The shame of addiction

Self-stigma in alcohol dependence scale: development and validity of the short form

BACKGROUND

Self-stigma is associated with low self-esteem, high shame and reduced drinking-refusal self-efficacy in people with alcohol use disorder (AUD). The Self-Stigma in Alcohol-Dependence Scale-Short Form (SSAD-SF) was designed to enable a brief, but valid assessment of AUD self-stigma.

METHODS

We reduced the 64-item SSAD, originally derived from 16 stereotypes towards people with AUD, by removing the most offensive items based on perspectives of people with lived experience. The newly created scale was then assessed and validated in a cross-sectional study involving 156 people reporting alcohol issues in various treatment settings.

RESULTS

The 20-item SSAD-SF includes five stereotypes, with good internal consistency for each subscale and the overall scale. It reflects the four-stage progressive model of self-stigmatization with decreasing scores over the stages awareness of stereotypes, agreement with stereotypes, self-application of stereotypes, and harmful consequences for self-esteem, and highest correlations between adjacent stages. The subscales apply and harm were associated with internalized stigma, shame, reduced self-esteem, and lower drinking-refusal self-efficacy, as supported by multivariate regression models.

DISCUSSION

The SSAD-SF is a valid instrument for measuring the process of self-stigmatization in people with AUD. Self-stigma is a consistent predictor of reduced self-esteem, higher shame and lower drinking-refusal self-efficacy in people with AUD. We discuss merits of the progressive model for understanding and addressing self-stigma in AUD.

To be visible yet remain unseen: An interpretative phenomenological analysis of embodied drug use and recovery of Filipinas

The experience of drug use is a gendered and culturally embodied phenomenon. This qualitative study aims to unpack the lived experiences of 16 urban, poor, Filipina mothers who used drugs. In-depth interviews were conducted. Data was analyzed using interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA). Their experiences were divided into drug initiation and recovery. Key findings show embodied experiences of initiation through starting use, losing control, and navigating through public and private spaces of drug use. Their experiences of drug recovery revolved around decoupling relations, avoiding drug use spaces, and healing their strained home. Theoretically, this study contributes to enriching the analytical underpinnings of IPA through a gendered and embodied perspective. In terms of practical implications, findings point to the need for a gender-conscious approach in intervention design and implementation in the community setting considering the life space of Filipinas who use drugs.

Making psychiatry moral again: the role of psychiatry in patient moral development

Psychiatric involvement in patient morality is controversial. If psychiatrists are tasked with shaping patient morality, the coercive potential of psychiatry is increased, treatment may be unfairly administered on the basis of patients' moral beliefs rather than medical need, moral disputes could damage the therapeutic relationship and, in any case, we are often uncertain or conflicted about what is morally right. Yet, there is also a strong case for the view that psychiatry often works through improving patient morality and, therefore, should aim to do so. Our goal is to offer a practical and ethical path through this conflict. We argue that the default psychiatric approach to patient morality should be procedural, whereby patients are helped to express their own moral beliefs. Such a procedural approach avoids the brunt of objections to psychiatric involvement in patient morality. However, in a small subset of cases where patients' moral beliefs are sufficiently distorted or underdeveloped, we claim that psychiatrists should move to a substantive approach and shape the content of those beliefs when they are relevant to psychiatric outcomes. The substantive approach is prone to the above objections but we argue it is nevertheless justified in this subset of cases.

The mediation role of shame proneness in the association between perceived parenting and the severity of addictive behaviors: risk or protective factor?

