US State Polarization, Policymaking Power, and Population Health

Is White Evangelical Antistructural Theology Related to Poor Health Outcomes?

Policy Points White evangelical theology has an "antistructural" component. Counties with a high percentage of White evangelicals have higher mortality rates and more persons with fair/poor health. The potential influence of antistructural components in evangelical theology on decision making and resource allocation and, ultimately, the length and quality of life of community members presents a point of intervention for religious leaders and policymakers to improve population health.

CONTEXT

Structural factors are important determinants of health. Because antistructuralism has been identified as a tenet of White evangelical theology, we explored if there is an association of the percentage of White evangelicals in a US county with two county health outcomes: premature mortality and percentage of fair/poor health.

METHODS

Regression analysis was performed with data from 2022 County Health Rankings and the American Value Atlas from the Public Religion Research Institute.

FINDINGS

Every percent of evangelicals in a county is associated with 4.01 more premature deaths per 100,000 population and 0.13% fair/poor health. After controlling for income, education, political ideology, and county school funding adequacy (a proxy for antistructuralism), the associations remain positive and significant.

CONCLUSIONS

We hope these findings could inform dialogue and critical analysis among individuals of evangelical faith, particularly fundamental and Pentecostal subsets, regarding a belief system that is inclusive of individual dimensions and health-promoting structural policies like school funding, Medicaid expansion, and antipoverty programs. These findings also demonstrate the importance of considering cultural factors like religion and political ideology in population health outcomes research.

Twentieth-Century Change in the Educational Costs of Adolescent Childbearing

Although studies observe heterogeneity in the effects of adolescent childbearing on schooling, little is currently known about when this pattern emerged or how it changed across cohorts of women who lived in distinct periods of US history. This article identifies the potential origins of effect heterogeneity in the educational costs of adolescent childbearing and extends recent advances in causal inference to detect group differences in heterogeneity. The analysis applies this approach to four cohorts of women from the National Longitudinal Surveys (NLS) who entered adolescence before, during, and after expansive economic, demographic, and cultural change in the twentieth century. Results suggest that the educational costs of adolescent childbearing, as well as heterogeneity in those costs, increased for women in the latter half of the twentieth century, especially for millennial women born 1980-84. The authors conclude that midcentury social changes fundamentally altered the educational costs of adolescent childbearing for women.

Political Ideology Direction of Policy Agendas and Maternal Mortality Outcomes in the U.S., 1915-2007

OBJECTIVES

The causes for persistently high and increasing maternal mortality rates in the United States have been elusive.

METHODS

We use the shift in the ideological direction of the Republican and the Democratic parties in the 1960s, to test the hypothesis that fluctuations in overall and race-specific maternal mortality rates (MMR) follow the power shifts between the parties before and after the Political Realignment (PR) of the 1960s.

RESULTS

Using time-series data analysis methods, we find that, net of trend, overall and race-specific MMRs were higher under Democratic administrations than Republican ones before the PR (1915-1965)-i.e., when the Democratic Party was a protector of the Jim Crow system. This pattern, however, changed after the PR (1966-2007), with Republican administrations underperforming Democratic ones-i.e., during the period when the Republican Party shifted toward a more economically and socially conservative agenda. The pre-post PR partisan shifts in MMRs were larger for Black (9.5%, p < . 01 ) relative to White mothers (7.4%, p < . 05 ) during the study period.

CONCLUSIONS FOR PRACTICE

These findings imply that parties and the ideological direction of their agendas substantively affect the social determinants of maternal health and produce politized health outcomes.

The legitimacy of pain according to sufferers

Pain is an unpleasant experience that we will all experience in some form over the course of our lives, with chronic pain affecting a significant proportion of the global population. Given these circumstances, this study investigates whether pain is a legitimated phenomenon and considers the processes involved in the creation of such a status. This is an exploratory investigation based on semi-structured interviews with people suffering from chronic pain as a consequence of physical, psychological, emotional, or social circumstances. Our principal objective is to explore the fundamental elements of legitimacy and the processes that bring it into being-i.e., to understand how it is socially constructed. The main finding, however, is that many sufferers of chronic physical, psychiatric/psychological, emotional and social pain perceive that their pain is not considered legitimate when no clear cause can be identified, when the pain prevents them from developing the norms imposed by social roles or when it inhibits them to make a productive contribution to the society in which they live. This is generally due to the disruptive aspect of pain and its impact on the social structure, specifically on productivity, which nowadays constitutes a key element in the legitimation of any social phenomenon.

