Mineral and mineralogy in late Qing China: translations and conceptualizations, 1860s-1910s

This article critically examines the translations of two terms - mineral and mineralogy - in modern China. The last decades of the Qing dynasty (1860s-1910s) witnessed a transition in the terminological usage of the Chinese equivalents of mineral and mineralogy from jinshi (metals and rocks) and jinshi xue (a study of metals and rocks) to kuangwu and kuangwu xue. A scrutiny of this transition raises questions regarding not only the exchanges in scientific knowledge between China, the West, and Japan since the nineteenth century, but the changes in the understanding of natural things in China. This article locates the translation of the terms within the scope of cultural translation and the history of science. It sheds new light both on the confrontations between languages and knowledge systems, which led to the re-conceptualization of natural things in China and Japan, and on the interplay between various domestic and transnational forces that shaped the intellectual landscapes in China. Through the confrontations and interplay, mineralogy eventually projected minerals into the domain of science and modern science claimed the authority over understanding these natural things.

Charles Darwin did not mislead Joseph Hooker in their 1881 Correspondence about Leopold von Buch and Karl Ernst von Baer

While Joseph Hooker was considering his upcoming presentation on the geographical distribution of species, he asked Charles Darwin for help with some references. During the ensuing exchange of correspondence, Darwin seems to have contradicted himself, regarding his being aware of Leopold von Buch's observation that distributed varieties become species, prior to writing On the Origin of Species. Literalists and conspiracists have interpreted this apparent self-contradiction as a sign of duplicity and fraud. However, when the correspondence and Hooker's address are analysed in context, there is a more compelling explanation. Simply that, in response to direct questioning by Hooker, Darwin conflated the two names of Von Baer and Von Buch, and made an honest mistake.

Intraoceanic subduction spanned the Pacific in the Late Cretaceous-Paleocene

The notorious ~60° bend separating the Hawaiian and Emperor chains marked a prominent change in the motion of the Pacific plate at ~47 Ma (million years ago), but the origin of that change remains an outstanding controversy that bears on the nature of major plate reorganizations. Lesser known but equally significant is a conundrum posed by the pre-bend (~80 to 47 Ma) motion of the Pacific plate, which, according to conventional plate models, was directed toward a fast-spreading ridge, in contradiction to tectonic forcing expectations. Using constraints provided by seismic tomography, paleomagnetism, and continental margin geology, we demonstrate that two intraoceanic subduction zones spanned the width of the North Pacific Ocean in Late Cretaceous through Paleocene time, and we present a simple plate tectonic model that explains how those intraoceanic subduction zones shaped the ~80 to 47 Ma kinematic history of the Pacific realm and drove a major plate reorganization.

Tracings of the north of Europe: Robert Chambers in search of the Ice Age

Scottish publisher and naturalist Robert Chambers pursued an amateur interest in geology through much of his life. His early measurements of raised beaches in Scotland earned him membership in the Geological Society of London in 1844, a recognition much appreciated by the anonymous author of the 'scandalous' Vestiges published the same year. Although familiar with emerging ice age theories, Chambers remained with most British geologists a sceptic through the 1840s, even after a trip to the glaciers of the Alps in 1848, which nevertheless prepared him for the turning point, which came in 1849 during an extensive field trip in Norway and Sweden. Here a wealth of observations left him in no doubt that vast glaciers had formerly covered Scandinavia, polishing cliffs, scouring striations, depositing old moraines and erratic boulders. This also led him to a new glacial reading of the British landscape, and with the ardent conviction of a fresh convert he became one of the most vocal supporters of glacial theory in Britain in the 1850s at a time when the iceberg drift theory for boulder transport was still favoured by most prominent British geologists. While Chambers through his popular Chambers's Edinburgh Journal communicated his travels and ice age vision to a wide audience, and also pointed out ice age evidence on guided excursions around Edinburgh, he did not enter this new vision into subsequent editions of Vestiges, probably in order not to reveal its author. This paper explores Chambers's contributions to the ice age debate, his field trips and the genesis of his convictions, and evaluates his impact on the scientific debate.

