Play Nicely: Evaluation of a Brief Intervention to Reduce Physical Punishment and the Beliefs That Justify It

The objective of this study was to assess the efficacy of the Play Nicely brief intervention in diminishing both the utilization of physical punishment and the beliefs that endorse such behavior among a sample of Colombian parents with children aged 2 to 6. Utilizing a quasi-experimental design, the research included pretest and posttest evaluations and involved both an intervention group (n = 37) and a control group (n = 29). The assessment tools used were a scale to measure beliefs about the positive impacts of physical punishment and the Physical Assault subscale of the Spanish version of the Conflict Tactics Scale Parent-Child (CTSPC). Parents participated in a single online session, which offered eight interactive options and lasted 10 min. The results highlighted a high prevalence of physical punishment within the sample (81.8%) and established statistically significant correlations between the justification of physical punishment and its actual use. Approximately one month following the intervention, there was a significant reduction in the employment of physical punishment among the intervention group (p = 0.009), and a notable decrease in the belief that "Punishment is the best alternative to control children's behavior" (p = 0.010) was observed. Consequently, the Play Nicely intervention proved effective in curtailing the use of physical punishment among parents of young children, demonstrating both efficacy and cost-effectiveness within a brief timeframe.

Social Workers Should Stand against Physical Punishment of Children

The National Association of Social Workers (NASW) is the leading professional organization for social work that established the Code of Ethics and sets the policy agenda for the profession. Guided by the Code of Ethics and the Grand Challenges for Social Work goal to "build healthy relationships to end violence," the NASW Social Work Speaks policy compendium should reassert its statement against the physical punishment of children. This recommendation aligns with the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and children's right to protection from violence; the rigorous empirical research base, which demonstrates that physical punishment has detrimental consequences to child well-being; and similar policy statements issued by allied professional organizations. The NASW policies can advocate for ending violence against children by providing guidance on disciplinary practices that are based on principles of nonviolence and that respect children's human rights. Practitioners can support caregivers through interventions that provide alternatives to physical punishment.

Preventing Punitive Violence: Implementing Positive Discipline in Everyday Parenting (PDEP) with Marginalized Populations in Bangladesh

Physical and other types of punishment remain common in Bangladesh, despite overwhelming evidence of their harm and worldwide efforts to decrease their use. One of the strategic priorities of Save the Children in Bangladesh's Child Protection Program is to protect children from physical and humiliating punishment in homes, schools, and other settings. Save the Children in Bangladesh selected the Positive Discipline in Everyday Parenting (PDEP) Program to provide parents with alternatives to physical punishment that comply with human rights standards while strengthening relationships and understanding of child development. High-risk communities where children are particularly vulnerable were selected for this project. The PDEP program was delivered to 857 parents living in lower socioeconomic areas of Bangladesh, including ethnic minority groups, and parents living in urban slums of Dhaka and rural brothel areas. Due to the low levels of education of the participants (almost two-thirds of participants had not completed elementary school), simplified pre and posttests were utilized. Following program completion, parents' approval of both physical punishment and punishment in general declined; they were less likely to view typical parent-child conflicts as intentional misbehavior and were less reactive to frustration. In addition, parents indicated an increased understanding of the positive discipline and more confidence in their parenting skills. Before taking PDEP, 64% of the parents often felt like they just did not know what to do as a parent, compared to 34% following program completion. PDEP demonstrated the potential to decrease the use of physical and humiliating punishments by parents living in high-risk communities in Bangladesh.

Harsh Physical Discipline and Externalizing Behaviors in Children: A Systematic Review

There is growing debate in the parenting literature as to whether using physical punishment to discipline children is an effective strategy or leads to the development of aggressive behaviors and other antisocial attributes. The aim of the current literature review is to examine the association between harsh physical discipline and the development of externalizing behaviors in children, as well as the suggested moderators of this relationship. Secondly, the findings regarding the effects of harsh physical discipline on children's educational outcomes are reviewed. Articles were selected from relevant databases while maintaining an inclusion and exclusion criteria, with a total of 22 articles included in this review. Strong associations between parental corporal punishment and a range of child behaviors were indicated by the literature, and cultural normativeness was implicated as a moderator of these effects. Results regarding the role of parental warmth as a moderator did not provide a firm conclusion. Finally, the findings suggest that when a child is subjected to physical discipline in the home, their life at school may be adversely affected by impaired cognitive performance, peer isolation, and behavioral problems. The primary limitation of the studies reviewed is the use of self-report data and correlational analyses, ruling out the possibility of inferring causal relations. Nonetheless, the results indicate the necessity of encouraging parents and caregivers to avoid physical punishment as a disciplinary tactic while providing them with the tools to explore alternative practices.

