS

This cohort study analyzed interview responses of 1829 randomly selected participants as part of the Northwestern Juvenile Project, a longitudinal study of health needs and outcomes of youth sampled from a temporary juvenile detention center in a large US city. Youth aged 10 to 18 years were interviewed in detention from November 1995 through June 1998. Participants were reinterviewed up to 13 times over 16 years through February 2015, for a total of 17 776 interviews. The sample was stratified by sex, race/ethnicity, age, and legal status (juvenile or adult court). Data were analyzed from April 2017, when data preparation began, through November 2020.

EXPOSURES

Firearm involvement during adolescence: use (ie, threaten, shoot), access (ownership, ease of access, firearm in household, membership in gang that carries firearms), and victimization (gunshot injury, threatened with a weapon).

MAIN OUTCOMES AND MEASURES

Firearm involvement during adulthood: perpetration of firearm violence (ie, threatening with or using a firearm) and firearm ownership.

RESULTS

Among the 1829 participants, 1388 had a 16-year follow-up interview: 860 males, 528 females; 809 were African American, 203 were non-Hispanic White; 374 were Hispanic; and 2 were other race/ethnicity; median (interquartile range) age of 32 (30-32) years. Eighty-five percent of males and 63.2% of females were involved with firearms as adolescents. Compared with females, males had significantly higher odds of every type of involvement except having a firearm in the home. In adulthood, 41.3% of males and 10.5% of females perpetrated firearm violence. Adolescents who had been threatened with a weapon or injured by firearms had 3.1 (95% CI, 2.0-4.9) and 2.4 (95% CI, 1.2-4.9) times the odds of perpetrating violence during adulthood. Similar associations were found for firearm ownership.

CONCLUSIONS AND RELEVANCE

Involvement with firearms during adolescence-including victimization-is a significant risk factor for firearm perpetration and ownership during adulthood.

Association of Minimum Age Laws for Handgun Purchase and Possession With Homicides Perpetrated by Young Adults Aged 18 to 20 Years

IMPORTANCE

Laws mandating a minimum age to purchase or possess firearms are viewed as a potentially effective policy tool to reduce homicide by decreasing young adults' access to firearms.

OBJECTIVE

To evaluate whether state laws that raised the minimum age to purchase and/or possess a handgun to 21 years were associated with lower rates of firearm homicide perpetrated by young adults aged 18 to 20 years.

DESIGN, SETTING, AND PARTICIPANTS

In this difference-in-differences analysis of a national cohort, young adult-perpetrated homicide rates were compared between states that did and did not implement stricter minimum age laws than the 1994 federal statute, adjusting for state-level factors. Under 1994 US federal law, the minimum age to purchase a handgun from a licensed dealer is 21 years; to purchase a handgun from an unlicensed dealer, 18 years; and to possess a handgun, 18 years. The 12 states that raised the minimum ages to purchase and/or possess a handgun beyond those set by federal law before 1994 were excluded from the stricter implementation group. Data were collected from January 1, 1995, to December 31, 2017, and analyzed from November 7, 2019, to June 23, 2020.

EXPOSURES

Implementation of state law to raise the minimum age to purchase and/or possess a handgun beyond federal minimum age laws. During the study period, Massachusetts, Maryland, New Jersey, New York, and Wyoming raised the minimum age from 18 to 21 years to purchase a handgun from all dealers. With the exception of Wyoming, these states also increased the minimum age from 18 to 21 years to possess a handgun.

MAIN OUTCOMES AND MEASURES

Firearm homicides perpetrated by young adults aged 18 to 20 years. Homicide data were obtained from the Supplementary Homicide Reports.

RESULTS

During the study period, 35 960 firearm homicides were perpetrated by young adults aged 18 to 20 years. There was no statistically significant change in the rates of homicide perpetrated by this age group in the 5 states that imposed stricter age limits compared with the 32 that did not (crude incidence rate ratio, 1.10; 95% CI, 0.86-1.40). The adjusted incidence rate ratio was 1.14 (95% CI, 0.89-1.45) in states that implemented stricter minimum age laws compared with those that did not.

CONCLUSIONS AND RELEVANCE

This study found that stricter state minimum age laws were not associated with significantly lower rates of young adult-perpetrated homicide in states that adopted them compared with states that did not, and policy makers should reassess their use.