A frosty disagreement: John Tyndall, James David Forbes, and the early formation of the X-Club

How do glaciers move? This seemingly straightforward question provided the backdrop for a heated debate between the physicists John Tyndall (1820-1893) and James David Forbes (1809-1868) in the late 1850s and early 1860s. Forbes described the motion of glaciers as that of a viscous fluid. After visiting the Alps, Tyndall proposed an alternative theory that combined fracture and regelation. The glacial controversy ensued. Yet the debate was never simply about whether glaciers moved like honey, or if they moved by continuously breaking and re-attaching. This paper shows that the glacial controversy formed an important prelude to the strategies used by the X-Club in reforming science and establishing cultural authority. There was a central difference in the way Forbes and Tyndall presented their scientific arguments. Tyndall and his allies used the changes in the periodical press as part of their strategy for establishing and maintaining cultural and scientific authority. By contrast, Forbes and his supporters, including the North British physicists, were not as quick to make use of this new medium. This paper, therefore, examines in detail the significance of these two publishing strategies in shaping the nature and results of the glacial controversy.

The Accuracy of Ancient Cartography Reassessed: The Longitude Error in Ptolemy’s Map

This essay seeks to explain the most glaring error in Ptolemy’s geography: the greatly exaggerated longitudinal extent of the known world as shown on his map. The main focus is on a recent hypothesis that attributes all responsibility for this error to Ptolemy’s adoption of the wrong value for the circumference of the Earth. This explanation has challenging implications for our understanding of ancient geography: it presupposes that before Ptolemy there had been a tradition of high-accuracy geodesy and cartography based on Eratosthenes’ measurement of the Earth. The essay argues that this hypothesis does not stand up to scrutiny. The story proves to be much more complex than can be accounted for by a single-factor explanation. A more careful analysis of the evidence allows us to assess the individual contribution to Ptolemy’s error made by each character in this story: Eratosthenes, Ptolemy, ancient surveyors, and others. As a result, a more balanced and well-founded assessment is offered: Ptolemy’s reputation is rehabilitated in part, and the delusion of high-accuracy ancient cartography is dispelled.

Neptunism and Transformism: Robert Jameson and other Evolutionary Theorists in Early Nineteenth-Century Scotland

This paper sheds new light on the prevalence of evolutionary ideas in Scotland in the early nineteenth century and establish what connections existed between the espousal of evolutionary theories and adherence to the directional history of the earth proposed by Abraham Gottlob Werner and his Scottish disciples. A possible connection between Wernerian geology and theories of the transmutation of species in Edinburgh in the period when Charles Darwin was a medical student in the city was suggested in an important 1991 paper by James Secord. This study aims to deepen our knowledge of this important episode in the history of evolutionary ideas and explore the relationship between these geological and evolutionary discourses. To do this it focuses on the circle of natural historians around Robert Jameson, Wernerian geologist and professor of natural history at the University of Edinburgh from 1804 to 1854. From the evidence gathered here there emerges a clear confirmation that the Wernerian model of geohistory facilitated the acceptance of evolutionary explanations of the history of life in early nineteenth-century Scotland. As Edinburgh was at this time the most important center of medical education in the English-speaking world, this almost certainly influenced the reception and development of evolutionary ideas in the decades that followed.

Adapting Traditional Ideas for a New Reality: Cosmographers and Physicians Updating Astrology to Encompass the New World

This paper aims to demonstrate that astrology was one of the disciplines that most strongly experienced the process that led European natural philosophers, once they were confronted with the nature of the New World, to recognise that previous knowledge was not as complete or absolute as previously assumed, and that the content of several disciplines had to be renewed, both epistemologically and methodologically. This paper focuses on the work by the cosmographer Henrico Martinez, Repertorio de los tiempos (1606), in which he established the astrological influences specific to Mexico, and the work Sitio, naturatezay propiedades de la Ciudad de Mexico (1618) by the physician Diego Cisneros, who refuted Martinez's astrology for Mexico and created his own instructions for the use of astrology in the practice of medicine in New Spain.

