Does Part-Time Mothering Help Get a Job? The Role of Shared Custody in Women's Employment

Though child shared physical custody arrangements after divorce are much more frequent and parents who use it more diverse in many European countries, little is known about their economic consequences for parents. By relaxing family time constraints, does shared custody help divorced mothers return to or stay on work more easily? Since lone mothers are one of the least-employed groups, and they face high unemployment rates, the type of child custody arrangement adopted after divorce is of particular interest for their employability. This article analyses to what extent the type of child custody arrangement affects mothers' labour market patterns after divorce.Using a large sample of divorcees from an exhaustive French administrative income tax database, and taking advantage of the huge territorial discrepancies observed in the proportion of shared custody, we correct for the possible endogeneity of shared custody. Results show that not repartnered mothers with shared custody arrangements are 24 percentage points more likely to work one year after divorce compared to those having sole custody, while no significant effect is found for repartnered mothers. Among lone mothers, we also highlight huge heterogeneous effects: larger positive effects are observed for previously inactive women, for those belonging to the lowest income quintiles before divorce, for those with a young child, and for those who have three or more children. Thus, shared physical custody arrangements may reduce work-family conflict by diminishing childcare expenses and enlarge the possibilities to find a suitable job because of more relaxed time constraints for lone mothers.

Gender-Oriented Mental Health Prevention: A Reappraisal

Many studies have investigated the impact of gender on mental health, but only a few have addressed gender differences in mental health risk and prevention. We conducted a narrative review to assess the current state of knowledge on gender-specific mental health preventive interventions, along with an analysis of gender-based risk factors and available screening strategies. Out of 1598 articles screened using a comprehensive electronic search of the PubMed, Web-of-Science, Scopus, and Cochrane databases, 53 were included for review. Among risk factors for mental health problems, there are individual, familiar, social, and healthcare factors. Individual factors include childhood adversities, which show gender differences in distribution rates. However, current childhood abuse prevention programs are not gender-specific. Familiar factors for mental health problems include maternity issues and intimate partner violence, and for both, some gender-specific preventive interventions are available. Social risk factors for mental health problems are related to education, employment, discrimination, and relationships. They all display gender differences, but these differences are rarely taken into account in mental health prevention programs. Lastly, despite gender differences in mental health service use being widely known, mental health services appear to be slow in developing strategies that guarantee equal access to care for all individuals.

Family size and economic wellbeing following divorce: The United States in comparative perspective

Studies have documented the negative association between divorce and women's economic wellbeing in several countries. Less is known about whether the effects of divorce on women's economic wellbeing, and their persistency, vary by family size. We present the first comprehensive assessment of how the short-term and medium-term economic consequences of divorce vary by family size. Using data from the US (PSID) and between-within random-effects models, we estimate changes in women's gross household income up to six years following divorce, stratified by the number of children in the household in the year of divorce. We add a comparative perspective using a harmonized set of socio-economic panel surveys from Australia (HILDA), Germany (GSOEP), and the UK (BHPS). Our findings demonstrate that the household incomes of women with three or more children decrease most drastically in the US, Germany, and the UK. In these countries, divorce widens the economic gap between child-rich households and those with no or few children. While childless women's incomes do not recover in the medium-term, incomes of mothers in Germany, the UK, and to a lesser extent the US partially recuperate. We demonstrate that differences in labor market attachment, and not remarriage, partially account for the family size differences we observe.

Anxiety, depression and associated factors among recently divorced individuals

Background: In divorce research, studies using large samples, very recently divorced individuals and validated measures of depression and anxiety with available background populations for comparison are missing.Aims: This study aimed to investigate symptoms of depression and anxiety among recently divorced Danes and assess the explanatory power of relevant sociodemographic- and divorce-related variables on these symptoms.Methods: The study utilized an online cross-sectional design and a total of 1856 Danish citizens recruited through the Danish State Administration. Average scores for depression and anxiety were compared to the Danish background population and regression analyses were conducted to assess the explanatory power of sociodemographic- and divorce characteristics on symptoms of depression and anxiety.Results: Divorcees reported significantly higher levels of both depressive and anxiety symptoms than the background population with a large proportion of the sample scoring equal to or higher than generally recommended cut-off values for risk of suffering from a psychiatric diagnosable case of depression or anxiety. Both sociodemographic- and divorce characteristics were predictive of symptoms of depression and anxiety.Conclusion: The findings underline the relevance of public health intervention targeting symptoms of depression and anxiety among recently divorced individuals.