Perceived Gun Access and Gun Carrying Among Male Adolescent Offenders

Gun violence takes a significant toll on adolescents in the United States, and there is a lack of longitudinal research on perceptual factors that drive gun carrying. Notably, there is no information on the relationship between perception of gun accessibility and gun carrying. Using data collected between 2000 and 2006 in the Pathways to Desistance Study, we examine the effects of perceived access to guns in a sample of adolescent offenders. A generalized estimating equations approach tested the effect of perceived gun access along with other known risk factors for gun carrying across time. Even after adjusting for these other risk factors, perceived gun access was significantly related to future carrying. Our findings support self-reported gun availability as a significant, population-based risk factor related to gun carrying in high-risk youth. Further research on how perceived access mediates the decision to carry guns would be valuable for formulating effective gun policy.

A multi-state examination of the victims of fatal adolescent intimate partner violence, 2011-2015

Background:

Fatal intimate partner violence occurs among adolescents, which is often when first exposure to intimate partner violence occurs in the United States. However, research mainly examines intimate partner violence-related fatalities between adult intimate partners. Such findings document that non-intimate partners, corollary victims, are at risk for violence during intimate partner violence incidents, as well. Research examining fatal intimate partner violence among adolescents is scant. This study informs public health of the extent and circumstances of fatal adolescent intimate partner violence by quantifying the burden across a five-year span; describing fatal victims by demographics and precipitating circumstances; and examining differences by victim type.

Methods:

This study used data from 17 states of the United States in the National Violent Death Reporting System to examine fatal intimate partner violence-related incidents involving at least one ado-lescent intimate partner (15-19 years of age) from 2011-2015. IPV-related death cases were guided by the intimate partner violence surveillance criteria prescribed by Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Decedents were subdivided into intimate partner victims, perpetrator victims, and corollary victims. Victims were described by demographics, victim descriptors, and precipitating circumstances of death. Annual trends and descriptive statistics were calculated.

Results:

There were 93 intimate partner violence-related fatal incidents among adolescents with 116 decedents. A firearm was the predominant weapon. Crises, arguments, jealousy, and physical fights were common precipitating circumstances. Corollary victims represented 18% of all victims, 65% were intimate partner victims, and 17% perpetrator victims. Corollary victims were primarily linked to the suspect by other intimate partners, and friends and acquaintances.

Conclusions:

Intimate partner violence is a preventable public health problem. This study documents that intimate partner violence among adolescents can result in deaths of intimate partners and corollary victims. Effective prevention should begin in early adolescence and incorporate shared and protective risk factors to have the greatest impact on adolescent IPV.

Whose guns are stolen? The epidemiology of Gun theft victims

Background

Gun theft is an important source of guns used by criminals. Yet no empirical work has focused on the characteristics of gun owners that distinguish those who have had their guns stolen from those who have not. In this study, we examine the demographics and behavioral characteristics of gun owners who report having had a gun stolen.

Methods

Data come from a nationally representative probability-based online survey conducted in April 2015, with a linked follow-up survey in November 2015 that asked gun owners about any theft of their guns in the past 5 years.

Results

Of 1,604 gun-owning respondents, 2.4% (95% CI 1.6,3.6) reported that one or more guns had been stolen, with a mean number of guns stolen per theft of 1.5 (95% CI 1.0,2.0]. Risk factors for having a gun stolen were owning 6 or more guns, owning guns for protection, carrying a gun in the past month, storing guns unsafely, and living in the South region of the United States. The South accounts for 37% of US households, 43% of gun owners, and two-thirds of all gun thefts.

Conclusions

We estimate that there are approximately 250,000 gun theft incidents per year, with about 380,000 guns stolen. We find that certain types of gun owners-who own many guns, who carry guns, and who do not store guns safely-are at higher risk to have their guns stolen. Tracing data show that states in the South are exporters of crime guns used in other states. Our survey results find that the majority of guns stolen in the US come from the South.

Sources of guns to dangerous people: what we learn by asking them

Gun violence exacts a lethal toll on public health. This paper focuses on reducing access to firearms by dangerous offenders, contributing original empirical data on the gun transactions that arm offenders in Chicago. Conducted in the fall of 2013, analysis of an open-ended survey of 99 inmates of Cook County Jail focuses on a subset of violence-prone individuals with the goal of improving law enforcement actions. Among our principal findings: *Our respondents (adult offenders living in Chicago or nearby) obtain most of their guns from their social network of personal connections. Rarely is the proximate source either direct purchase from a gun store, or theft. *Only about 60% of guns in the possession of respondents were obtained by purchase or trade. Other common arrangements include sharing guns and holding guns for others. *About one in seven respondents report selling guns, but in only a few cases as a regular source of income. *Gangs continue to play some role in Chicago in organizing gun buys and in distributing guns to members as needed. *The Chicago Police Department has a considerable effect on the workings of the underground gun market through deterrence. Transactions with strangers and less-trusted associates are limited by concerns over arrest risk (if the buyer should happen to be an undercover officer or a snitch), and about being caught with a "dirty" gun (one that has been fired in a crime).