Anticipatory stress, state policy contexts, and mental health during the COVID-19 pandemic

Substantial economic disruptions during the COVID-19 pandemic upended daily life and contributed to a widespread symptom of psychological distress during this period. Disruptions also led to more concerns about future stressful events related to financial hardship, or economic-related anticipatory stress, with the potential to undermine mental health. Although prior research provides ample evidence that state policies can impact mental and physical health, it has not considered how state policy contexts reduce adverse psychological outcomes stemming from economic-related anticipatory stress. The present study uses national survey data from the Census Bureau's Household Pulse Survey (April 2020-October 2020) to examine the extent to which state policy contexts moderate the association between economic-related anticipatory stress and depression/anxiety. We find that states with stronger social safety nets weakened the impact of anticipatory stress on depression/anxiety. This finding held for different types of anticipated economic hardships (i.e., reduced income, difficulty paying rent, difficulty affording food), as well as for policies that existed prior to COVID-19 and policies enacted in response to COVID-19. Findings provide strong evidence that state policies may buffer against poor mental outcomes for people who even anticipate facing economic uncertainty during the COVID-19 pandemic. We provide insight into how state policy contexts can shape individual experiences in ways that impact the mental health outcomes of the United States population.

The Buffering Effect of State Eviction and Foreclosure Policies for Mental Health during the COVID-19 Pandemic in the United States

The COVID-19 pandemic spurred an economic downturn that may have eroded population mental health, especially for renters and homeowners who experienced financial hardship and were at risk of housing loss. Using household-level data from the Census Bureau's Household Pulse Survey (n = 805,223; August 2020-August 2021) and state-level data on eviction/foreclosure bans, we estimated linear probability models with two-way fixed effects to (1) examine links between COVID-related financial hardship and anxiety/depression and (2) assess whether state eviction/foreclosure bans buffered the detrimental mental health impacts of financial hardship. Findings show that individuals who reported difficulty paying for household expenses and keeping up with rent or mortgage had increased anxiety and depression risks but that state eviction/foreclosure bans weakened these associations. Our findings underscore the importance of state policies in protecting mental health and suggest that heterogeneity in state responses may have contributed to mental health inequities during the pandemic.

US State Policy Contexts and Population Health

Policy Points This Perspective connects the dots between the polarization in US states' policy contexts and the divergence in population health across states. Key interlocking forces that fueled this polarization are the political investments of wealthy individuals and organizations and the nationalization of US political parties. Key policy priorities for the next decade include ensuring all Americans have opportunities for economic security, deterring behaviors that kill or injure hundreds of thousands of Americans each year, and protecting voting rights and democratic functioning.

Political Economy of the COVID-19 Pandemic: How State Policies Shape County-Level Disparities in COVID-19 Deaths

The authors examine how two state-level coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) policy indices (one capturing economic support and one capturing stringency measures such as stay-at-home orders) were associated with county-level COVID-19 mortality from April through December 2020 and whether the policies were more beneficial for certain counties. Using multilevel negative binominal regression models, the authors found that high scores on both policy indices were associated with lower county-level COVID-19 mortality. However, the policies appeared to be most beneficial for counties with fewer physicians and larger shares of older adults, low-educated residents, and Trump voters. They appeared to be less effective in counties with larger shares of non-Hispanic Black and Hispanic residents. These findings underscore the importance of examining how state and local factors jointly shape COVID-19 mortality and indicate that the unequal benefits of pandemic policies may have contributed to county-level disparities in COVID-19 mortality.