Parental Adverse Childhood Experiences and Perpetration of Child Physical Punishment in Wales

Child physical punishment is harmful to children and, as such, is being prohibited by a growing number of countries, including Wales. Parents' own childhood histories may affect their risks of using child physical punishment. We conducted a national cross-sectional survey of Welsh adults and measured relationships between the number of adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) parents (n = 720 with children aged < 18) had suffered during childhood and their use of physical punishment towards children. Overall, 28.2% of parents reported having ever physically punished a child, and 5.8% reported having done so recently (in the last year). Child physical punishment use increased with the number of ACEs parents reported. Parents with 4+ ACEs were almost three times more likely to have ever physically punished a child and eleven times more likely to have done so recently (vs. those with 0 ACEs). The majority (88.1%) of parents that reported recent child physical punishment had a personal history of ACEs, while over half reported recently having been hit themselves by a child. Child physical punishment is strongly associated with parents' own ACE exposure and can occur within the context of broader conflict. Prohibiting physical punishment can protect children and, with appropriate family support, may help break intergenerational cycles of violence.

An Examination of Parents' Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) History and Reported Spanking of Their Child: Informing Child Maltreatment Prevention Efforts

The current evidence indicates that spanking is harmful to children's health and development and should never be used by parents or other caregivers. However, the critical factors that inform effective spanking prevention strategies are still not well understood. The objective of the current study was to determine if a parent's own adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) history was associated with increased likelihood of reporting their child being spanked at age 10 or younger. Data were drawn from the Well-Being and Experiences Study (the WE Study), a community survey of parents and adolescents from 2017-2018 (N = 1000) from Canada. The results indicated that a parent's own history of physical abuse, emotional abuse, spanking, and household mental illness in childhood were associated with an increased likelihood that their child would have been spanked. These findings indicate that a parent's ACEs history may be related to how their own child is parented and identify families who may be more likely to rely on spanking. Preventing physical punishment is necessary for healthy child development, reducing the risk of further violence, and upholding children's rights to protection. Parent's ACEs history may be an important factor to consider when developing and implementing child maltreatment prevention efforts.

Public policy and parent-child aggression: Considerations for reducing and preventing physical punishment and abuse

Parent-child physical aggression, including both physical punishment and abuse, remains a prevalent problem in the United States. In this paper, we briefly review the prevalence and harms of parent-child aggression and discuss changes in social norms and policies over the past several decades. Then, we discuss broad social policies influencing risk for parent-child physical aggression, policies relevant to reducing and preventing physical abuse, and policies relevant to reducing and preventing physical punishment. We close by considering future directions to strengthen research and evaluation and accelerate progress toward ending parent-child physical aggression.

Intimate Partner Violence During Pregnancy: Effects of Maternal Depression Symptoms and Parenting on Teen Depression Symptoms

Past studies have indicated that mothers who are victims of intimate partner violence (IPV) have a greater risk of developing depression symptoms. Furthermore, existing literature provides evidence that children's mental health can be affected by their mother's mental health well past infancy and early childhood. Given this, children of IPV victims are particularly at risk of developing depression symptoms. Guided by trauma theory, the ecobiodevelopmental (EBD) framework, and social learning theory, this study investigates the long-term relationship between maternal IPV victimization during pregnancy and teen depression symptoms. This study utilizes longitudinal data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study to examine the relationship between IPV during pregnancy and maternal depression symptoms at early childhood, as well as the mechanism by which maternal depression symptoms affect child depression symptoms in the adolescent stage of development. The findings indicate that mothers who were victims of IPV during pregnancy were more likely to have depression symptoms when children turned 3 and that maternal depression symptoms could directly predict children's depression symptoms at age 15. Meanwhile, maternal depression symptoms could indirectly increase adolescent depression symptoms via physical punishment at age 5 and bullying victimization at age 9. While extensive evidence has shown that IPV during pregnancy has detrimental effects on mothers and children, our study adds to the literature that such detriments can last as long as a decade. Given that depression symptoms can be detrimental to later development, the findings call for universal and comprehensive IPV screening tools and swift service referrals for pregnant women who are experiencing IPV. At the same time, trauma-informed parenting education for women, along with school- and community-based interventions for children, may also mitigate these harmful associations.