Gender Differences in the Consequences of Divorce: A Study of Multiple Outcomes

In this study, I examined gender differences in the consequences of divorce by tracing annual change in 20 outcome measures covering four domains: economic, housing and domestic, health and well-being, and social. I used data from the German Socio-Economic Panel Study (SOEP) and fixed-effects panel regression models on a sample of N = 18,030 individuals initially observed in a marital union, N = 1,220 of whom divorced across the observation period (1984–2015). Three main findings emerged from the analysis. First, men were more vulnerable to short-term consequences of divorce for subjective measures of well-being, but postdivorce adaptation alleviated gender differences in these outcomes. Second, a medium-term view on multiple outcomes showed more similarity than differences between women and men. The medium-term consequences of divorce were similar in terms of subjective economic well-being; mental health, physical health, and psychological well-being; residential moves, homeownership, and satisfaction with housework; and chances of repartnering, social integration with friends and relatives, and feelings of loneliness. Third, the key domain in which large and persistent gender differences emerged were women’s disproportionate losses in household income and associated increases in their risk of poverty and single parenting. Taken together, these findings suggest that men’s disproportionate strain of divorce is transient, whereas women’s is chronic.

Geographical Distances Between Separated Parents: A Longitudinal Analysis

Using detailed geocoded microdata from the British Household Panel Survey and longitudinal random-effects models, we analyse the determinants and trajectories of geographical distances between separated parents. Findings of particular note include the following: (1) post-separation linked lives, proximities and spatial constraints are characterised by important gender asymmetries; (2) the formation of new post-separation family ties (i.e. new partners and children) by fathers is linked to moves over longer distances away from the ex-partner than for mothers; (3) the distribution of pre-separation childcare responsibilities is relevant for determining post-separation proximity between parents; and (4) most variation in the distance between ex-partners occurs in the immediate period following separation (approximately the first year), suggesting that the initial conditions around separation can have long-lasting implications for the types of family life, ties and contact experienced in the years after separation.

Risk of Major Depressive Episodes After Separation: The Gender-Specific Contribution of the Income and Support Lost Through Union Dissolution

Marital status and union dissolution are strongly associated with health. Separated men and women have a mental health disadvantage compared to partnered individuals. The lower financial and social resources of separated individuals partly explained their poorer health. However, it is unclear whether this association is due to the loss in income and support precisely experienced through the separation. Due to the frequent asymmetry in partners' individual resources within couples, these losses are gender-specific, giving rise to a debate currently in France. As part of this debate, we explored to what extent gender-specific losses contribute to the separation/mental health association. We used the two-wave survey "Health and Occupational Trajectories," looking at 7321 individuals aged 25-74 in couple in 2006. We analyzed their depressive symptoms self-reported at second wave (2010) and their association with separation between the two waves; we took into account the concomitant social and income changes, as well as the socioeconomic and health situation in 2006. Separation between 2006 and 2010 is significantly associated with depressive symptoms in 2010, independently of the situation in 2006; it is associated with a loss of income, mainly in women, and a loss of support, slightly more pronounced in men. Nested logistic models indicate that the loss of support explained 5.5% of the separation/mental health association in men; the loss of income explained 19.2% of it in women. In France, an economic penalty of separation still primarily affects women and substantially contributes to the mental health vulnerability of newly separated women.

Long-term Trends in Depression among Women Separated from Abusive Partners

This study tested a cumulative adversity hypothesis, where differences in postseparation stressors among battered women were expected to lead to a widening gap in levels of women's depression over time. Ninety-four women separated from their abusive partners were interviewed six times over a 2-year period. Consistent with the hypothesis, inequalities grew over time. Women who were exposed to the greatest amount of violence and secondary stressors shortly after shelter exit experienced relatively higher levels of depression that either did not improve or significantly increased with time. Social support was the only resource to have the hypothesized decreasing effect on depression.