The Geography of Pain in the United States and Canada

Pain epidemiologists have, thus far, devoted scant attention to geospatial analyses of pain.  Both cross-national and, especially, subnational variation in pain have been understudied, even though geographic comparisons could shed light on social factors that increase or mitigate pain. This study presents the first comparative analysis of pain in the U.S. and Canada, comparing the countries in aggregate, while also analyzing variation across states and provinces. Analyses are based on cross-sectional data collected in 2020 from U.S. and Canadian adults 18 years and older (N = 4,113). The focal pain measure is a product of pain frequency and pain interference. We use decomposition and regression analyses to link socioeconomic characteristics and pain, and inverse-distance weighting spatial interpolation to map pain levels. We find significantly and substantially higher pain in the U.S. than in Canada. The difference is partly linked to Americans' worse economic conditions. Additionally, we find significant pain variability within the U.S. and Canada. U.S. states in the Deep South, Appalachia, and parts of the West stand out as pain 'hotspots' with particularly high pain levels. Overall, our findings identify areas with a high need for pain prevention and management; they also urge further scholarship on geographic factors as important covariates in population pain. PERSPECTIVE: This study documents the high pain burden in the U.S. versus Canada, and points to states in the Deep South, Appalachia, and parts of the West as having particularly high pain burden. The findings identify geographic areas with a high need for pain prevention and management.

State Immigration Policy Contexts and Racialized Legal Status Disparities in Health Care Utilization Among U.S. Agricultural Workers

Research links restrictive immigration policies to immigrant health and health care outcomes. Yet most studies in this area focus on the impact of single policies in particular years, with few assessing how broader state-level immigration policy contexts affect groups by nativity, race/ethnicity, and legal status. Linking data from the National Agricultural Workers Survey (2005-2012) with information on state immigration policies, we use an intersectional approach to examine the links between policy contexts and health care utilization by nativity, race/ethnicity, and legal status. We also assess the associations between two specific types of state immigration policies-those governing immigrant access to Medicaid and driver's licenses-and health care utilization disparities. We find that state-level immigration policy contexts are associated with health care utilization among U.S.-born and naturalized U.S. citizen non-White Latinx agricultural workers, who report lower levels of health care utilization and greater barriers to care-seeking in more restrictive policy contexts. By contrast, we find little evidence that state policies shaped health care utilization among undocumented workers. These findings advance understanding of the impact of "policies of exclusion" on the lives of marginalized groups and underscore the importance of racialized legal status in considering the links between sociopolitical contexts and health and health care disparities.

U.S. state policy contexts and mortality of working-age adults

The rise in working-age mortality rates in the United States in recent decades largely reflects stalled declines in cardiovascular disease (CVD) mortality alongside rising mortality from alcohol-induced causes, suicide, and drug poisoning; and it has been especially severe in some U.S. states. Building on recent work, this study examined whether U.S. state policy contexts may be a central explanation. We modeled the associations between working-age mortality rates and state policies during 1999 to 2019. We used annual data from the 1999-2019 National Vital Statistics System to calculate state-level age-adjusted mortality rates for deaths from all causes and from CVD, alcohol-induced causes, suicide, and drug poisoning among adults ages 25-64 years. We merged that data with annual state-level data on eight policy domains, such as labor and taxes, where each domain was scored on a 0-1 conservative-to-liberal continuum. Results show that the policy domains were associated with working-age mortality. More conservative marijuana policies and more liberal policies on the environment, gun safety, labor, economic taxes, and tobacco taxes in a state were associated with lower mortality in that state. Especially strong associations were observed between certain domains and specific causes of death: between the gun safety domain and suicide mortality among men, between the labor domain and alcohol-induced mortality, and between both the economic tax and tobacco tax domains and CVD mortality. Simulations indicate that changing all policy domains in all states to a fully liberal orientation might have saved 171,030 lives in 2019, while changing them to a fully conservative orientation might have cost 217,635 lives.

Health Equity and the Dynamism of Structural Racism and Public Policy

Policy Points Both public policy and structural racism are dynamic systems that reinforce each other. Efforts to address the health effects of structural racism must account for the nature of these systems. Politics and policy are critical for understanding the persistence of racial health inequities and creating policies and interventions that can mitigate the effects of structural racism on health.