Associations between Lifetime Spanking/Slapping and Adolescent Physical and Mental Health and Behavioral Outcomes

BACKGROUND

Many parents use physical forms of punishment, including spanking to correct perceived misbehavior. While some authors suggest spanking/slapping is a distinct and "milder" form of physical punishment, parents' use of spanking is consistently associated with poor outcomes for their children. However, less is known about the relationship between spanking/slapping and health and behavioral outcomes in adolescence independent of other childhood adversities.

OBJECTIVES

The objectives of this study were to examine the associations between lifetime experiences of spanking on the bottom and/or slapping on the hand and 3 adolescent outcomes: (a) mental health disorders, (b) physical health conditions, and (c) defiant behaviors, after adjusting for other types of childhood adversities and child maltreatment.

METHODS

Cross-sectional data from the provincially representative 2014 Ontario Child Health Study (N = 6,537 dwellings, response rate = 50.8%) were used. The current study focused on one selected child aged 14 to 17 years within a household (n = 1,883) with data collected from the adolescent and the parent/caregiver. Logistic regression models were used to identify associations with lifetime experiences of spanking/slapping 3 or more times (vs. 0 to 2 times).

RESULTS

Lifetime spanking/slapping was independently associated with increased odds of mental health disorders, physical health conditions, and defiant behaviors in adolescence after adjusting for childhood adversities and child maltreatment (unadjusted and adjusted odds ratios ranging from 1.29 to 2.19).

CONCLUSIONS

These findings suggest that lifetime spanking/slapping is uniquely associated with harmful mental, physical, and behavioral outcomes in adolescence, and efforts should focus on its prevention.

Early childhood exposure to intimate partner violence and teen depression symptoms in the U.S

Among the various negative outcomes of intimate partner violence (IPV) exposure to children, depression symptoms are worthy of attention given the effects on well-being and long-term achievement. This study examined the effects of early childhood exposure to IPV between ages 1 and 3 on depression symptoms at age 15 and investigated whether maternal physical punishment at age 5 and peer bullying victimisation at age 9 affected the association. Data came from five waves of the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study. The study was based on 20 U.S. cities with populations of over 200,000 people. The most recent wave of data collection occurs during the period between 2014 and 2017. The final analytic sample was 1,690 children. Structural equation modeling was utilised to examine the effects of exposure to IPV on physical punishment, bullying victimisation, and depression symptoms. Early exposure to IPV was associated with experiencing physical punishment at Year 5, which subsequently increased peer bullying victimisation at Year 9 and then depression symptoms at Year 15. Early exposure to IPV had a direct effect on depression symptoms at Year 15. Early exposure to IPV also had indirect effects on Year 15 depression symptoms through its effects on physical punishment and bullying victimisation. The total standardised effect of early exposure on depression symptoms was 0.06. Consistent with trauma theory and the ecobiodevelopmental framework, the results indicate that exposure to IPV appeared to have a long-term effect on children, manifested in teen depression symptoms.

How Do Knowledge and Attitudes About Children's Rights Influence Spanking Attitudes?

Children's rights are about treating children with equality, respect, and dignity. Attitudes concerning children's rights have been linked to support for nurturance and self-determination. However, there is little research on how dimensions of children's rights are associated with other parenting constructs, such as attitudes toward physical punishment. This study examined the relationship between knowledge of and attitudes toward children's rights and attitudes toward spanking in a Canadian sample of 329 undergraduate students who completed an online study. Hierarchical multiple regression analyses indicated a significant negative association in that more favorable attitudes toward children's rights predicted less favorable attitudes toward spanking. There also was a significant moderating effect of child rights knowledge on this relationship, such that greater knowledge enhanced the effects of attitudes toward children's rights on spanking attitudes. These results raise awareness of the combined role of both knowledge of and attitudes toward children's rights in influencing spanking attitudes. The results also suggest that one pathway decreasing favorable attitudes toward spanking may be to increase the general public's knowledge of children's rights.

Adverse Childhood Experiences and Spanking Have Similar Associations with Early Behavior Problems

OBJECTIVES

To examine whether adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) and physical punishment (ie, spanking) are unique risk factors for behavior problems in early childhood, and whether ACEs moderate the associations of spanking with child behavior problems.