An Amphibious Being: How Maritime Surveying Reshaped Darwin's Approach to Natural History

This essay argues that Charles Darwin's distinctive approach to studying distribution and diversity was shaped by his face-to-face interactions with maritime surveyors during the voyage of H.M.S. Beagle (1831-1836). Introducing their hydrographic surveying methods into natural history enabled him to compare fossil and living marine organisms, to compare sedimentary rocks to present-day marine sediments, and to compare landscapes to submarine topology, thereby realizing Charles Lyell's fanciful ambition for a superior form of geology that might be practiced by an "amphibious being." Darwin's theories of continental uplift, coral reef formation, and the origin of species all depended on his amphibious natural history. This essay contributes to our understanding of theorizing in nineteenth-century natural history by illustrating that specific techniques of observing and collecting could themselves help to generate a particular theoretical orientation and, indeed, that such practical experiences were a more proximate source of Darwin's "Humboldtian" interest in distribution and diversity than Alexander von Humboldt's writings themselves. Darwin's debt to the hydrographers became obscured in two ways: through the "funneling" of credit produced by single-authorship publication in natural history and the "telescoping" of memory by which Darwin's new theories made him recall his former researches as though he had originally undertaken them for the very purpose of producing the later theory.

The letter, the dictionary and the laboratory: translating chemistry and mineralogy in eighteenth-century France

Eighteenth-century scientific translation was not just a linguistic or intellectual affair. It included numerous material aspects requiring a social organization to marshal the indispensable human and non-human actors. Paratexts and actors' correspondences provide a good observatory to get information about aspects such as shipments and routes, processes of translation and language acquisition (dictionaries, grammars and other helpful materials, such as translated works in both languages), texts acquisition and dissemination (including author's additions and corrections, oral presentations in academic meetings and announcements of forthcoming translations). The nature of scientific translation changed in France during the second half of the eighteenth century. Beside solitary translators, it also happened to become a collective enterprise, dedicated to providing abridgements (Collection académique, 1755-79) or enriching the learned journals with full translations of the most recent foreign texts (Guyton de Morveau's 'Bureau de traduction de Dijon', devoted to chemistry and mineralogy, 1781-90). That new trend clearly had a decisive influence on the nature of the scientific press itself. A way to set up science as a social activity in the provincial capital of Dijon, translation required a local and international network for acquiring the linguistic and scientific expertise, along with the original texts, as quickly as possible. Laboratory results and mineralogical observations were used to compare material facts (colour, odour, shape of crystals, etc.) with those described in the original text. By providing a double kind of validation - with both the experiments and the translations - the laboratory thus happened to play a major role in translation.

Tales of mystery and imagination in stable isotope geochemistry: celebrating the 75th birthday of Jochen Hoefs

We celebrate the contribution of Jochen Hoefs to the development of stable isotope (bio)geochemistry on the occasion of his 75th birthday.

[Geognosy versus Geology: National Modes of Thought and Cultural Practices Concerning Space and Time in Competition]

Natural science investigators at the end of the eighteenth century made use of conflicting labels to position their respective preferred fields of activity in the Earth sciences. This mania for labelling marked their break with natural science and the umbrella term 'mineralogy'. In this conflict situation of specialist classifications and explanations, two terms in particular were established: geognosy and geology, which covered the very promising project of research in the areas of the 'origin of the Earth' and the 'formation of the Earth'. These and the associated research goals were subsequently accorded a dazzling career. Proceeding from the conceptual core-meaning in the formation of terms und its semantic spectrum and conceptual shifts in a time of change, my study will look at the identity and heterogeneity functions of geology and geognosy. For whereas in French and English speaking countries the term geology came to be used exclusively (geology, géologie), this was avoided in German, particularly because the term geognosy was preferred. These national differences may be explained with reference to the different cultural and national styles of science: for example the social embedding of geology in the culture of the English gentleman or the French museum culture, and the close connection of 'German' geognosy to mining. A further starting point in the analysis of the double use of both geology and geognosy in German speaking countries until 1840 is provided by the different references to temporalization and spatialization of the two terms. And we should also include the practical implications and the epistemic requirements that were bound up with the defence of geognosy in the German speaking world.