Adverse early interactions with parents deeply affect the socio-emotional development of an individual, leading to feelings of inferiority and negatively influencing the development of self-conscious emotions, such as shame. Moreover, dysfunctional parenting was found in the histories of people suffering from substance and behavioral addictions. In this context, there is currently no agreement in the literature regarding the role of shame proneness on the severity of the addiction. The present study aimed to evaluate the mediating (risk or protective) role of the two shame dimensions (withdrawal action tendencies and negative self-evaluation) in the association between dysfunctional parenting and the severity of addiction, testing two structural equation models (SEMs; for substance and behavioral addiction respectively). An online survey recruiting 710 Italian young adults was administered using the Measure of Parental Styles, the Guilt and Shame Proneness Scale, and the brief Screener for Substance and Behavioral Addiction. The SEMs confirmed the predictive role of dysfunctional parenting on the severity of the addiction. Moreover, two dimensions of shame mediated the association in opposite ways. The withdrawal action tendencies positively mediated the association between dysfunctional parenting and the severity of substance and behavioral addiction, potentially acting as a risk factor. Negative self-evaluation negatively mediated the association between dysfunctional parenting and the severity of substance addiction, playing a potential protective role. In a therapeutic context, the findings emphasized the importance of evaluating the different dimensions of shame experiences among addicted individuals and assessing the strategies used to withdraw from these experiences.

Perspectives of service providers on aftercare service provision for persons with substance use disorders at a Rural District in South Africa

BACKGROUND

Provision of aftercare services for persons with substance use disorders (PWSUD) within a rural context is typically met with various intersecting challenges, including unclear policy implications and lack of resources. In the South African context, service providers are expected to provide aftercare services that should successfully reintegrate persons with PWSUD into society, the workforce, family and community life as mandated by Act No. 70 of 2008, despite population diversity. Little has been established on the provision of aftercare services in South Africa and specifically within a rural context. This article explores service providers' perspectives in aftercare service provision for PWSUD in a rural district.

METHODS

A qualitative exploratory study design was conducted in a rural district in South Africa using semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions with forty-six service providers from governmental and non-governmental institutions, ranging from implementation to policy level of service provision. Data were analyzed thematically using a deductive approach. Codes were predetermined from the questions and the aims and objectives of the study used Beer's Viable Systems Model as a theoretical framework. NVivo Pro 12 qualitative data analysis software guided the organization and further analysis of the data.

RESULTS

Four themes emanated from the data sets. Theme 1 on reflections of the interactional state of aftercare services and program content identified the successes and inadequacies of aftercare interventions including relevant recommendations for aftercare services. Themes 2, 3, and 4 demonstrate reflections of service provision from implementation to policy level, namely, identifying existing barriers to aftercare service provision, situating systemic enablers to aftercare service provision, and associated aftercare system recommendations.

CONCLUSIONS

The intersecting systemic complexities of providing aftercare services in a rural context in South Africa was evident. There existed minimal enablers for service provision in this rural district. Service providers are confronted with numerous systemic barriers at all levels of service provision. To strengthen the aftercare system, policies with enforcement of aftercare services are required. Moreover, a model of aftercare that is integrated into the existing services, family centered, sensitive to the rural context and one that encourages the collaboration of stakeholders could also strengthen and sustain the aftercare system and service provision.

Is addiction a brain disease? A plea for agnosticism and heterogeneity

RATIONALE

Although increasingly subject to criticism, the brain disease model of addiction (BDMA) remains dominant within addiction science. Yet few advocates or critics of the BDMA have provided an account of what a brain disease is. The aim of this review is to conceptually clarify what it would mean for the BDMA to be true, rather than to argue decisively for or against it.

OBJECTIVES

Conceptual clarification of the BDMA requires consideration of possible models of disease and their relationship to the BDMA. A barrier to such consideration is belief that the BDMA is necessary to combatting addiction stigma. To address this barrier, I begin with discussion of what we know about the effects of the brain disease label on addiction stigma, and why labelling effects should have no bearing on the validity of the BDMA. I then distinguish strong, minimal, network, and mismatch models of disease, and I argue that the BDMA aligns with a strong disease model. This means that underlying brain pathology is hypothesized to be the cause of the personal-level observable signs and experienced symptoms characteristic of addiction. Evaluation of the BDMA therefore requires analysis of the concepts of brain dysfunction and causation, and their application to addiction science.