STUDY DESIGN

We conducted prospective, longitudinal analyses on 2380 families in the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study. Mothers reported outcomes of externalizing and internalizing behavior problems at age 5 years; and the main predictors, ACEs and spanking, at age 3 years. ACEs included 9 items: physical abuse, emotional abuse, physical neglect, emotional neglect, mother's exposure to intimate partner violence, parental mental health problem, parental substance use, parental incarceration, and parental death. Multilevel models examined the associations between ACEs, spanking, and behavior problems, and the moderating effect of ACEs in the associations of spanking with behavior problems. Analyses were adjusted for preexisting behavior problems, demographics, and neighborhood conditions.

RESULTS

ACEs (β = 0.028; P < .001) and spanking (β = 0.041; P < .001) at 3 years were unique risk factors for increased externalizing behavior problems at 5 years, after controlling for covariates. The magnitude of the associations of ACEs and spanking with externalizing behavior were statistically indistinguishable. ACEs did not moderate the association between spanking and externalizing behavior.

CONCLUSIONS

ACEs and spanking have similar associations in predicting child externalizing behavior. Results support calls to consider physical punishment as a form of ACE. Our findings also underscore the importance of assessing exposure to ACEs and physical punishment among young children and providing appropriate intervention to children at risk.

Physical punishment as a predictor of early cognitive development: Evidence from econometric approaches

This study estimates the effect of physical punishment on the cognitive development of 1,167 low-income Colombian children (Mage = 17.8 months old) using 3 analytic strategies: lagged-dependent variables, a difference-in-differences-like approach (DD), and a novel strategy combining matching with a DD-like approach. Across approaches, physical punishment at ages 9-26 months predicted reductions in children's cognitive development of 0.08-0.21 SD at ages 27-46 months. These results, plus null results of falsification tests, strengthen the argument that physical punishment leads to slower cognitive growth and illustrate the utility of alternative statistical methods to reduce problems of selection bias in developmental research. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

Parental Education and Spanking of American Children: Blacks' Diminished Returns

Background

Based on the Minorities' Diminished Returns (MDRs) framework, high socioeconomic status (SES) indicators such as parental education shows weaker protective effects against adverse experiences for Blacks than Whites. For example, Black children with highly educated parents report high levels of depression, anxiety, suicide, smoking, obesity, and chronic disease. Limited knowledge exists on MDRs of parental education on the child's exposure to spanking by the mother.

Aims

Built on the MDRs framework, we tested the hypothesis of whether the effect of parental education on the child's exposure to spanking by the mother differs in Black and White families. We hypothesized that: 1) there is an inverse association between mothers' educational attainment and child spanking, and 2) the effect of mothers' educational attainment on mothers' spanking of the child is weaker for Black than White families.

Methods

We used data from the Fragile Families and Child Well-being Study (FFCWS), a 9-year follow up study of a random sample of births in cities larger than 200,000 population. In this analysis, 2722 Black or White families were followed. The main predictor was parental educational attainment at birth. The outcomes were exposure to spanking at ages 3, 5, and 9. Logistic regression was used for data analysis.

Results

Higher parental educational attainment at birth was inversely associated with the child's exposure to spanking by the mother among Whites, not Blacks. We also found a significant interaction between parental educational attainment at birth and race, suggesting that the associations between parental education and child exposure to spanking by the mother at ages 3, 5, and 9 were weaker for Black than White families.

Conclusions

Diminished returns of parental educational attainment in terms of reducing children's exposure to trauma and stress may be a mechanism that contributes to racial health disparities, particularly poor health of children in highly educated Black families. That is a smaller protective effect of parental education on reducing undesired exposures for Black than White children may be one of the mechanisms that may explain why children develop worse than expected physical, mental, and behavioral health in high SES Black families. Not all health disparities are due to racial differences in SES, but some of them are also secondary to the diminishing returns of socioeconomic status indicators such as parental education for racial minorities. Research should study contextual, structural, family, and behavioral factors that reduce Black families' ability to mobilize their human capital and secure health outcomes for themselves and their children.

Attachment Style and the Association of Spanking and Child Externalizing Behavior

OBJECTIVE

To examine whether the longitudinal associations between maternal spanking and child externalizing behavior are moderated by attachment style.

METHODS

This study used data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study (n = 2211), a large cohort sample of low-income urban families. Multiple-group autoregressive cross-lagged models examined the associations between maternal spanking and child externalizing behavior when children were ages 1, 3, and 5. Moderation by attachment style was examined using structural invariance testing.