Community social capital or health needs: What is driving hospital-community partnerships to address social determinants of health?

Social determinants of health (SDOH) are strongly linked to individual and population health outcomes. Hospitals and health systems are in a unique position to initiate or partner on community-wide efforts address SDOH. However, such efforts typically require collaboration with other healthcare and local community organizations since SDOH affect more than just medical care. Despite studies that have identified specific organizational and environmental factors associated with hospital-community partnerships, the role of social capital and community health needs as drivers of such partnerships remains unexplored. This study examines whether hospital partnerships with community organizations in the United States are driven predominantly by community social capital or the prevailing health needs of the community, and whether these drivers are similar for overall partnerships as well as for partnerships with individual organizations. We use 2020 data from the American Hospital Association, US County Health Rankings, and Social Capital Project and employ ordinary least-squares (OLS) regression and logit models to assess the relationship between social capital, community health needs and hospital-community partnerships to address SDOH. Our results indicate that for community social capital was significantly and positively associated with total hospital partnerships (β = 0.05, p = 0.01). We also found that community social capital was significantly more likely to be associated with hospitals’ partnerships with local/state public health agencies, schools, law enforcement agencies, other healthcare providers, and organizations that assist with food insecurity. On the other hand, community health needs were not associated with total partnerships and had limited associations with hospital partnerships with individual organizations. Overall, this research suggests that social capital is a critical determinant of hospital partnerships with community organizations, and hospitals may seek partnerships with organizations that allow them to address community health issues outside of their own expertise since such partnerships and collaborative efforts can help address SDOH and manage population health.

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Addressing social determinants of health (SDOH) plays an important role in improving population health.

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Hospital multi sector partnerships with local organizations in the community play a key role in addressing SDOH.

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Role of community factors like social capital or health needs in driving hospital community partnerships is underexplored.

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Higher community social capital is associated with hospital community partnerships.

The Political Realignment of Health: How Partisan Power Shaped Infant Health in the United States, 1915-2017

The US two-party system was transformed in the 1960s when the Democratic Party abandoned its Jim Crow protectionism to incorporate the policy agenda fostered by the civil rights movement, and the Republican Party redirected its platform toward socioeconomic and racial conservatism. The authors argue that the policy agendas promoted by the two parties through presidents and state legislatures codify a racially patterned access to resources and power detrimental to the health of all. To test the hypothesis that fluctuations in overall and race-specific infant mortality rates (IMRs) shift between the parties in power before and after the political realignment (PR), the authors apply panel data analysis methods to state-level data from the National Center for Health Statistics for the period 1915 through 2017. Net of trend, overall, and race-specific IMRs were not statistically different between presidential parties before the PR. This pattern, however, changed after the PR, with Republican administrations consistently underperforming Democratic ones. Net of trend, non-Southern state legislatures controlled by Republicans underperform Democratic ones in overall and racial IMRs in both periods.

Opportunities to improve policy dissemination by tailoring communication materials to the research priorities of legislators

BACKGROUND

Communicating research to policymakers is a complex and difficult process. Ensuring that communication materials have information or design aspects that appeal to groups of policymakers with different priorities could be a substantive improvement over current dissemination approaches. To facilitate a more nuanced design of policy communication materials and message framing, we identified and characterized groups of state legislators based on how they prioritize different characteristics of research.

METHODS

We used deidentified data collected in 2012 on 862 state legislators belonging to the US liberal-moderate-conservative ideological spectrum and from all 50 US states. Legislators were grouped using latent class analysis based on how they prioritized 12 different characteristics of research (e.g., research is unbiased, presents data on cost-effectiveness, policy options are feasible). We fit initial models using 1-6 group solutions and chose the final model based on identification, information criteria, and substantive interpretation.