RESULTS

Brain dysfunction cannot be analyzed merely as brain changes or brain differences; nor can it be inferred merely from the presence of personal-level signs and symptoms. It is necessary to have an account of normal brain function by which to measure it. The theoretical and empirical challenges to developing such an account are not insurmountable, but they are substantial. Although there exist competing analyses of causation, there is a relatively standard method used to establish it within experimental science: intervention. Using this method, the causal significance of brain states, such as, e.g., extensive gray matter loss and/or neuroadapations in the mesocorticolimbic dopamine system, is not yet fully demonstrated. Further studies are necessary to determine their effect compared with other possible variables, such as, e.g., alternative reinforcers.

CONCLUSIONS

Conceptual clarification and preliminary empirical assessment of the BDMA recommends agnosticism about its validity and an openness to heterogeneity; in some cases addiction may be a brain disease, in others not. Either way, addiction stigma can be combatted by fighting moralism about drugs and moralistic drug policies directly, as opposed to resting hopes on the brain disease label.

The contribution of psychopathic traits and substance use in the prediction of recidivism of sexual offenders

Substance use and dependence may play an essential role in the risk of reoffending by sex offenders. Research examining the influence of substance use and dependence on the criminal behaviour of psychopathic sex offenders is limited. Alcohol and drug use have been identified as factors which promote criminal behaviour and are suspected to contribute, at least partially, to the probability of reoffending. For instance, previous research showed that elevated scores on the Michigan Alcohol Screening Test (MAST) contribute to the predictability of the Hare Psychopathy Checklist - Revised (PCL-R) on recidivism. The current study retrospectively evaluated a database of incarcerated high-risk offenders registered in the Regional Treatment Center, Sex Offender Treatment Program (RTCSOTP); in order to assess the contribution of self-disclosed histories of alcohol and substance use and dependency have, in concert with measures of psychopathic characteristics, on the predictability of recidivism. Results of the retrospective data identified PCL-R and DAST (Drug Abuse Screening Test) scores as significant predictors of sexual and violent recidivism of male inmates undergoing treatment in RTCSOTP within 5 years of their release. MAST scores, however, did not significantly contribute to the predictability of sexual and violent recidivism in this population. We conclude, drug use should be considered as an important factor when addressing recidivism in sexual offenders who demonstrate psychopathic characteristics.

Shame and guilt activations: Associations and sociodemographic differences among ploysubstance abusers

OBJECTIVES

Shame and guilt in polysubstance abusers are still understudied despite their significance in substance use disorders (SUD). The goal of the current study is to develop a better understanding of how shame and guilt interact among polysubstance abusers who are receiving residential treatment.

METHODS

The sample of two hundred four males with SUD admitted to five rehabilitation centers from two cities in Pakistan participated in this study. For comparison, 215 age-matched healthy individuals were recruited (control). All participants reported their scores on the state shame and guilt scale (SSGS) and demographic form. A cross-sectional study design was adopted.

RESULTS

The group with SUD reported greater activations on SGSS (r = 0.79, p < 0.001) as compared to healthy (control) individuals (r = 0.48, p < 0.001). Further, multivariate analysis indicated that people with SUD who were of older age, unemployed, living in a nuclear family system, with a higher level of education, and low income, experienced higher levels of shame and guilt. Multinomial logistic regression analysis revealed that people with SUD in the age group 41-60 years (OR 5.2, 95%CI 2.4-6.8), unemployed (OR 4.4, 95%CI 3.2-4.7), nuclear family system (OR 5.9, 95%CI 4.5-6.4) and low monthly income group (OR 5.4, 95%CI 3.5-5.8) had a significantly high risk of shame and guilt than the control group.

CONCLUSION

Findings of the current study indicate an association between shame and guilt activation and SUD. These results suggest that polysubstance users may benefit from therapeutic interventions to avoid a generalization of shame and guilt toward their substance use. Reducing shame and guilt should be considered a priority in treating adults with multiple SUD.

