Health Power Resources Theory: A Relational Approach to the Study of Health Inequalities

Multisector Collaboration vs. Social Democracy for Addressing Social Determinants of Health

Policy Points Multisector collaboration, the dominant approach for responding to health harms created by adverse social conditions, involves collaboration among health care insurers, health care systems, and social services organizations. Social democracy, an underused alternative, seeks to use government policy to shape the civil (e.g., civil rights), political (e.g., voting rights), and economic (e.g., labor market institutions, property rights, and the tax-and-transfer system) institutions that produce health. Multisector collaboration may not achieve its goals, both because the collaborations are difficult to accomplish and because it does not seek to transform social conditions, only to mitigate their harms. Social democracy requires political contestation but has greater potential to improve population health and health equity.

Cumulative Unionization and Physical Health Disparities among Older Adults

Whereas previous research shows that union membership is associated with improved health, static measurements have been used to test dynamic theories linking the two. We construct a novel measure of cumulative unionization, tracking individuals across their entire careers, to examine health consequences in older adulthood. We use data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (1970-2019) and predict self-rated health, functional limitations, and chronic health conditions in ages 60 to 79 using cumulative unionization measured during respondents' careers. Results from growth models show that unionized careers are associated with .25 SD to .30 SD improvements in health among older adults across all measures. Analyses of life course mechanisms reveal heterogeneous effects across unionization timing, age in older adulthood, and birth cohort. Moreover, subgroup analyses reveal unionization to partially, but not fully, ameliorate disparities based on privileged social positions. Our findings reveal a substantial and novel mechanism driving older adulthood health disparities.

Social Representativeness and Intervention Adherence-A Systematic Review of Clinical Physical Activity Trials in Breast Cancer Patients

Objectives

Representativeness in physical activity randomised controlled trials (RCT) in breast cancer patients is essential to analyses of feasibility and validity considering privileged- social groups. A step-by-step exclusion of less privileged groups through the trial process could reinforce health inequality. This study aimed at examining representativeness in breast cancer (BC) physical activity trials, investigate associations between socio-economic status (SES) and intervention adherence, and explore associations between representativeness and the relationship between SES and intervention adherence.

Methods

Systematic, computerised searches were performed in PubMed, CINAHL, AMED, EMBASE and PsycINFO. Additional citation-based searches retrieved 37 articles. Distributions of education level, ethnicity, and marital status in study samples were compared to national populations data to estimate representativeness in less privileged groups.

Results

A preponderance of studies favoured educated, married and white patients. Only six studies reported SES-adherence associations, hampering conclusions on this relationship and possible associations between representativeness and an SES-adherence relationship.

Conclusion

Less educated, unmarried and non-white individuals may be underrepresented in BC physical activity RCTs, while SES-adherence associations in such trials are inconclusive. Unintentional social misrepresentations may indicate that disguised inequity warrants revived attention.

Socioeconomic-Status-Based Disrespect, Discrimination, Exclusion, and Shaming: A Potential Source of Health Inequalities?

Observing an association between socioeconomic status (SES) and health reliably leads to the question, "What are the pathways involved?" Despite enormous investment in research on the characteristics, behaviors, and traits of people disadvantaged with respect to health inequalities, the issue remains unresolved. We turn our attention to actions of more advantaged groups by asking people to self-report their exposure to disrespect, discrimination, exclusion, and shaming (DDES) from people above them in the SES hierarchy. We developed measures of these phenomena and administered them to a cross-sectional U.S. national probability sample (N = 1,209). Consistent with the possibility that DDES represents a pathway linking SES and health, the SES→health coefficient dropped substantially when DDES variables were controlled: 112.9% for anxiety, 43.8% for self-reported health, and 49.4% for cardiovascular-related conditions. These results illustrate a need for a relational approach emphasizing the actions of more advantaged groups in shaping health inequities.

Hurt on Both Sides: Political Differences in Health and Well-Being during the COVID-19 Pandemic

Republicans and conservatives report better self-rated health and well-being compared to Democrats and liberals, yet they are more likely to reside in geographic areas with heavy COVID-19 morbidity and mortality. This harmed health on "both sides" of political divides, occurring in a time of rapid sociopolitical upheaval, warrants the revisiting of psychosocial mechanisms linked to political health differences. Drawing on national Gallup data (early 2021), we find that predicted differences in health or well-being vary substantially by ideology, party, voting behavior, and policy beliefs, with model fit depending on how politics are measured. Differences in self-rated health, psychological distress, happiness, trouble sleeping, and delayed health care tend to reveal worse outcomes for Democrats or liberals. Such differences often are reduced to insignificance by some combination of mastery, meritocratic beliefs, perceived social support, and COVID-19-related exposures and attitudes. Policy beliefs predict health differences most robustly across outcomes and mechanism adjustments.