RESULTS

Most legislators placed a high priority on research that was understandable (61%), unbiased (61%), available at the time that decisions are made (58%), and brief and concise (55%). The best model identified four groups of state legislators. Pragmatic consumers (36%) prioritized research that was brief and concise, provided cost-effectiveness analyses, and was understandably written. Uninterested skeptics (30%) generally did not place a high priority on any of the research characteristics. Conversely, one-quarter of legislators (25%) belonged to the Highly Informed Supporters group that placed a high priority on most characteristics of research. Finally, Constituent-Oriented Decision Makers (9%) prioritized research that was relevant to their constituents, delivered by someone they knew or trusted, available at the time decisions were made, and dealt with an issue that they felt was a priority for state legislative action.

CONCLUSIONS

To maximize the impact of dissemination efforts, researchers should consider how to communicate with legislators who have distinct preferences, values, and priorities. The groups identified in this study could be used to develop communication materials that appeal to a wide range of legislators with distinct needs and preferences, potentially improving the uptake of research into the policymaking process. Future work should investigate how to engage skeptical legislators.

U.S. State Policy Contexts and Physical Health among Midlife Adults

This study examines how state policy contexts may have contributed to unfavorable adult health in recent decades. It merges individual-level data from the 1993-2016 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (n=2,166,835) with 15 state-level policy domains measured annually on a conservative to liberal continuum. We examined associations between policy domains and health among adults ages 45-64 years and assess how much of the associations is accounted by adults' socioeconomic, behavioral/lifestyle, and family factors. A more liberal version of the civil rights domain was associated with better health. It was disproportionately important for less-educated adults and women, and its association with adult health was partly accounted by educational attainment, employment, and income. Environment, gun safety, and marijuana policy domains were, to a lesser degree, predictors of health in some model specifications. In sum, health improvements require a greater focus on macro-level factors that shape the conditions in which people live.

Measuring structural xenophobia: US State immigration policy climates over ten years

There is an increasing need to understand the structural drivers of immigrant health inequities, including xenophobic and racist policies at the state level in the United States. Databases aggregate state policies related to immigration and research using single year indices examines state policy and immigrant health. Yet none of these sources use a theoretically informed social determinants of immigrant health approach to consider state environments longitudinally, include both exclusionary and inclusionary policies, and are relevant to immigrants from any region of the world or ethnic group. Using an established social determinants of immigrant health framework, a measure of structural xenophobia was created using fourteen policies across five domains: access to public health benefits, higher education, labor and employment, driver's licenses and identification, and immigration enforcement over a ten-year period (2009-2019). To create the Immigration Policy Climate (IPC) index, we used data from state legislatures as well as policy databases from foundations, advocacy organizations, and scholarly articles. We identified and coded 714 US state policies across the 50 US States and the District of Columbia from 2009 to 2019. We calculated annual IPC index scores (range: 12 - 12) as a continuous measure (negative scores: exclusionary; positive scores: inclusionary). Results show that the US has an exclusionary immigration policy climate at the state-level (mean IPC score of -2.5). From 2009 to 2019, two-thirds of state-level immigration policies are exclusionary towards immigrants. About 75% of states experienced a 4-point change or less on the IPC index, and no state changed from largely exclusive to largely inclusive. By aggregating comprehensive, detailed data and a measure of state-level immigration policies over time, the IPC index provides population health researchers with rigorous evidence with which to assess structural xenophobia and an opportunity for longitudinal research on health inequities and immigrant health.

Precarious work and heath: Do occupation- and state-specific unemployment rates matter for women and for men?

Precarious work has the potential to undermine workers' health and well-being, and linkages between precarious work and health may depend on contextual measures of unemployment. The present study uses data from the Current Population Survey (CPS; 2001-2019) to examine whether several characteristics of precarious work are associated with self-rated health, with attention to differences in these associations by occupation- and state-specific unemployment rates. Findings indicate that experiences of unemployment, part-time work, and poor work quality (limited social benefits and low wages) are associated with worse self-rated health for working women and men. Moreover, associations between some measures of precarious work and health are weaker at higher levels of occupation- and state-specific unemployment for men, but not for women. The present study points to precarious work as a chronic stressor for many workers that must be considered within broader economic contexts.