INTERGENERATIONAL EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT, FAMILY CHARACTERISTICS AND CHILD OBESITY

This study used US National Longitudinal Study of Youth data to explore how exposure to different socioeconomic conditions (proxied by maternal education) before birth can shape child weight. Using endogenous selection regression models, the findings suggest that educational selectivity affects weight gain. Mothers whose mothers graduated from high school were more likely to complete high school, and mothers reared in an intact family had higher levels of education. However, mothers who had given birth as a teenager had the same educational outcomes as mothers who gave birth in their post-teenage years. Based on this intergenerational educational selectivity, caretaking (e.g. breast-feeding) was found to be associated with a lower child body mass index (BMI), while negative maternal characteristics (e.g. mothers with high BMIs) were associated with higher child BMIs. Thus, educational selectivity influences child health through values passed on to the child and the lifestyle in which the child is reared. Maternal education may be tied to parenting, which relates to child obesity risk.

Trends in the Economic Consequences of Marital and Cohabitation Dissolution in the United States

Mothers in the United States use a combination of employment, public transfers, and private safety nets to cushion the economic losses of romantic union dissolution, but changes in maternal labor force participation, government transfer programs, and private social networks may have altered the economic impact of union dissolution over time. Using nationally representative panels from the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) from 1984 to 2007, we show that the economic consequences of divorce have declined since the 1980s owing to the growth in married women’s earnings and their receipt of child support and income from personal networks. In contrast, the economic consequences of cohabitation dissolution were modest in the 1980s but have worsened over time. Cohabiting mothers’ income losses associated with union dissolution now closely resemble those of divorced mothers. These trends imply that changes in marital stability have not contributed to rising income instability among families with children, but trends in the extent and economic costs of cohabitation have likely contributed to rising income instability for less-advantaged children.

Marital Disruption and Health Insurance

Despite the high levels of marital disruption in the United States and the fact that a significant portion of health insurance coverage for those less than age 65 is based on family membership, surprisingly little research is available on the consequences of marital disruption for the health insurance coverage of men, women, and children. We address this shortfall by examining patterns of coverage surrounding marital disruption for men, women, and children, further subset by educational level. Using the 1996, 2001, and 2004 panels of the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP), we find large differences in health insurance coverage across marital status groups in the cross-section. In longitudinal analyses that focus on within-person change, we find small overall coverage changes but large changes in type of coverage following marital disruption. Both men and women show increases in private coverage in their own names, but offsetting decreases in dependent coverage tend to be larger. One surprising result is that dependent coverage for children also declines after marital dissolution, even though children are still likely to be eligible for that coverage. Children and (to a lesser extent) women show increases in public coverage around the time of divorce or separation. We also find that these patterns differ by education. The most vulnerable group appears to be lower-educated women with children because the increases in private, own-name, and public insurance are not large enough to offset the large decrease in dependent coverage. As the United States implements federal health reform, it is critical that we understand the ways in which life course events—specifically, marital disruption—shape the dynamic patterns of coverage.

Primary health care service use among women who have recently left an abusive partner: income and racialization, unmet need, fits of services, and health

Primary health care (PHC) can improve the health of women who have experienced intimate partner violence; yet, access to and fit of PHC services may be shaped by income and racialization. We examined whether income and racialization were associated with differences in PHC service use, unmet needs, fit with needs, and mental and physical health in a sample of 286 women who had separated from an abusive partner. Mothers, unemployed women, and those with lower incomes used more PHC services and reported a poorer fit of services. Poorer fit of services was related to poorer mental and physical health.

Single-parent family structure and sleep problems in black and white adolescents

OBJECTIVES

Sleep is critical for adolescent health and is influenced by the family environment. In our study, we examined if family structure defined as single- vs. two-parent households affected adolescent sleep.