RESULTS

For children with an insecure mother-child attachment style, spanking at age 1 was associated with externalizing behavior at age 3. However, for children with a secure mother-child attachment style, the association between maternal spanking at age 1 and child externalizing behavior at age 3 was absent. Attachment style did not moderate the association between maternal spanking at age 3 and externalizing behavior at age 5, suggesting that spanking at age 3 is associated with deleterious outcomes at age 5, regardless of attachment style.

CONCLUSIONS

Results suggest that even in the context of a secure attachment style, spanking is associated with adverse outcomes in early childhood. Findings support the American Academy of Pediatrics 2018 policy statement, which encourages parents to avoid spanking when disciplining children. Results suggest that children, regardless of attachment style, may benefit from policies and services that promote non-violent forms of discipline.

Predicting Child Problem Behavior and Maternal/Paternal Parent-Child Aggression: Identifying Early Prevention Targets

Parental socio-cognitive factors may predict their physical discipline use as well as their perceptions of children's problem behavior; infant temperament may also influence parents' discipline use. Using a bidirectional approach, the current study investigated whether attitudes approving of parent-child aggression (PCA), negative child behavior attributions, knowledge of nonphysical discipline options, and infant temperament predicted 186 mothers' and 146 fathers' PCA use and child problem behaviors one year later. Findings indicated mothers who approved of PCA use and held negative child attributions were more likely to report greater subsequent PCA use; less knowledge of nonphysical discipline options predicted more perceived problem behaviors one year later. Fathers were more likely to engage in PCA with toddlers if they had less knowledge of nonphysical discipline options but also if they viewed their infants as active. Contributors to mothers' and fathers' PCA use and implications for prevention efforts and children's outcomes are considered.

The strength of the causal evidence against physical punishment of children and its implications for parents, psychologists, and policymakers

The question of whether physical punishment is helpful or harmful to the development of children has been subject to hundreds of research studies over the past several decades. Yet whether causal conclusions can be drawn from this largely nonexperimental research and whether the conclusions generalize across contexts are issues that remain unresolved. In this article, the authors summarize the extent to which the empirical research on physical punishment meets accepted criteria for causal inference. They then review research demonstrating that physical punishment is linked with the same harms to children as is physical abuse and summarize the extant research that finds links between physical punishment and detrimental outcomes for children are consistent across cultural, family, and neighborhood contexts. The strength and consistency of the links between physical punishment and detrimental child outcomes lead the authors to recommend that parents should avoid physical punishment, psychologists should advise and advocate against it, and policymakers should develop means of educating the public about the harms of and alternatives to physical punishment. (PsycINFO Database Record

Researchers Deserve a Better Critique: Response to

This commentary addresses the critique by Larzelere, Gunnoe, Roberts, and Ferguson (2017: Marriage & Family Review, 53, 24-35) ostensibly concerning the quality of research on "positive parenting" but actually critiquing physical punishment research. The critique revealed that the authors have a poor understanding of positive parenting. After explicating the different meanings of that term and describing what positive parenting is, we then address each of their four critiques of the physical punishment research. Each critique was flawed in multiple ways. After identifying their errors and correcting misinformation, we then raise broader issues about children's right not to be hit and how professional organizations are increasingly recognizing the need and calling for an end to all physical punishment of children.

Physical punishment: Sanctioned violence against children

Australian society continues to support physical punishment of children and is currently conducting a Royal Commission unto violence against children in custody. By contrast, New Zealand has banned physical punishment of children. Australian society needs to address this issue.

Executive functions, parental punishment, and aggression: Direct and moderated relations

The main focus of the current study was to assess whether executive functions (EFs) moderate the effect of parental punishment on adolescent aggression. The sample were 370 participants (53% girls, 47% boys) enrolled at secondary and higher secondary levels and ranged in age between 13-19 years (M = 15.5, SD = 1.3). Participants were assessed on a self-report measure of aggression and two punishment measures, in addition to a demographic sheet. Then, they were individually assessed on four tests taken from the Delis-Kaplan Executive Functions System (D-KEFS) namely Trial Making Test (TMT), Design Fluency Test (DFT), Color Word Interference Test (CWIT), and Card Sorting Test (CST) to assess cognitive flexibility, nonverbal fluency, inhibition, and problem-solving ability, respectively. Correlation coefficients indicated that all four executive functioning measures and the two punishment measures were significantly correlated with aggression. Moderation analysis indicated that all EFs moderated the relationship between physical punishment and aggression, and only inhibition and problem-solving ability, but not cognitive flexibility and nonverbal fluency, moderated the relations between symbolic punishment and aggression. The findings support the hypothesis that EFs are protective personal factors that promote healthy adolescent adjustment in the presence of challenging environmental factors.