New Horizons-Addressing Healthcare Disparities in Endocrine Disease: Bias, Science, and Patient Care

Unacceptable healthcare disparities in endocrine disease have persisted for decades, and 2021 presents a difficult evolving environment. The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the gross structural inequities that drive health disparities, and antiracism demonstrations remind us that the struggle for human rights continues. Increased public awareness and discussion of disparities present an urgent opportunity to advance health equity. However, it is more complicated to change the behavior of individuals and reform systems because societies are polarized into different factions that increasingly believe, accept, and live different realities. To reduce health disparities, clinicians must (1) truly commit to advancing health equity and intentionally act to reduce health disparities; (2) create a culture of equity by looking inwards for personal bias and outwards for the systemic biases built into their everyday work processes; (3) implement practical individual, organizational, and community interventions that address the root causes of the disparities; and (4) consider their roles in addressing social determinants of health and influencing healthcare payment policy to advance health equity. To care for diverse populations in 2021, clinicians must have self-insight and true understanding of heterogeneous patients, knowledge of evidence-based interventions, ability to adapt messaging and approaches, and facility with systems change and advocacy. Advancing health equity requires both science and art; evidence-based roadmaps and stories that guide the journey to better outcomes, judgment that informs how to change the behavior of patients, providers, communities, organizations, and policymakers, and passion and a moral mission to serve humanity.

Trends in U.S. Population Health: The Central Role of Policies, Politics, and Profits

Recent trends in U.S. health have been mixed, with improvements among some groups and geographic areas alongside declines among others. Medical sociologists have contributed to the understanding of those disparate trends, although important questions remain. In this article, we review trends since the 1980s in key indicators of U.S. health and weigh evidence from the last decade on their causes. To better understand contemporary trends in health, we propose that commonly used conceptual frameworks, such as social determinants of health, should be strengthened by prominently incorporating commercial, political-economic, and legal determinants. We illustrate how these structural determinants can provide new insights into health trends, using disparate health trajectories across U.S. states as an example. We conclude with suggestions for future research: focusing on structural causes of health trends and inequalities, expanding interdisciplinary perspectives, and integrating methods better equipped to handle the complexity of causal processes driving health trends and inequalities.

Sociology of Chronic Pain

Chronic pain is a common, costly, and consequential health problem. However, despite some important analytic contributions, sociological research on pain has not yet coalesced into a unified subfield. We present three interrelated bodies of evidence and illustrative new empirical findings using 2010 to 2018 National Health Interview Survey data to argue that pain should have a central role in sociological investigations of health. Specifically, we contend that (1) pain is a sensitive barometer of population health and well-being, (2) pain is emblematic of many contested and/or chronic conditions, and (3) pain and pain treatment reflect and have wide-ranging implications for public policy. Overall, whether pain is analyzed quantitatively or qualitatively-focusing on its distribution in the population, its social causes and consequences, or its subjective meanings for individuals-pain reflects social conditions, sociopolitical context, and health-related beliefs of a society. Pain is thus an important frontier for future sociological research.

Part-time work and health in the United States: The role of state policies

Part-time work is a common work arrangement in the United States that can be precarious, insecure, and lacking opportunities for advancement. In turn, part-time work, especially involuntary part-time work, tends to be associated with worse health outcomes. Although prior research documents heterogeneity in the health consequences of precarious work across countries, we do not know whether state-level institutional contexts shape the association between part-time work and self-rated health in the United States. Using data from the Current Population Survey (2009-2019; n = 813,077), the present study examined whether linkages between part-time work and self-rated health are moderated by state-level social policies and contexts. At the population level, we document differences in the prevalence of fair/poor health among part-time workers across states. For instance, 21% of involuntary part-time workers reported fair/poor health in West Virginia compared to 7% of involuntary part-time workers in Massachusetts. Findings also provide evidence that voluntary (β =.51) and involuntary (β=.57) part-time work is associated with greater odds of fair/poor health among individuals. Moreover, the association between voluntary part-time work and self-rated health is weaker for individuals living in states with higher amounts for maximum unemployment insurance, higher minimum wage, and lower income inequality. State-level policies did not moderate the association between involuntary part-time work and health. The present study points to the need to mitigate the health consequences of part-time work with social policies that enhance the health of workers.