Interpreting the empirical evidence on illegal gun market dynamics

Thousands of Americans are killed by gunfire each year, and hundreds of thousands more are injured or threatened with guns in robberies and assaults. The burden of gun violence in urban areas is particularly high. Critics suggest that the results of firearm trace data and gun trafficking investigation studies cannot be used to understand the illegal supply of guns to criminals and, therefore, that regulatory and enforcement efforts designed to disrupt illegal firearms markets are futile in addressing criminal access to firearms. In this paper, we present new data to address three key arguments used by skeptics to undermine research on illegal gun market dynamics. We find that criminals rely upon a diverse set of illegal diversion pathways to acquire guns, gun traffickers usually divert small numbers of guns, newer guns are diverted through close-to-retail diversions from legal firearms commerce, and that a diverse set of gun trafficking indicators are needed to identify and shut down gun trafficking pathways.

Temporal association between federal gun laws and the diversion of guns to criminals in Milwaukee

The practices of licensed gun dealers can threaten the safety of urban residents by facilitating the diversion of guns to criminals. In 2003, changes to federal law shielded gun dealers from the release of gun trace data and provided other protections to gun dealers. The 14-month period during which the dealer did not sell junk guns was associated with a 68% reduction in the diversion of guns to criminals within a year of sale by the dealer and a 43% increase in guns diverted to criminals following sales by other dealers. The laws were associated with a 203% increase in the number of guns diverted to criminals within a year of sale by the gun store, which was the focus of this study. Policies which affect gun dealer accountability appeared to influence the diversion of guns to criminals.

Risk-taking among adolescents who say they can get a handgun

In a survey of 5657 community-residing adolescents, those who said they could get a handgun in two days reported similar and those who said they could not get a handgun reported fewer risk behaviors and less violence perpetration and victimization than adolescents who have their own handgun. Adolescents who said they could get a handgun reported more exposure to and experience with firearms than those who said they could not get a handgun. Risk reduction efforts regarding adolescents should be expanded to include adolescents who say they can get a handgun.

Girls and weapons: an international study of the perpetration of violence

The purpose of this study was to describe delinquent girls' weapons preferences where and how often they carried weapons and to identify the most important factors that explained four different weapon-related violent outcomes. A large, high-risk sample of female adolescents consisting of 510 girls aged 14-17 in four cities were interviewed using the same questionnaire and methods. Tabular and logistic regression analyses were applied. Knives emerged as the most frequently reported weapon in all cities. Rates of both lifetime victimization and perpetration of violence with weapons were high in all sites. Starting to carry a weapon as a result of violence was reported by 40% of the girls in Toronto, 28% in Philadelphia, 25% in Amsterdam, and 16% in Montreal. The major predictors of weapon perpetrated violent behaviours included ethnic origin, early onset of delinquent activities, participation in delinquent acts in the past 12 months, gang fighting and carrying a weapon as a result of violence. Site, age and heavy alcohol consumption had a minor impact, and drug use, drug selling, and neighborhood features, none. Despite numerous differences in weapons' prevalence across cities, the logistic regression found that site was only significant in use of an object (Toronto) and not significant in threatening or hurting someone with either a knife or a gun or actually hurting others with a weapon. These findings suggest commonality in serious female violence that extends beyond borders and cultures.

Effects of a gun dealer's change in sales practices on the supply of guns to criminals

Licensed gun dealers are a major conduit for gun trafficking. Prior to May 1999, a single gun store sold more than half of the guns recovered from criminals in Milwaukee, WI, shortly following retail sale. On May 10, 1999, the store stopped selling small, inexpensive handguns popular with criminals, often called "Saturday night specials." The purpose of this study was to estimate the effect of this gun store's changed sales practices on criminals' acquisition of new guns. We used an interrupted time-series design with comparisons to test for changes in the number of guns that police recovered from criminals within a year of retail sale following the gun dealer's new sales policy. The dealer's changed sales policy was associated with a 96% decrease in recently sold, small, inexpensive handguns use in crime in Milwaukee, a 73% decrease in crime guns recently sold by this dealer, and a 44% decrease in the flow of all new, trafficked guns to criminals in Milwaukee. The findings demonstrate the substantial impact that a single gun store's sales practices can have on the supply of new guns to criminals. Proposed anti-gun-trafficking efforts in other cities could benefit from targeting problem retail outlets.