Spanking and child outcomes: Old controversies and new meta-analyses

Whether spanking is helpful or harmful to children continues to be the source of considerable debate among both researchers and the public. This article addresses 2 persistent issues, namely whether effect sizes for spanking are distinct from those for physical abuse, and whether effect sizes for spanking are robust to study design differences. Meta-analyses focused specifically on spanking were conducted on a total of 111 unique effect sizes representing 160,927 children. Thirteen of 17 mean effect sizes were significantly different from zero and all indicated a link between spanking and increased risk for detrimental child outcomes. Effect sizes did not substantially differ between spanking and physical abuse or by study design characteristics. (PsycINFO Database Record

Attitudes Toward Domestic Violence and Corporal Punishment Among Former Soviet Union Immigrants in Israel

The study regards attitudes of Russian immigrants in Israel toward wife abuse and corporal punishment. The sample consisted of 1,028 participants, based on a multistage cluster sampling. The study used a questionnaire related to immigration, acculturation, and attitudinal issues. The findings indicate a dual-causal model, in which corporal punishment attitudes contribute to wife abuse attitudes and vice versa. However, the effect of attitudes supporting corporal punishment was stronger than the effect of wife abuse attitudes, indicating that the attitudinal system as a precursor of violent behavior is already merging the two types of violence.

Should Parents' Physical Punishment of Children Be Considered a Source of Toxic Stress That Affects Brain Development?

The notion that negative childhood experiences can be sources of toxic stress that have short-and long-term consequences for children's health and well-being has gained increasing attention in recent years. The family environment can be a key source of stress, particularly when parents inflict pain on children; when that pain rises to the level of physical abuse the stress is thought to be toxic. In this article the author considers the possibility that nonabusive physical punishment may also constitute a source of toxic stress in the lives of children that affects their brain structure and functioning. The research linking physical abuse and physical punishment to children's brain structure and functioning is summarized, and the article concludes with a discussion of implications for future research, policy, and practice.

Primary Care Parenting Intervention and Its Effects on the Use of Physical Punishment Among Low-Income Parents of Toddlers

OBJECTIVES

As part of a large randomized controlled trial, the authors assessed the impact of 2 early primary care parenting interventions-the Video Interaction Project (VIP) and Building Blocks (BB)-on the use of physical punishment among low-income parents of toddlers. They also determined whether the impact was mediated through increases in responsive parenting and decreases in maternal psychosocial risk.

METHODS

Four hundred thirty-eight mother-child dyads (161 VIP, 113 BB, 164 Control) were assessed when the children were 14 and/or 24 months old. Mothers were asked about their use of physical punishment and their responsive parenting behaviors, depressive symptoms, and parenting stress.

RESULTS

The VIP was associated with lower physical punishment scores at 24 months, as compared to BB and controls. In addition, fewer VIP parents reported ever using physical punishment as a disciplinary strategy. Significant indirect effects were found for both responsive parenting and maternal psychosocial risk, indicating that the VIP affects these behaviors and risk factors, and that this is an important pathway through which the VIP affects the parents' use of physical punishment.

CONCLUSION

The results support the efficacy of the VIP and the role of pediatric primary care, in reducing the use of physical punishment among low-income families by enhancing parent-child relationships. In this way, the findings support the potential of the VIP to improve developmental outcomes for at-risk children.

Twenty-eight years after the complete ban on the physical punishment of children in Finland: trends and psychosocial concomitants

In 1983 Finland became the second country in the world, after Sweden, to adopt a law prohibiting all kinds of physical punishment towards children, also by parents. The present investigation was carried out in 2011, 28 years after the law was adopted. Changes in exposure to various types of physical punishment towards respondents born between 1931 and 1996 are presented. A representative sample from Western Finland, consisting of 4,609 respondents (2,632 females, 1,977 males) between 15 and 80 years, filled in a paper-and-pencil questionnaire. A number of psychosocial concomitants were measured. The results showed a significant drop in reports of being slapped and beaten with an object among respondents who were born after the law was adopted. The decline in physical punishment was associated with a similar decline in the number of murdered children. Respondents who had been exposed to higher amounts of physical punishment than average scored significantly higher on alcohol abuse, depression, mental health problems, and schizotypal personality. Divorced respondents had been significantly more physically punished than others. Respondents who had attempted suicide during the last 12 months had been exposed to physical punishment during childhood significantly more often than those who had not attempted suicide.