"I Was Raised in Addiction": Constructions of the Self and the Other in Discourses of Addiction and Recovery

The aim of this article is to address how conceptualizations of addiction shape the lived experiences of people who use drugs (PWUDs) during the current opioid epidemic. Using a discourse analytic approach, we examine interview transcripts from 27 PWUDs in rural Appalachian Ohio. We investigate the ways in which participants talk about their substance use, what these linguistic choices reveal about their conceptions of self and other PWUDs, and how participants' discursive caches might be constrained by or defined within broader social discourses. We highlight three subject positions enacted by participants during the interviews: addict as victim of circumstance, addict as good Samaritan, and addict as motivated for change. We argue participants leverage these positions to contrast themselves with a reified addict-other whose identity carries socially ascribed characteristics of being blameworthy, immoral, callous, and complicit. We implicate these processes in the perpetuation of intragroup stigma and discuss implications for intervention.

Language and stigmatization of individuals with mental health problems or substance addiction in the Netherlands: An experimental vignette study

Persons with mental health problems and/or substance addictions (MHPSA) are stigmatised more than persons with physical conditions. This includes stigmatisation by care professionals. Stigma is considered one of the most important barriers for recovery from these conditions. There is an ongoing debate that use of language can exacerbate or diminish stigmatisation. Therefore, we conducted an experiment examining how four different ways of referring to a person with (a) alcohol addiction, (b) drug addiction, (c) depression and (d) schizophrenia are related to stigmatising attitudes by care professionals in the Netherlands. We partially replicated two studies performed in the United States and used surveys with vignettes containing either 'disorder-first', 'person-first', 'victim' and 'recovery' language, which were randomly assigned to participants (n = 361). No significant differences between language conditions were found for any of the vignettes. Our findings suggest that subtle differences in language to refer to persons with mental health problems or substance addictions have no effect on stigmatising attitudes by care professionals in the Netherlands. However, more research is needed to determine the effect of language use on other groups, such as individuals with MHPSA.

Determinism and Destigmatization: Mitigating Blame for Addiction

The brain disease model of addiction is widely endorsed by agencies concerned with treating behavioral disorders and combatting the stigma often associated with addiction. However, both its accuracy and its effectiveness in reducing stigma have been challenged. A proposed alternative, the “choice” model, recognizes the residual rational behavior control capacities of addicted individuals and their ability to make choices, some of which may cause harm. Since harmful choices are ordinarily perceived as blameworthy, the choice model may inadvertently help justify stigma. This paper seeks to fully naturalize the choice model by highlighting the determinants of voluntary action and thus increase its potential for destigmatizing addiction. In light of a deterministic understanding of behavior, it is unreasonable to suppose that addicted individuals could have made different choices in becoming addicted and in subsequent situations. To the extent that stigma is motivated by the supposition that addicted individuals could have chosen otherwise in actual situations, a deterministic understanding of addictive behavior promises to mitigate blame and stigma.

Nicotine addiction as a moral problem: Barriers to e-cigarette use for smoking cessation in two working-class areas in Northern England

Tobacco use in high-income countries correlates with socio-economic disadvantage, but although switching to electronic cigarettes could be a safer alternative, little is known about barriers to use. Drawing on eighteen months of data collection in two areas of Northern England in 2017/18 including ethnography and interviews with 59 smokers and e-cigarette users, I show that concern about continued nicotine addiction either deterred working-class smokers from switching to e-cigarettes or dictated the conditions of their use. Research participants were unhappy about addiction both as loss of control experienced as moral failure and as neglect of financial responsibilities i.e. role performance failure in relation to family responsibilities, or what I call ‘thrift as care’. They reduced the moral burden of addiction by lowering nicotine content, rejecting pleasure and minimising expenditure. They chose the cheapest possible tobacco, switched from combusted tobacco to cheaper e-cigarettes and bought cheap e-cigarettes and liquids. For working-class smokers, minimising spend on what they perceive negatively as addiction may be a greater moral concern than reducing health risk. I conclude that ensuring that vaping is significantly cheaper than smoking may be key to addressing health inequalities linked to tobacco use.