Gun carrying and drug selling among young incarcerated men and women

This paper examines the relationship between illegal drug economy involvement, gun-related victimization, and recent gun carrying among young men and women incarcerated in a state prison in the United States. Interviews were conducted with 18- to 25-year old incarcerated men (n = 135) and women (n = 69) between July 1999 and October 2000. Forty-five percent of men and 16% of women reported carrying a gun in the year prior to incarceration. Respondents who sold crack cocaine or other drugs were more likely to have carried guns than those not selling drugs. However, hard drug use was not associated with gun carrying among men. All ten women who carried guns had used hard drugs. Sixty-seven percent of men and 28% of women had been shot at. Respondents who sold crack cocaine were at elevated risk of being shot at. Among men, selling crack (OR = 10.2, 95% CI = 2.5, 42.1) and ever being shot at (OR = 4.6, 95% CI = 1.7, 12.2), were associated with carrying guns. These findings provide further evidence of a link between crack selling (but not necessarily drug using) and gun carrying.

Unsupervised firearm handling by California adolescents

OBJECTIVE

Relatively little is known about the behavior of adolescents around firearms. The present investigation was undertaken to estimate the proportion of community-residing adolescents who report that they have ever handled a gun without adult knowledge or supervision.

METHODS

A random digit dial interview was conducted with 5801 California adolescents as part of the California Health Interview Survey. Respondents were asked whether they have ever held a gun and whether they have ever done so without adult knowledge or supervision. Study design and population weights were applied to these data. In addition, adolescents' reports about the most recent unsupervised handling incident were coded to ascertain what they were doing with the gun as well as with whom and where the incident occurred.

RESULTS

One third (33%) of California adolescents report that they have handled a firearm; 5% report that they have done so without adult knowledge or supervision. Half (49%) of all unsupervised handling involved shooting and only 11% occurred in the respondent's home. Several demographic variables (being male, African American, living in a rural area) and risk behaviors (smoking, drinking, being the victim of a gun related threat), as well as having a gun in the home and parents not knowing the adolescent's whereabouts in the afternoon were each associated with unsupervised gun handling.

CONCLUSIONS

Unsupervised gun handling is associated with other health risk behaviors. Unsupervised gun handling typically involves shooting the gun and usually occurs with friends, away from the home.

The life cycle of crime guns: a description based on guns recovered from young people in California

STUDY OBJECTIVE

We describe the life cycle of crime guns recovered from young people-the movement of those guns from manufacture to criminal use-and identify associations between the characteristics of those guns and their possessors, purchasers, sellers, and places of origin.

METHODS

This is a cross-sectional study of data from gun ownership tracing records compiled by the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives for 2,121 crime guns recovered in California from persons younger than 25 years and traced in 1999. Purchaser and seller data for handguns were updated when possible by linking to California handgun sales records.

RESULTS

The 2,121 traced guns were recovered from 1,717 young people. Guns recovered from persons aged 21 to 24 years were most frequently also purchased by persons aged 21 to 24 years; those recovered from persons younger than 18 years were most often purchased by persons aged 45 years or older. Small-caliber handguns made up 41.0% of handguns recovered from persons younger than 18 years but 25.2% of handguns recovered from persons aged 21 to 24 years. The median time from sale to recovery (commonly called time to crime) for all guns was 6.4 years (interquartile range 2.7 to 12.4 years). A time to crime of less than 3 years, suggesting deliberate gun trafficking, was observed for 17.3% of guns recovered from persons younger than 18 years but 34.6% of guns recovered from persons aged 21 to 24 years. Ten retailers who sold 10 or more traced guns accounted for 13.1% of all guns traced to a retailer. Handguns whose purchaser and possessor were the same person were more likely than others to be large-caliber semiautomatic pistols (29.3% and 11.7%, respectively); their median time to crime was 0.2 years (69 days).

CONCLUSION

Analysis of crime-gun ownership traces reveals patterns that may help refine gun violence prevention efforts and render them more effective.

Adolescents and firearms: a California statewide survey

OBJECTIVES

We assessed the prevalence and correlates of adolescents' reports regarding firearms in their homes, of their own, of close friends, and of same-aged peers.

METHODS

Random-digit-dialed interviews were conducted with 5801 adolescents as part of the California Health Interview Survey.

RESULTS

One fifth (19.6%) of California adolescents reported having a firearm in their homes; few (3.0%) reported having their own gun. Characteristics associated with having one's own gun and with perceptions regarding others' guns generally were consistent with characteristics associated with having a firearm in the home. The 2 exceptions were related to socioeconomic status and to ethnicity.

CONCLUSIONS

The source from which adolescents obtain guns, especially adolescents from less wealthy households, merits further investigation. Further research is needed to ascertain the accuracy of Black and Latino adolescents' perceptions regarding handguns among their peers.