Prevalence of and risk factors for violent disciplinary practices at home in Viet Nam

Data on parenting practices and the use of violence in child rearing remain scarce worldwide, hindering prevention efforts. This study examines disciplinary methods used on children at home in Viet Nam. It is based on data collected from 2010 to 2011 through the fourth round of the Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS4)-a household survey program supported by the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) that focuses on women and children in low- and middle-income countries. Respondents in the survey were asked 11 questions relating to disciplinary measures used in the preceding month on one randomly selected child (2-14 years old) in each household. A final question about attitudes probed adults' views on the need for physical punishment in child rearing. Univariate and multivariate analyses were conducted to estimate the prevalence of violent and nonviolent forms of discipline, and to identify risk factors associated with violent punishment. Results showed that three in four children in Viet Nam are disciplined through violent means. The exposure of Vietnamese children to violent forms of discipline was significantly associated with varied characteristics of both children and their caregivers. Moreover, the use of violent disciplinary practices on children was strongly associated with positive attitudes toward corporal punishment. Risk factors for violent child discipline identified in this study can inform future interventions to promote positive practices and to protect Vietnamese children against violence in the home.

Does warmth moderate longitudinal associations between maternal spanking and child aggression in early childhood?

This study examines whether maternal warmth moderates the association between maternal use of spanking and increased child aggression between ages 1 and 5. Participants were 3,279 pairs of mothers and their children from a cohort study of urban families from 20 U.S. cities. Maternal spanking was assessed when the child was 1 year, 3 years, and 5 years of age. Maternal warmth and child aggressive behavior were measured at 3 years and 5 years of age. Models controlled for demographic characteristics (measured at the child's birth), child emotionality (measured at age 1), and maternal psychosocial risk factors (measured when children were 3 years old). Cross-lagged path models examined the within-time and longitudinal associations between spanking and child aggression. Results indicated that maternal spanking at age 1 was associated with higher levels of child aggression at age 3; similarly, maternal spanking at age 3 predicted increases in child aggression by age 5. Maternal warmth when children were 3 years old did not predict changes in child aggression between 3 and 5 years old. Furthermore, maternal warmth did not moderate the association between spanking and increased child aggression over time. Beginning as early as age 1, maternal spanking is predictive of child behavior problems, and maternal warmth does not counteract the negative consequences of the use of spanking.

Preschoolers' emotion knowledge and the differential effects of harsh punishment

This study examined the influence of caregiver-reported harsh physical and verbal punishment on children's behavioral and self-system adjustment. Children's emotion knowledge was evaluated as a heretofore unrecognized moderator of these relations. We assessed 250 preschool-aged children (50% female; Mage = 49.06 months) from diverse backgrounds (50% Hispanic, 18% African American, 10.4% Caucasian, 21.6% multiracial/other) using various instruments through teacher, caregiver, self, and observer report in the domains of harsh punishment, conduct problems, self-concept, and emotion knowledge. Emotion knowledge moderated the relation between harsh punishment and child adjustment. Harsh physical punishment was associated with conduct problems for children with higher emotion knowledge, especially for boys. Harsh verbal punishment was associated with self-concept deficits among children with higher emotion knowledge, especially for girls. These relations were also specifically applicable to non-Hispanic children. These results highlight the importance of investigating hypothesis-driven interactive effects and the specificity of experience to understand the psychosocial sequelae of parenting practices broadly, and to clarify the mixed evidence in the punishment literature specifically. Clinical implications point to the salience of emotion processes in parent-child disciplinary interventions for understanding the prevalence and pattern of child behavioral adjustment and self-concept, as well as more broadly to the role of individual differences in children's responses to adversity and subsequent therapeutic needs.

Parents' professional sources of advice regarding child discipline and their use of corporal punishment

Parents (n = 500) were surveyed about which professional groups they were most likely to seek and follow advice from regarding child discipline as well as their use of corporal punishment (CP). Nearly half of the parents reported that they were most likely to seek child discipline advice from pediatricians (48%), followed by religious leaders (21%) and mental health professionals (18%). Parents who sought advice from religious leaders (vs pediatricians) had nearly 4 times the odds of reporting use of CP. Parents reported that they were more likely to follow the advice of pediatricians than any other professional; however, black parents were as likely to follow the advice of religious leaders as that of pediatricians. Pediatricians play a central role in advising parents about child discipline. Efforts to engage pediatricians in providing violence prevention counseling should continue. Increased efforts are needed to engage other professionals, especially religious leaders, in providing such advice to parents.