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Working-class smokers avoided e-cigarettes because of concern about addiction.

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Those who did switch preferred a medical to a recreational model of use.

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Users reduced nicotine content, minimised spending and avoided exotic flavours.

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Failure of willpower and role performance (thrift as care) created addiction shame.

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Ensuring that vaping is cheaper than smoking is key to harm reduction.

Behavioral Genetics in Criminal and Civil Courts

Although emerging findings in psychiatric and behavioral genetics create hope for improved prevention, diagnosis, and treatment of disorders, the introduction of such data as evidence in criminal and civil proceedings raises a host of ethical, legal, and social issues. Should behavioral and psychiatric genetic data be admissible in judicial proceedings? If so, what are the various means for obtaining such evidence, and for what purposes should its admission be sought and permitted? How could-and should-such evidence affect judicial outcomes in criminal and civil proceedings? And what are the potential implications of using behavioral and psychiatric genetic evidence for individuals and communities, and for societal values of equality and justice? This article provides an overview of the historical and current developments in behavioral genetics. We then explore the extent to which behavioral genetic evidence has-and should-affect determinations of criminal responsibility and sentencing, as well as the possible ramifications of introducing such evidence in civil courts, with a focus on tort litigation and child custody disputes. We also consider two ways in which behavioral genetic evidence may come to court in the future-through genetic theft or the subpoena of a litigant's biospecimen data that was previously obtained for clinical or research purposes-and the concerns that these possibilities raise. Finally, we highlight the need for caution and for approaches to prevent the misuse of behavioral genetic evidence in courts.

The Benefits of Genetic Addiction Risk Score (GARS™) Testing in Substance Use Disorder (SUD)

Following 25 years of extensive research by many scientists worldwide, a panel of ten reward gene risk variants, called the Genetic Addiction Risk Score (GARS), has been developed. In unpublished work, when GARS was compared to the Addiction Severity Index (ASI), which has been used in many clinical settings, GARS significantly predicted the severity of both alcohol and drug dependency. In support of early testing for addiction and other RDS subtypes, parents caught up in the current demographic of 127 people, both young and old, dying daily from opiate/opioid overdose, need help. In the past, families would have never guessed that their loved ones would die or could be in real danger due to opiate addiction. Author, Bill Moyers, in Parade Magazine, reported that as he traveled around the United States, he found many children with ADHD and other spectrum disorders like Autism, and noted that many of these children had related conditions like substance abuse. He called for better ways to identify these children and treat them with approaches other than addictive pharmaceuticals. To our knowledge, GARS is the only panel of genes with established polymorphisms reflecting the Brain Reward Cascade (BRC), which has been correlated with the ASI-MV alcohol and drug risk severity score. While other studies are required to confirm and extend the GARS test to include other genes and polymorphisms that associate with an hypodopaminergic trait, these results provide clinicians with a non-invasive genetic test. Genomic testing, such as GARS, can improve clinical interactions and decision-making. Knowledge of precise polymorphic associations can help in the attenuation of guilt and denial, corroboration of family gene-o-grams; assistance in risk-severity-based decisions about appropriate therapies, including pain medications and risk for addiction; choice of the appropriate level of care placement (i.e., inpatient, outpatient, intensive outpatient, residential); determination of the length of stay in treatment; determination of genetic severity-based relapse and recovery liability and vulnerability; determination of pharmacogenetic medical monitoring for better clinical outcomes (e.g., the A1 allele of the DRD2 gene reduces the binding to opioid delta receptors in the brain, thus, reducing Naltrexone's clinical effectiveness); and supporting medical necessity for insurance scrutiny.

