Participatory Inequality Across Countries: Contacting Public Officials Online and Offline

The Internet offers low-cost ways to participate in political life, which reduces the motivation required to participate and thus potentially reduces inequalities in participation. I examine online and offline contacting of elected officials using original survey data from Canada, France, the United Kingdom, and the United States collected in 2019 and 2021. Education is a consistent positive predictor of contacting in all countries as well as both modes of contact (online and offline). Income differences are small. Younger people are more likely to contact officials, online and offline, compared to older people. Females are less likely to contact officials, online and offline, compared to males. While political interest, efficacy, online information consumption, and online group ties are believed to lead to more equity in online communication, I do not see strong differences in these variables for online and offline contacting. I conclude by discussing the implications of exclusively online contacting of officials when this form of contact is devalued by elected officials, as well as the implications of participatory inequalities with respect to influencing public policy and access to government services.

Standby Ties that Mobilize: Social Media Platforms and Civic Engagement

Nonprofit organizations and groups depend on donations and volunteers for their survival. Digital media can help by offering a platform for making online donations and facilitating online volunteering, but also by identifying and connecting with people who are sympathetic to an organization's mission. This article employs four-country (USA, UK, France, and Canada) representative survey data (n = 6291) to examine the use of social media for establishing connections between citizens and organizations as well as the relationship of these connections to online and offline volunteering and donating. Across all social media platforms considered (Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter), I find significant positive correlations of following nonprofits with online and offline volunteering and donating. However, Facebook has a slightly larger role, which may be attributed to its overall popularity, which can incentivize organizations' more intense use of this platform.

Climate denial in Canada and the United States

One type of climate change denial is the belief that climate change is naturally occurring instead of human caused; this form of denial is known as attribution skepticism or soft denial. While considerable research has addressed outright climate change denial, little research has focused specifically on soft denial and its complex and politicized relationship with science. We examine this form of denial using original survey data collected in 2017 in the United States (n = 1510) and in 2019 in Canada (n = 1545). Contrary to expectations about the United States being more divided by political ideology on the topic of climate change, we find that - after accounting for trust in political leaders - Canadians' views are driven more by ideological position than those of Americans. In the United States, climate denial is related to trust in President Trump as a source of information about climate change. The study of soft denial is important as it undermines the rationale for climate change solutions.

Age Differences in Online News Consumption and Online Political Expression in the United States, United Kingdom, and France

Younger and older generations are differently motivated in relation to news consumption and online political expression. In this paper, we suggest that different modes of citizenship characterize younger and older generations. To test the differential role of political interest in news consumption and online political expression, we use a survey of 3,210 people from the United States, 3,043 from the United Kingdom, and 3,031 from France. Our findings suggest that young citizens are more frequent users of online news overall and that the rank order of different news activities replicates cross-nationally. The frequency of online political expression is negatively related to age, with older people less likely to post online. Age moderates the relationship between political interest and news consumption as well as news consumption and online political expression. The correlations of these sets of variables are stronger for younger respondents compared to older respondents. These findings hold across the three countries under study. We explain these patterns in terms of changing citizenship norms and discuss the implications for democracy.

Campaigns and conflict on social media: a literature snapshot

Purpose

The purpose of this paper is to discuss the themes identified in the submissions to this volume. The findings are contextualized in recent scholarship on these themes.

Design/methodology/approach

The discussion is organized around predicting social media use among candidates, organizations, and citizens, then exploring differences in the content of social media postings among candidates, organizations, and citizens, and finally exploring the impact of social media use on mobilization and participatory inequality defined by gender, age, and socio-economic status.

Findings

This volume addresses whether social media use is more common among liberal or conservative citizens, candidates, and organizations; the level of negativity in social media discourse and the impact on attitudes; the existence of echo chambers of like-minded individuals and groups; the extent and nature of interactivity in social media; and whether social media will reinforce participation inequalities. In sum, the studies suggest that negativity and interactivity on social media are limited and mixed support for echo chambers. While social media mobilizes citizens, these citizens are those who already pre-disposed to engage in civic and political life.

Originality/value

This paper explores key topics in social media research drawing upon 60 recently published studies. Most of the studies are published in 2015 and 2016, providing a contemporary analysis of these topics.