The impacts of rent burden and eviction on mortality in the United States, 2000-2019

Investments in stable, affordable housing may be an important tool for improving population health, especially in the context of rising costs and evictions for American renters. Still, a lack of longitudinal data linking these exposures to health outcomes has limited prior research. In this study, we use linked administrative data to estimate the associations of rent burden and eviction with all-cause mortality. We constructed a novel dataset linking renters in the long-form 2000 Census (N = 6,587,000) to mortality follow-up through 2019 from the Census Numident file. To measure exposure to eviction, we further linked this dataset to 38 million eviction records between 2000 and 2016 using names and addresses. For a subsample of renters, we also measured within-individual changes in rent burden between 2000 and 2008-2012 by linking to the American Community Survey. We estimated the associations of rent burden and eviction with mortality using Cox proportional-hazards models and discrete-time hazard models adjusted for individual, household, neighborhood, and state characteristics, examining varying associations by cohort, race, gender, and eviction risk. Higher baseline rent burden, increases in rent burden during midlife, and evictions were all associated with increased mortality. Compared to a baseline rent burden of 30%, a burden of 70% was associated with 12% (95% confidence interval = 11-13%) higher mortality. A 20-point increase in rent burden between 2000 and 2008-2012 was associated with 16% (12-19%) higher mortality through 2019. An eviction filing without judgment was associated with a 19% (15-23%) increase in mortality and an eviction judgment was associated with a 40% (36-43%) increase. Associations were larger for those at lower predicted risk of eviction. These findings reveal how rising costs and evictions are shaping mortality for American renters. Policies designed to increase the supply of affordable housing and prevent eviction may lead to widespread improvements in population health.

Equity Promoting Integrated Care: Definition and Future Development

Over the last three decades, integrated care has emerged as an important health system strategy to improve population health while addressing the unique needs of structurally marginalised communities. However, less attention has been given to the role of integrated care in addressing issues related to inequities in health and health care. In this commentary we introduce the concept of Equity Promoting Integrated Care (EPIC) that situates integrated care in a social justice context to frame the actions necessary to center equity as a priority for integrated care. We suggest that efforts to advance the design and implementation of integrated care should focus on three avenues for future research and practice, namely, the collaborative mobilization of a global network of integrated care stakeholders to advocate for social justice and health equity, investing in equity-focused approaches to implementation science that highlight the importance of social concepts such as colonialism and intersectionality to advance the theory and practice of implementing EPIC models of care, and leveraging innovative approaches to measuring equity-related aspects of integrated care to inform continuous improvement of health systems.

The Effect of Welfare State Policy Spending on the Equalization of Socioeconomic Status Disparities in Mental Health

This article examines whether and how the relationship between socioeconomic status (SES) and depression is modified by welfare state spending using the 2006, 2012, and 2014 survey rounds of the European Social Survey (ESS) merged with macroeconomic data from the World Bank, Eurostat, and SOCX database (N = 87,466). Welfare state spending effort divided between social investment and social protection spending modifies the classic inverse relationship between SES and depression. Distinguishing policy areas in both social investment and social protection spending demonstrates that policy programs devoted to education, early childhood education and care, active labor market policies, old age care, and incapacity account for differences in the effect of SES across countries. Our analysis finds that social investment policies better explain cross-national differences in the effect of SES on depression, implying policies focused earlier in the life course matter more for understanding social disparities in the mental health of populations.

Electoral Democracy and Working-Age Mortality

Policy Points The erosion of electoral democracy in the United States in recent decades may have contributed to the high and rising working-age mortality rates, which predate the COVID-19 pandemic. Eroding electoral democracy in a US state was associated with higher working-age mortality from homicide, suicide, and especially from drug poisoning and infectious disease. State and federal efforts to strengthen electoral democracy, such as banning partisan gerrymandering, improving voter enfranchisement, and reforming campaign finance laws, could potentially avert thousands of deaths each year among working-age adults.

CONTEXT

Working-age mortality rates are high and rising in the United States, an alarming fact that predates the COVID-19 pandemic. Although several reasons for the high and rising rates have been hypothesized, the potential role of democratic erosion has been overlooked. This study examined the association between electoral democracy and working-age mortality and assessed how economic, behavioral, and social factors may have contributed to it.