The Clinical Concept of Opioid Addiction Since 1877: Still Wanting After All These Years

In 1877, the psychiatrist Edward Levinstein authored the first monograph on opioid addiction. The prevalence of opioid addiction prior to his publication had risen in several countries including England, France and Germany. He was the first to call it an illness, but doubted that it was a mental illness because the impairment of volition appeared to be restricted to opioid use: it was not pervasive, since it did not extend to other aspects of the individuals' life. While there has been huge progress in understanding the underlying neurobiological mechanisms, there has been little progress in the clinical psychopathology of addiction and in understanding how it relates to these neurobiological mechanisms. A focus on cravings has limited the exploration of other important aspects such as anosognosia and addiction-related behaviors like smuggling opioids into treatment and supporting the continued provision of co-patients. These behaviors are usually considered secondary reactions, but in clinical practice they appear to be central to addiction, indicating that an improved understanding of the complexity of the disorder is needed. We propose to consider an approach that takes into account the embodied, situated, dynamic, and phenomenological aspects of mental processes. Addiction in this context can be conceptualized as a habit, understood as a distributed network of mental, behavioral, and social processes, which not only shapes the addict's perceptions and actions, but also has a tendency to self-maintain. Such an approach may help to develop and integrate psychopathological and neurobiological research and practice of addictions.

Is the concept of compulsion useful in the explanation or description of addictive behaviour and experience?

The concept of compulsion, in which addictive behaviour is said to be carried out against the will, is central to the disease theory of addiction and ubiquitous in modern definitions. The aims of this article are: (i) to describe various meanings of compulsion in the literature; (ii) to compare the part thought to be played by compulsion in addiction with its suggested role in obsessive-compulsive disorder; (iii) to critically examine the place of compulsion in influential neurobiological accounts of addiction; (iv) to summarise the empirical evidence bearing on the usefulness of the compulsion concept, evidence that seems at first sight incompatible with the notion of compulsion. This is followed by a discussion of which possible meanings of compulsion can survive an empirical test and what role they might play in understanding addiction, paying particular attention to a distinction between strong and weak senses of compulsion. A conclusion is that addictive behaviour cannot be considered compulsive at the time it is carried out, though other possible meanings of compulsion as an explanation or description of addictive behaviour and experience are discussed. Among other conclusions, it is suggested that, although in some senses of the term it may seem arbitrary whether or not 'compulsion' should be retained, its use has important consequences for the public understanding of addiction, and is likely to deter people's attempts to overcome their addictions and their chances of success.

Patients and families realising their future with chronic obstructive pulmonary disease-A qualitative study

AIMS AND OBJECTIVES

To gain insight into the lived experience of learning about having chronic obstructive pulmonary disease for patients and their families.

BACKGROUND

Chronic obstructive pulmonary disease often progresses for years. Adjustment to declining health is gradual, and the disease may have developed considerably when health care is sought and people are diagnosed. Reaching patients at early stages is necessary to delay progression of the disease.

DESIGN

Interpretive phenomenology.

METHODS

Data were collected in four family focus group interviews (N = 37) and a subsample of eight family-dyad interviews. Patients were eight men, and 14 women aged 51-68 years. Majority of the patients (n = 19) were at GOLD grades II and III, with three at grade IV. The family members were eight men, and seven women aged 29-73 years. Data were collected between June-November 2012.

RESULTS

Five, not mutually exclusive themes, revealed a long and arduous process of learning about and becoming diagnosed with chronic obstructive pulmonary disease and how unaware participants were of the imminent threat that the disease imposes on life. The themes were as follows: burden of shame and self-blame, enclosed in addiction, living in parallel worlds, realising the existence of the disease and a cry for empathy.

CONCLUSIONS

Learning about and realising the existence of chronic obstructive pulmonary disease and what it entails at present time and in the future was bleak for the participants. The patients tended to put aside the thought of being a person with chronic obstructive pulmonary disease and defer actions that might halter progression of the disease, particularly to quit smoking.