METHODS

Participants were 242 (57% black; 47% boys) healthy adolescents (mean age, 15.7 years). Sleep was measured using self-report and wrist actigraphy over seven consecutive nights. Outcomes were actigraphy-assessed sleep duration and sleep efficiency (SE) for the full week and weekends and weekdays separately, as well as self-reported sleep-wake problems and variability in bedtimes. Linear regression examined the relationship between family structure and sleep, after adjusting for age, sex, race, body mass index, and depressive symptoms, parental education, family conflict, and financial strain. Race and sex were examined as potential moderators.

RESULTS

After adjusting for covariates, adolescents from single-parent households had poorer SE across the week and shorter sleep duration on weekends. White adolescents from two-parent households had fewer sleep-wake problems and lower bedtime variability, whereas black adolescents from single-parent households had the lowest weekend SE. There were no significant differences in family structure-sex interactions.

CONCLUSION

Our findings are the first to demonstrate that single-parent family structure is an independent correlate of sleep problems in adolescents and they highlight the moderating role of race.

What Explains Divorced Women's Poorer Health?: The Mediating Role of Health Insurance and Access to Health Care in a Rural Iowan Sample*

The economic restructuring in rural areas in recent decades has been accompanied by rising marital instability. To examine the implications of the increase in divorce for the health of rural women, we examine how marital status predicts adequacy of health insurance coverage and health care access, and whether these factors help to account for the documented association between divorce and later illness. Analyzing longitudinal data from a cohort of over 400 married and recently divorced rural Iowan women, we decompose the total effect of divorce on physical illness a decade later using structural equation modeling. Divorced women are less likely to report adequate health insurance in the years following divorce, inhibiting their access to medical care and threatening their physical health. Full-time employment acts as a buffer against insurance loss for divorced women. The growth of marital instability in rural areas has had significant ramifications for women's health; the decline of adequate health insurance coverage following divorce explains a component of the association between divorced status and poorer long-term health outcomes.

Divorce and women's risk of health insurance loss

This article bridges the literatures on the economic consequences of divorce for women with that on marital transitions and health by focusing on women's health insurance. Using a monthly calendar of marital status and health insurance coverage from 1,442 women in the Survey of Income and Program Participation, we examine how women's health insurance changes after divorce. Our estimates suggest that roughly 115,000 American women lose private health insurance annually in the months following divorce and that roughly 65,000 of these women become uninsured. The loss of insurance coverage we observe is not just a short-term disruption. Women's rates of insurance coverage remain depressed for more than two years after divorce. Insurance loss may compound the economic losses women experience after divorce and contribute to as well as compound previously documented health declines following divorce.

Parental separation and child aggressive and internalizing behavior: an event history calendar analysis

This study investigated the relationship between parental separation and aggressive and internalizing behavior in a large sample of Swiss children drawn from the ongoing Zurich Project on the Social Development of Children and Youths. Parents retrospectively reported life events and problem behavior for the first 7 years of the child's life on a quarterly basis (N = 995; 28,096 time points) using an Event History Calendar. The time sequences of separation and child problem behavior were analyzed. Parental separation affected both aggressive and internalizing behavior even when maternal depression, financial difficulties, and parental conflict were included. Parental separation exerted a direct effect on child problem behavior as well as an indirect effect via maternal depression.

The Specter of Divorce: Views From Working- and Middle-Class Cohabitors

Young Americans increasingly express apprehension about their ability to successfully manage intimate relationships. Partially in response, cohabitation has become normative over the past few decades. Little research, however, examines social class distinctions in how emerging adults perceive challenges to sustaining intimate unions. We examine cohabitors' views of divorce and how these color their sentiments regarding marriage. Data are from in-depth interviews with 122 working- and middle-class cohabitors. More than two thirds of respondents mentioned concerns with divorce. Working-class women, in particular, view marriage less favorably than do their male and middle-class counterparts, in part because they see marriage as hard to exit and are reluctant to assume restrictive gender roles. Middle-class cohabitors are more likely to have concrete wedding plans and believe that marriage signifies a greater commitment than does cohabitation. These differences in views of marriage and divorce may help explain the bifurcation of cohabitation outcomes among working- and middle-class cohabitors.