Forging patterns and making waves from biology to geology: a commentary on Turing (1952) 'The chemical basis of morphogenesis'

Alan Turing was neither a biologist nor a chemist, and yet the paper he published in 1952, 'The chemical basis of morphogenesis', on the spontaneous formation of patterns in systems undergoing reaction and diffusion of their ingredients has had a substantial impact on both fields, as well as in other areas as disparate as geomorphology and criminology. Motivated by the question of how a spherical embryo becomes a decidedly non-spherical organism such as a human being, Turing devised a mathematical model that explained how random fluctuations can drive the emergence of pattern and structure from initial uniformity. The spontaneous appearance of pattern and form in a system far away from its equilibrium state occurs in many types of natural process, and in some artificial ones too. It is often driven by very general mechanisms, of which Turing's model supplies one of the most versatile. For that reason, these patterns show striking similarities in systems that seem superficially to share nothing in common, such as the stripes of sand ripples and of pigmentation on a zebra skin. New examples of 'Turing patterns' in biology and beyond are still being discovered today. This commentary was written to celebrate the 350th anniversary of the journal Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society.

Forging patterns and making waves from biology to geology: a commentary on Turing (1952) 'The chemical basis of morphogenesis'

Alan Turing was neither a biologist nor a chemist, and yet the paper he published in 1952, 'The chemical basis of morphogenesis', on the spontaneous formation of patterns in systems undergoing reaction and diffusion of their ingredients has had a substantial impact on both fields, as well as in other areas as disparate as geomorphology and criminology. Motivated by the question of how a spherical embryo becomes a decidedly non-spherical organism such as a human being, Turing devised a mathematical model that explained how random fluctuations can drive the emergence of pattern and structure from initial uniformity. The spontaneous appearance of pattern and form in a system far away from its equilibrium state occurs in many types of natural process, and in some artificial ones too. It is often driven by very general mechanisms, of which Turing's model supplies one of the most versatile. For that reason, these patterns show striking similarities in systems that seem superficially to share nothing in common, such as the stripes of sand ripples and of pigmentation on a zebra skin. New examples of 'Turing patterns' in biology and beyond are still being discovered today. This commentary was written to celebrate the 350th anniversary of the journal Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society.

The two earths of Eratosthenes

In the third century B.C.E., Eratosthenes of Cyrene made a famous measurement of the circumference of the Earth. This was not the first such measurement, but it is the earliest for which significant details are preserved. Cleomedes gives a short account of Eratosthenes' method, his numerical assumptions, and the final result of 250,000 stades. However, many ancient sources attribute to Eratosthenes a result of 252,000 stades. Historians have attempted to explain the second result by supposing that Eratosthenes later made better measurements and revised his estimate or that the original result was simply rounded to 252,000 to have a number conveniently divisible by 60 or by 360. These explanations are speculative and untestable. However, Eratosthenes' estimates of the distances of the Sun and Moon from the Earth are preserved in the doxographical literature. This essay shows that Eratosthenes' result of 252,000 stades for the Earth's circumference follows from a solar distance that is attributed to him. Thus it appears that Eratosthenes computed not only a lower limit for the size of the Earth, based on the assumption that the Sun is at infinity, but also an upper limit, based on the assumption that the Sun is at a finite distance. The essay discusses the consequences for our understanding of his program.

Roy Lee Moodie (1880-1934) and the beginnings of palaeopathology

Roy Lee Moodie was a geologist whose interest in ancient disease was stimulated by his finding of pathological change in some of the fossils that he studied, including many from the Rancho La Brea site in California. He occupied teaching positions in Chicago, Dallas and Santa Monica and in 1928 began an acquaintance and a correspondence with Henry Wellcome who was then in the United States and appearing before the Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs. Moodie persuaded Wellcome to sponsor his palaeopathological work and the following year he was appointed palaeopathologist to the Wellcome Historical Medical Museum (WHMM) at a salary of six thousand dollars a year, the first person to hold such a title and the first and only occupant of the title at the WHMM or its successor organisations. He published extensively from 1915 until his death in 1934, including his great compendium Paleopathology; an Introduction to the Study of Ancient Evidences of Disease, and the collected papers of Sir Marc Armand Ruffer. He is perhaps best remembered or, at least, most widely quoted for attributing the beginnings of palaeopathology to a publication of Esper in 1774 although the passage in which he did so contained two major errors that have been perpetuated in the literature ever since, the authorship of the publication and the diagnosis of the lesion that he supposed began the study of disease in antiquity.