METHODS

We used the State Democracy Index (SDI), an annual summary of each state's electoral democracy from 2000 to 2018. We merged the SDI with annual age-adjusted mortality rates for adults 25-64 years in each state. Models estimated the association between the SDI and working-age mortality (from all causes and six specific causes) within states, adjusting for political party control, safety net generosity, union coverage, immigrant population, and stable characteristics of states. We assessed whether economic (income, unemployment), behavioral (alcohol consumption, sleep), and social (marriage, violent crime, incarceration) factors accounted for the association.

FINDINGS

Increasing electoral democracy in a state from a moderate level (defined as the third quintile of the SDI distribution) to a high level (defined as the fifth quintile) was associated with an estimated 3.2% and 2.7% lower mortality rate among working-age men and women, respectively, over the next year. Increasing electoral democracy in all states from the third to the fifth quintile of the SDI distribution may have resulted in 20,408 fewer working-age deaths in 2019. The democracy-mortality association mainly reflected social factors and, to a lesser extent, health behaviors. Increasing electoral democracy in a state was mostly strongly associated with lower mortality from drug poisoning and infectious diseases, followed by reductions in homicide and suicide.

CONCLUSIONS

Erosion of electoral democracy is a threat to population health. This study adds to growing evidence that electoral democracy and population health are inextricably linked.

Poverty, not the poor

This review explains how and why the United States has systemically high poverty. Descriptive evidence shows that U.S. poverty is (i) a huge share of the population, (ii) a perennial outlier among rich democracies, (iii) staggeringly high for certain groups, (iv) unexpectedly high for those who "play by the rules," and (v) pervasive across various groups and places. This review then discusses and critiques three prevailing approaches focused on the individual poor rather than the systemically high poverty: (i) behavioral explanations "fixing the poor," (ii) emotive compassion "dramatizing the poor," and (iii) cultural explanations both dramatizing and fixing the poor. The essay then reviews political explanations that emphasize the essential role of social policy generosity, political choices to penalize risks, power resources of collective political actors, and institutions. This review demonstrates a long emerging but ascending and warranted shift away from individualistic explanations of the poor toward political explanations of poverty.

The Future of Social Determinants of Health: Looking Upstream to Structural Drivers

Policy Points Policies that redress oppressive social, economic, and political conditions are essential for improving population health and achieving health equity. Efforts to remedy structural oppression and its deleterious effects should account for its multilevel, multifaceted, interconnected, systemic, and intersectional nature. The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services should facilitate the creation and maintenance of a national publicly available, user-friendly data infrastructure on contextual measures of structural oppression. Publicly funded research on social determinants of health should be mandated to (a) analyze health inequities in relation to relevant data on structural conditions and (b) deposit the data in the publicly available data repository.

The Long Arm of Childhood: Does It Vary According to Health Care System Quality?

Increasing evidence points to the salience of early life experiences in shaping health inequalities, but scant research has considered the role of institutional resources as buffers in this relationship. Health care systems in particular are an understudied yet important context for the generation of inequalities from childhood into adulthood. This research investigates associations between childhood disadvantage and adult morbidity and examines the role of health care system quality in this relationship. We also consider the role of adult socioeconomic status. We merge individual-level data on major disease (2014 European Social Survey) with nation-level health care indicators. Results across subjective and objective approaches to health care system quality are similar, indicating a reduced association between childhood socioeconomic status and adult disease in countries with higher quality health care. In total, our results reiterate the long-term influence of childhood disadvantage on health while suggesting health care's specific role as an institutional resource for ameliorating life course health inequalities.

Examining the impact of different social class mechanisms on health inequalities: A cross-sectional analysis of an all-age UK household panel study

BACKGROUND

Socioeconomic inequalities are well established across health, morbidity and mortality measures. Social class theory describes how social groups relate, interact and accrue advantages/disadvantages relative to one another, with different theorists emphasising different dimensions. In the context of health inequalities, different social class measures are used interchangeably to rank population groups in terms of health rather than directly exploring the role of social class in creating inequalities. We aim to better understand how four distinct social class mechanisms explain differences in a range of self-reported and biological health outcomes.

METHODS

We use data from the UK Household Longitudinal Study, a representative population survey of UK adults, to identify measures pertaining to Early years, Bourdieusian, Marxist, and Weberian social class mechanisms. Using logistic and least-squares regression we consider the relative extent to which these mechanisms explain differences in health (Self-reported health, SF12 Physical (PCS) and Mental (MCS) Component Scores, General Health Questionnaire; N = 21,446) and allostatic load, a biomarker-based measure of cumulative stress (N = 5003).