RELEVANCE TO CLINICAL PRACTICE

Individuals and families need support early in the disease process to realise and accept the existence of chronic obstructive pulmonary disease and particularly to deal with the challenges that nicotine addiction, shame and self-blame present. Increased public awareness about this enormous, but hidden, health problem is necessary.

Stigma and Self-Stigma in Addiction

Addictions are commonly accompanied by a sense of shame or self-stigmatization. Self-stigmatization results from public stigmatization in a process leading to the internalization of the social opprobrium attaching to the negative stereotypes associated with addiction. We offer an account of how this process works in terms of a range of looping effects, and this leads to our main claim that for a significant range of cases public stigma figures in the social construction of addiction. This rests on a social constructivist account in which those affected by public stigmatization internalize its norms. Stigma figures as part-constituent of the dynamic process in which addiction is formed. Our thesis is partly theoretical, partly empirical, as we source our claims about the process of internalization from interviews with people in treatment for substance use problems.

Rethinking alcohol interventions in health care: a thematic meeting of the International Network on Brief Interventions for Alcohol & Other Drugs (INEBRIA)

In 2016, the International Network on Brief Interventions for Alcohol & Other Drugs convened a meeting titled “Rethinking alcohol interventions in health care”. The aims of the meeting were to synthesize recent evidence about screening and brief intervention and to set directions for research, practice, and policy in light of this evidence. Screening and brief intervention is efficacious in reducing self-reported alcohol consumption for some with unhealthy alcohol use, but there are gaps in evidence for its effectiveness. Because screening and brief intervention is not known to be efficacious for individuals with more severe unhealthy alcohol use, recent data showing the lack of evidence for referral to treatment as part of screening and brief intervention are alarming. While screening and brief intervention was designed to be a population-based approach, its reach is limited. Implementation in real world care also remains a challenge. This report summarizes practice, research, and policy recommendations and key research developments from our meeting. In order to move the field forward, a research agenda was proposed to (1) address evidence gaps in screening, brief intervention, and referral to treatment, (2) develop innovations to address severe unhealthy alcohol use within primary care, (3) describe the stigma of unhealthy alcohol use, which obstructs progress in prevention and treatment, (4) reconsider existing conceptualizations of unhealthy alcohol use that may influence health care, and (5) identify efforts needed to improve the capacity for addressing unhealthy alcohol consumption in all world regions.

Addiction and Moralization: the Role of the Underlying Model of Addiction

Addiction appears to be a deeply moralized concept. To understand the entwinement of addiction and morality, we briefly discuss the disease model and its alternatives in order to address the following questions: Is the disease model the only path towards a 'de-moralized' discourse of addiction? While it is tempting to think that medical language surrounding addiction provides liberation from the moralized language, evidence suggests that this is not necessarily the case. On the other hand non-disease models of addiction may seem to resuscitate problematic forms of the moralization of addiction, including, invoking blame, shame, and the wholesale rejection of addicts as people who have deep character flaws, while ignoring the complex biological and social context of addiction. This is also not necessarily the case. We argue that a deficit in reasons responsiveness as basis for attribution of moral responsibility can be realized by multiple different causes, disease being one, but it also seems likely that alternative accounts of addiction as developed by Flanagan, Lewis, and Levy, may also involve mechanisms, psychological, social, and neurobiological that can diminish reasons responsiveness. It thus seems to us that nondisease models of addiction do not necessarily involve moralization. Hence, a non-stigmatizing approach to recovery can be realized in ways that are consistent with both the disease model and alternative models of addiction.