Use of spanking for 3-year-old children and associated intimate partner aggression or violence

OBJECTIVES

The objective of this study was to examine associations between maternal and paternal use of corporal punishment (CP) for 3-year-old children and intimate partner aggression or violence (IPAV) in a population-based sample.

METHODS

The study sample (N=1997) was derived from wave 3 of the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study. Mother and father reports regarding their use of CP and their IPAV victimization were analyzed. IPAV included coercion and nonphysical and physical aggression.

RESULTS

Approximately 65% of the children were spanked at least once in the previous month by 1 or both parents. Of couples who reported any family aggression (87%), 54% reported that both CP and IPAV occurred. The most prevalent patterns of co-occurrence involved both parents as aggressors either toward each other (ie, bilateral IPAV) or toward the child. The presence of bilateral IPAV essentially doubled the odds that 1 or both parents would use CP, even after controlling for potential confounders such as parenting stress, depression, and alcohol or other drug use. Of the 5 patterns of co-occurring family aggression assessed, the "single aggressor" model, in which only 1 parent aggressed in the family, received the least amount of empirical support.

CONCLUSIONS

Despite American Academy of Pediatrics' recommendations against the use of CP, CP use remains common in the United States. CP prevention efforts should carefully consider assumptions made about patterns of co-occurring aggression in families, given that adult victims of IPAV, including even minor, nonphysical aggression between parents, have increased odds of using CP with their children.

Mothers' spanking of 3-year-old children and subsequent risk of children's aggressive behavior

OBJECTIVE

The goal was to examine the association between the use of corporal punishment (CP) against 3-year-old children and subsequent aggressive behavior among those children.

METHODS

Respondents (N = 2461) participated in the Fragile Families and Child Well-being Study (1998-2005), a population-based, birth cohort study of children born in 20 large US cities. Maternal reports of CP, children's aggressive behaviors at 3 and 5 years of age, and a host of key demographic features and potential confounding factors, including maternal child physical maltreatment, psychological maltreatment, and neglect, intimate partner aggression victimization, stress, depression, substance use, and consideration of abortion, were assessed.

RESULTS

Frequent use of CP (ie, mother's use of spanking more than twice in the previous month) when the child was 3 years of age was associated with increased risk for higher levels of child aggression when the child was 5 years of age (adjusted odds ratio: 1.49 [95% confidence interval: 1.2-1.8]; P < .0001), even with controlling for the child's level of aggression at age 3 and the aforementioned potential confounding factors and key demographic features.

CONCLUSIONS

Despite American Academy of Pediatrics recommendations to the contrary, most parents in the United States approve of and have used CP as a form of child discipline. The current findings suggest that even minor forms of CP, such as spanking, increase risk for increased child aggressive behavior. Importantly, these findings cannot be attributed to possible confounding effects of a host of other maternal parenting risk factors.

Parenting attitudes and infant spanking: the influence of childhood experiences

OBJECTIVES

To assess associations among maternal childhood experiences and subsequent parenting attitudes and use of infant spanking (IS), and determine if attitudes mediate the association between physical abuse exposure and IS.

METHODS

We performed a prospective study of women who received prenatal care at community health centers in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Sociodemographic characteristics, adverse childhood experiences (ACEs), attitudes toward corporal punishment (CP), and IS use were assessed via face-to-face interviews, conducted at the first prenatal care visit, 3 months postpartum, and 11 months postpartum. Bivariate and multiple logistic regression analyses were conducted.

RESULTS

The sample consisted of 1265 mostly black, low-income women. Nineteen percent of the participants valued CP as a means of discipline, and 14% reported IS use. Mothers exposed to childhood physical abuse and verbal hostility were more likely to report IS use than those not exposed (16% vs 10%, P = .002; 17% vs 12%, P = .02, respectively). In the adjusted analyses, maternal exposure to physical abuse, other ACEs, and valuing CP were independently associated with IS use. Attitudes that value CP did not mediate these associations.

CONCLUSIONS

Mothers who had childhood experiences of violence were more likely to use IS than mothers without such experiences. Intergenerational transmission of CP was evident. Mothers who had experienced physical abuse as a child, when compared to those who had not, were 1.5 times more likely to use IS. Child discipline attitudes and maternal childhood experiences should be discussed early in parenting in order to prevent IS use, particularly among at-risk mothers.