RESULTS

Respondents with higher social position according to all social class measures had better self-rated, physical and mental health, and lower allostatic load. Associations with Marxist social class were among the strongest (e.g. Relative Index of Inequality for very good/excellent self-rated health comparing highest versus lowest Marxist social class: 4.96 (4.45, 5.52), with the Weberian measure also strongly associated with self-rated (4.35 (3.90, 4.85)) and physical health (Slope Index of Inequality for SF12-PCS: 7.94 (7.39, 8.48)). Health outcome associations with Bourdieusian and Marxist measures were generally stronger for women and older respondents, and physical health associations with all measures were stronger among those aged 50+ years.

CONCLUSIONS

The impact of social class on health is multi-faceted. Policies to reduce health inequalities should focus more on unequal capital ownership, economic democracy and educational inequalities, reflecting Marxist and Weberian mechanisms.

Examining the relationship between household wealth and colorectal cancer screening behaviors among U.S. men aged 45-75

Colorectal cancer (CRC) is the third leading cause of cancer-related death among men in the United States (U.S.), particularly among men aged 45 years and older. Early-detection screening remains a key method of decreasing CRC-related deaths, yet socioeconomic barriers exist to planning and completing CRC screening. While accumulating evidence shows income disparities in CRC screening prevalence, a dearth of research has investigated wealth disparities. This study aimed to determine whether household wealth was associated with CRC screening uptake and future screening intent. In February 2022, we sent an online survey to potential participants; U.S. men aged 45–75 years were eligible to participate. We examined four CRC screening behaviors as outcomes: ever completing a stool-based or exam-based screening test, current screening status, and future screening intent. Household net wealth, determined by self-reported household wealth and debt, was the primary predictor. We used logistic regression to estimate odds ratios (ORs) and their 95% confidence interval (CI). Of the study participants (N = 499), most self-identified as Non-Hispanic White, were aged 50–64 years, and had previously completed a CRC screening test. Results revealed that, among men aged 45–49 years, higher net wealth decreased the odds of ever completing a stool- or exam-based test (OR = 0.58, 95% CI: 0.33, 0.98; OR = 0.55, 95% CI: 0.31, 0.94, respectively). By contrast, among men aged 50–75 years, higher net wealth increased the odds of being current with CRC screening (OR = 1.40, 95% CI: 1.03, 1.92). Net wealth was unassociated with CRC screening intent. These findings suggest that household net wealth, rather than income, is an important socioeconomic factor to consider in relation to uptake of CRC early-detection screening. The financial and social cognitive mechanisms linking household wealth to CRC screening behaviors merit future research and intervention.

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Wealth was associated with U.S men's adherence to screening for colorectal cancer.

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Age modified the association between wealth and colorectal cancer screening uptake.

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Wealth reduced the odds of past colorectal screening completion for men 45–49 years.

Investigating Employment Quality for Population Health and Health Equity: A Perspective of Power

Employment quality (EQ) has gained increasing attention as a determinant of health, but the debate among occupational health researchers over the measurement of EQ poses a challenge to advancing the literature. This is especially problematic when the concept is used across social, cultural, and national borders, as EQ is shaped by power dynamics within sociopolitical and economic contexts that are specific to each society. Investigating EQ in context could help develop a clearer understanding as to why EQ is configured in certain ways, how best EQ could be measured, how EQ impacts health, and ultimately how EQ could be improved. In this paper, we propose that attention to social context-and in particular power-may help advance the research on EQ and health. We present an allegory, or a visual description, that articulates the power balance in the employer-worker relation as well as in the sociopolitical context in which the employer-worker relation takes place. We end by proposing specific approaches for occupational health researchers to incorporate a perspective of power in EQ research that may clarify the concept and measurement of EQ. A clearer recognition of EQ as a product of power in social context aligns with the research approach of addressing work as a social structural determinant of health.