Attachment to community and civic and political engagement: a case study of students

Youth's low level of civic and political engagement may detrimentally affect the health of communities and the democratic system. This paper examines the role of community attachment in explaining youth's levels of civic and engagement. This examination requires an evaluation of existing measures of community attachment and their relevance for understanding youth's experiences. The paper uses a student sample, highlighting a group of youth who have a degree of variation in their experiences of community attachment. We find that subjective measures of community attachment are related to volunteering and voting, but the objective measure of community attachment, that is, years of residence, affects voting and not volunteering. Different mechanisms explain civic engagement versus political engagement. As such, different strategies are required to combat low levels of civic versus political engagement.

Specific [3H]raclopride binding to neostriatal dopamine D2 receptors: role of disulfide and sulfhydryl groups

Receptor binding studies were performed in rabbit neostriatum (caudate-putamen) using the dopamine D2 antagonist [3H]raclopride. Treatment of the membrane preparations with the reducing agent L-dithiothreitol (L-DTT) as well as with the alkylating compound N-ethylmaleimide (NEM), produced dose-dependent decreases of specific [3H]raclopride binding; the IC50 values were of 3.1 and 1.2 mM, respectively. Saturation experiments showed that the reduction of disulfide (-S-S-) bonds by L-DTT (1 mM) decreased the number of binding sites, with only a slight increase in the affinity. On the other hand, alkylation of sulfhydryl (-SH) groups by NEM (1 mM) decreased both receptor number and affinity. The properties of the remaining binding sites were examined in competition curves with the physiological substrate dopamine and the dopaminergic antagonist (+)butaclamol. The IC50 values for (+)butaclamol in control and in L-DTT and NEM treated membranes were between 3.4 and 4.8 nM, with Hill coefficients (nH) of 1, indicating that the remaining binding sites conserved a high affinity for antagonist binding. In the case of dopamine, the curves were shallow (nH 0.45-0.64) and both compounds increased the IC50 from 0.7 microM (control) to 8 microM and 11 microM, for L-DTT and NEM respectively. Iterative analysis revealed that L-DTT produced a very important (greater than 60%) decrease in the number of high-affinity (RH) binding. After NEM, there was a decrease in both the number of (RH) and the affinity (KH) of the high-affinity binding sites, and in the affinity (KL) of the low-affinity sites. These results demonstrate the participation of -S-S- and -SH groups in the agonist conformation of the primary ligand recognition site of the dopamine D2 receptor. Alternatively, -S-S- and -SH groups could be related to the coupling of the primary ligand recognition protein with adenylate cyclase by means of an inhibitory type of G protein.

Effects of monovalent cations on neostriatal dopamine D2 receptors labeled with [3H]raclopride

Specific [3H]raclopride binding to dopamine D2 receptors in the rabbit neostriatum was investigated in the presence of the monovalent cations sodium, lithium and potassium. NaCl and LiCl produced concentration-dependent elevations in specific [3H]raclopride binding with sodium inducing approximately 50% more binding than lithium. Inhibition of [3H]raclopride binding by the antagonist (+)-butaclamol was unaffected by the presence of sodium or lithium in the incubation medium. In contrast, the potency of dopamine to compete with [3H]raclopride was decreased by these two ions. This effect was more pronounced in the presence of sodium than lithium and was observed for both the high- and low-affinity states of the D2 receptor. The guanine nucleotide derivative 5'-guanylylimidodiphosphate (Gpp(NH)p) reduced the potency of dopamine to compete with [3H]raclopride binding in both the presence and absence of cations; however, this effect of Gpp(NH)p was a shift of the D2 receptors from a high to a lower affinity state. Saturation binding curves in the presence of sodium or lithium were compared with experiments carried out in the absence of monovalent cations (sucrose) and demonstrated that these ions increased the affinity (judged by the equilibrium dissociation constant Kd) of the neostriatal [3H]raclopride binding sites. While NaCl produced a significantly greater change in the Kd of [3H]raclopride binding as compared to LiCl, no differences were apparent in the maximum binding capacity (Bmax) values determined in the presence of these two cations. In conclusion, the results indicate that [3H]raclopride binding to rabbit neostriatal membranes exhibits a sensitivity to monovalent cations that is consistent with the ionic regulatory properties of the D2 receptor. Moreover, although lithium and sodium influence specific [3H]raclopride binding in a similar manner, there appear to be quantitative differences between these two ions.