Divorce as risky behavior

Given that divorce often represents a high-stakes income gamble, we ask how individual levels of risk tolerance affect the decision to divorce. We extend the orthodox divorce model by assuming that individuals are risk averse, that marriage is risky, and that divorce is even riskier. The model predicts that conditional on the expected gains to marriage and divorce, the probability of divorce increases with relative risk tolerance because risk averse individuals require compensation for the additional risk that is inherent in divorce. To implement the model empirically, we use data for first-married women and men from the 1979 National Longitudinal Survey of Youth to estimate a probit model of divorce in which a measure of risk tolerance is among the covariates. The estimates reveal that a 1-point increase in risk tolerance raises the predicted probability of divorce by 4.3% for a representative man and by 11.4% for a representative woman. These findings are consistent with the notion that divorce entails a greater income gamble for women than for men.

Parental health and children's economic well-being

The life course perspective emphasizes that past economic experiences and stage in the life course influence a family's ability to cope with negative life events such as poor health. However, traditional analytic approaches are not well-suited to examine how the impact of negative life events differs based on a family's past economic experiences, nor do they typically account for the potentially spurious association between negative life events and family economic well-being. We use finite mixture modeling to examine how changes in parental health affect children's exposure to poverty. We find that for some children the association between family head's health and children's exposure to poverty is spurious, while for other children family head's poor health is associated with increased risk of economic deprivation. The extent to which a family head's poor health alters children's economic well-being depends on a child's family's underlying economic trajectory and past history of exposure to disadvantage.

Marital transitions and mental health: are there gender differences in the short-term effects of marital status change?

Although there has been evidence to suggest that women exhibit more vulnerability to psychological distress than men when they lose a spouse or remarry, knowledge about the process by which men and women adjust to marital change remains fragmentary. This is due in part to the length of time between observations in longitudinal studies on marital change, with the result that mental health status is typically assessed long after a marital status transition has occurred. The purpose of the current study is to test for gender differences in the short-term mental health effects of a marital status transition using three waves of data collected at two year intervals in a Canadian population health survey (N=11,155). Growth curve analyses confirm the mental health advantage of marriage and reveal that the short-term effects of moving into and out of marriage on psychological distress are similar for men and women. We discuss the implications of these findings for resolving competing explanations regarding psychological adjustment to marital change.

Gender differences in the marriage and cohabitation income premium

Using data from the 1979 National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, I identify causal effects of marriage and cohabitation on total family income. My goals are to compare men's and women's changes in financial status upon entering unions and to assess the relative contributions of adjustments in own income, income pooling, and changes in family size. Changes in own income that are due to intrahousehold specialization prove to be minor for both men and women relative to the effects of adding another adult's income to the family total. Women gain roughly 55% in needs-adjusted, total family income, regardless of whether they cohabit or marry, whereas men's needs-adjusted income levels remain unchanged when men make these same transitions.

Leaving an abusive partner: an empirical review of predictors, the process of leaving, and psychological well-being

Four facets of leaving an abusive relationship are reviewed: (a). factors related to initially leaving an abusive partner; (b). the process of leaving an abusive relationship; (c). the psychological well-being of survivors after leaving; and (d). the predictors of this well-being. The conceptual and methodological limitations of studies in each of these areas are presented. Consistently found predictors of leaving include both material and psychological factors. Because battered women typically undergo several shifts in their thinking about the abuse before leaving permanently, research on leaving as a process is highlighted. A stress-process framework is used to explain the seemingly paradoxical finding that some women just out of the abusive relationship may have greater psychological difficulties than those who are still in it. For those experiencing the most stress, psychological health can worsen over time. Researchers and practitioners need to pay more attention to the plight of women who have left abusive partners.

Child support and the postdivorce economic well-being of mothers, fathers, and children

This article provides national estimates of the current and potential impact of private child support transfers on the economic well-being of custodial and noncustodial families following marital dissolution. Mothers and children fare dramatically worse than fathers after marital dissolution; these differences, however, would be much more pronounced in the absence of private child support. Simulations of four existing child support guidelines show that substantial increases in economic well-being among mother-custody families are possible within the structure of the existing child support system, with minimal impact on poverty among nonresident fathers. Under all of these guidelines, however, custodial-mother families would continue to fare substantially worse than nonresident fathers.