Biopsychosocial Health Outcomes and Experienced Intersectional Stigma in a Mixed HIV Serostatus Longitudinal Cohort of Aging Sexual Minority Men, United States, 2008‒2019

Objectives. To determine whether intersectional stigma is longitudinally associated with biopsychosocial outcomes. Methods. We measured experienced intersectional stigma (EIS; ≥ 2 identity-related attributions) among sexual minority men (SMM) in the United States participating in the Multicenter AIDS Cohort Study. We assessed longitudinal associations between EIS (2008‒2009) and concurrent and future hypertension, diabetes, dyslipidemia, antiretroviral therapy adherence, HIV viremia, health care underutilization, and depression symptoms (2008‒2019). We conducted causal mediation to assess the contribution of intersectional stigma to the relationship between self-identified Black race and persistently uncontrolled outcomes. Results. The mean age (n = 1806) was 51.8 years (range = 22-84 years). Of participants, 23.1% self-identified as Black; 48.3% were living with HIV. Participants reporting EIS (30.8%) had higher odds of hypertension, dyslipidemia, diabetes, depression symptoms, health care underutilization, and suboptimal antiretroviral therapy adherence compared with participants who did not report EIS. EIS mediated the relationship between self-identified Black race and uncontrolled outcomes. Conclusions. Our findings demonstrate that EIS is a durable driver of biopsychosocial health outcomes over the life course. Public Health Implications. There is a critical need for interventions to reduce intersectional stigma, help SMM cope with intersectional stigma, and enact policies protecting minoritized people from discriminatory acts. (Am J Public Health. 2022;112(S4):S452-S462. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2022.306735).

Subjective dignity and self-reported health: Results from the United States before and during the Covid-19 pandemic

Aims

To describe disparities in depressive symptoms and self-rated health with a novel, individual-level measure of subjective dignity administered before and during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Methods

National survey data were collected across the United States by the Gallup Organization in Spring (2017) (n ​= ​1459) and again in Spring (2021) (n ​= ​1244). Subjective dignity is measured by self-reported perceptions of dignity in one’s own life. Numerous demographic subgroups constructed across age, gender, race/ethnicity, education, income, urbanicity, labor force status, and political background are used to test for robustness of dignity-health associations within and across years.

Results

All demographic subgroups studied reported numeric decreases in dignity from 2017 to 2021, with many of these decreases being both large and significant. With few group-year exceptions, subjective dignity relates to lower levels of depression and higher self-rated health, with dignity-depression associations significantly increasing from 2017 to 2021.

Conclusions

Dignity, as a pluralistic moral concept, is purported to anchor legal, human rights, and cultural discourses on justice, equity, and social inclusion. This study provides timely, original evidence that subjective appraisals of dignity should be considered as a public health indicator, especially across periods of societal unrest or adversity. Given groupwise robustness of dignity-health associations as documented here, subgroup determinants and lay definitions of dignity may merit closer attention.

Power and resistance in schools: Implementing institutional change to promote health equity for sexual and gender minority youth

Introduction

Schools in the United States are hierarchical institutions that actively (re)produce the power relations of the wider social world, including those associated with heteronormativity. Structural stigma, informed by heteronormativity and perpetuated through schools, contributes to the production of academic and health disparities among youth who are lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, or of other gender and sexual identities (LGBTQ+). We draw upon 5 years of qualitative data from a cluster randomized controlled trial conducted in New Mexico that used implementation science frameworks to promote the uptake and sustainment of evidence-informed practices (EIPs) to examine how power operates to hinder or promote the ability of school staff to change school environments, disrupt structural stigma, and increase safety and support for LGBTQ+ youth.

Methods

Data sources included annual individual and small group qualitative interviews with school professionals (e.g., administrators, school nurses, teachers, and other staff), several of whom took part in Implementation Resource Teams (IRTs) charged with applying the EIPs. Other data sources included bi-weekly periodic reflections with implementation coaches and technical assistance experts. Data were recorded, transcribed, and analyzed using deductive and inductive coding techniques.

Results

The IRTs experienced variable success in implementing EIPs. Their efforts were influenced by: (1) constraining school characteristics, including staff turnover and resource scarcity; (2) community-based opposition to change and concerns about community backlash; (3) the presence or absence of supportive school leadership; and (4) variations in school, district, and state policies affecting LGBTQ+ students and attitudes about their importance. Findings illustrate how diverse power structures operated in and across outer and inner contexts to bound, shift, amplify, and otherwise shape how new practices were received and implemented.

Conclusion

Findings indicate that the efforts of IRTs were often a form of resistant power that operated within and against school hierarchies to leverage epistemic, discursive, and material power toward implementation. To improve health equity, implementation scientists must attend to the multiple real and perceived power structures that shape implementation environments and influence organizational readiness and individual motivation. Implementers must also work to leverage resistant power to counter the institutional structures and social norms that perpetuate inequities, like heteronormativity and structural stigma.