Addiction and the Brain: Development, Not Disease

I review the brain disease model of addiction promoted by medical, scientific, and clinical authorities in the US and elsewhere. I then show that the disease model is flawed because brain changes in addiction are similar to those generally observed when recurrent, highly motivated goal seeking results in the development of deep habits, Pavlovian learning, and prefrontal disengagement. This analysis relies on concepts of self-organization, neuroplasticity, personality development, and delay discounting. It also highlights neural and behavioral parallels between substance addictions, behavioral addictions, normative compulsive behaviors, and falling in love. I note that the short duration of addictive rewards leads to negative emotions that accelerate the learning cycle, but cortical reconfiguration in recovery should also inform our understanding of addiction. I end by showing that the ethos of the disease model makes it difficult to reconcile with a developmental-learning orientation.

Responsibility without Blame for Addiction

Drug use and drug addiction are severely stigmatised around the world. Marc Lewis does not frame his learning model of addiction as a choice model out of concern that to do so further encourages stigma and blame. Yet the evidence in support of a choice model is increasingly strong as well as consonant with core elements of his learning model. I offer a responsibility without blame framework that derives from reflection on forms of clinical practice that support change and recovery in patients who cause harm to themselves and others. This framework can be used to interrogate our own attitudes and responses, so that we can better see how to acknowledge the truth about choice and agency in addiction, while avoiding stigma and blame, and instead maintaining care and compassion alongside a commitment to working for social justice and good.

Harmonizing Screening for Gambling Problems in Epidemiological Surveys - Development of the Rapid Screener for Problem Gambling (RSPG)

Background and aims The aim of this study was to test the screening properties of several combinations of items from gambling scales, in order to harmonize screening of gambling problems in epidemiological surveys. The objective was to propose two brief screening tools (three items or less) for a use in interviews and self-administered questionnaires. Methods We tested the screening properties of combinations of items from several gambling scales, in a sample of 425 gamblers (301 non-problem gamblers and 124 disordered gamblers). Items tested included interview-based items (Pathological Gambling section of the DSM-IV, lifetime history of problem gambling, monthly expenses in gambling, and abstinence of 1 month or more) and self-report items (South Oaks Gambling Screen, Gambling Attitudes, and Beliefs Survey). The gold standard used was the diagnosis of a gambling disorder according to the DSM-5. Results Two versions of the Rapid Screener for Problem Gambling (RSPG) were developed: the RSPG-Interview (RSPG-I), being composed of two interview items (increasing bets and loss of control), and the RSPG-Self-Assessment (RSPG-SA), being composed of three self-report items (chasing, guiltiness, and perceived inability to stop). Discussion and conclusions We recommend using the RSPG-SA/I for screening problem gambling in epidemiological surveys, with the version adapted for each purpose (RSPG-I for interview-based surveys and RSPG-SA for self-administered surveys). This first triage of potential problem gamblers must be supplemented by further assessment, as it may overestimate the proportion of problem gamblers. However, a first triage has the great advantage of saving time and energy in large-scale screening for problem gambling.

The role of lifestyle in perpetuating substance use disorder: the Lifestyle Balance Model

Conceptualizing aetiology underpinning an individual's substance use disorder (SUD) not only facilitates insight and understanding, but also serves to identify targets for treatment and aid practitioners in selecting the most appropriate interventions. There is now a wealth of literature on aetiology and treatment approaches, and in more recent years, also literature to support the concept of 'recovery' from a condition which was previously thought of as a chronic, relapsing condition. The burgeoning literature around research into recovery is revealing how recovery can best be defined and what factors might be associated with recovery from SUD. To add further to this growing body of literature, a new six-domain, explanatory biopsychosocial model of substance dependence and recovery, the Lifestyle Balance Model (LBM) is proposed. Based on research findings and theory reported in the literature, the LBM is a generic model depicting six domains of biopsychosocial functioning and includes within it the role of lifestyle. The LBM has been constructed as a domain model, allowing conceptualisation of the relationships between the six domain areas that perpetuate dependence and may also be associated with recovery from SUD, providing service users and clinicians with a tool for the delivery of case formulation and identification of target areas for intervention.