[GEOLOGICAL OVERVIEW OF THE VILNIUS REGION BY J. E. GILIBERT (1741-1814), THE FIRST PROFESSOR OF NATURAL HISTORY AT THE UNIVERSITY OF VILNIUS]

In 1775-1783, Jean-Emmanuel Gilibert (1741-1814) stayed in Respublica Poloniae to oranize a veterinary school, the Royal Botanic Garden and the Royal School of Physicians in Grodno, and since 1781 he worked in Vilnius as Professor of Natural History at the Principal School of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Little is known about his work conducted in Lithuania in the field of geology and earth sciences. The author has decided, on the basis of Gilibert's publications and analysis of the literature (works of J. Garbowska and P. Daszkiewicz and others), to present his teaching and research activities in this field. In Grodno, Gilibert looked after and multiplied the collections of the natural history cabinet at the Royal School of Physicians, renowned for its rich mineralogical and fossil collections watched and admired by, among others, King Stanisław August, J. Bernoulli (1744-1807) and M. Patrin (1742-1815) who mentions the amber rosary with a different species of insects preserved in each bead. Gilibert's tours around Lithuania were the opportunity to enlarge the geological collections and to adapt them to the needs of the school. He also appreciated the importance of ordinary specimens representing the geology of the area. These specimens not only enriched the natural history cabinet, but also defined the way of working and collecting. Ha was the first to found and gather fossil animals from near Grodno. The signs of mineralogical and geological interests of Gilibert can be found in the works of other authors of that epoch (L. Viteta (1736-1809) and J. Bernoulli). In Vilnius, Gilibert conducted a one year-long full lecture on natural history (zoology, botany and mineralogy). In his lectures on mineralogy, he presented not only the systematics, but also emphasized the usefulness of minerals in medicine, for the production of ornamental items and in different sectors of the economy. He adapted the process of teaching to the needs of practical life, based on observations and experiments, and was using the local wildlife specimens in his lectures. Thanks to the French naturalist, the teaching of natural science remained at a good European level since the time the Department was founded at the University of Vilnius. A treatise on physical geography of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania is Gilibert's best-known published work in Poland. Based on own observations, he determined, e.g., the causes of drying of ponds and marshes, as well as of the formation of peat, limonitic iron and ocher, the origin of rivers in Lithuania and the presence of amber, and described a number of fossils. He provided the characteristics of geological deposits (now included in the Quaternary), described their origin and age, and drew attention to the issues of dynamic geology (e.g. erosional activity of rainwater, river erosion, formation of sand dunes). From the period of his eight-year stay in Lithuania, Gilibert also submitted observations on the climate of Lithuania, documented by temperature measurements. He indicated that the climate of this part of Europe was milder than the French believed, with clearly noticeable two seasons: winter and summer. He pointed out that the autumn rains give rise to muddy areas persisting to the end of November, and the most severe frost, usually several days long, occurs in late December and January, when the winds blow from the northeast. June and July are typically the hottest months, but the northern winds sometimes cause July ground frosts. He compared Lithuania's climate to that of the Alpine foreland. Gilibert was the first scholar who studied the natural environment of Lithuania based on scientific principles. Interesting are his observations on the amber resin, for example, unequivocal statement that amber is a resin, at the time when the idea was still much discussed. Worth noting are the geological elements in the physiographic description of Lithuania, published by Gilibert (1806) in Histoires des Plantes d'Europe. It should also be pointed to the methodological aspect of Gilibert's works: the facts precede interpretations, the results are attempted to be universalized by transposition into areas other than those investigated by Gilibert, and the observations are linked with scientific theories, which were new at those times, in the field of geology, chemistry and physics. Gilibert's descriptions were often the first ones available to the naturalists in western and southern Europe. They were all the more valuable that contained a lot of data on the geology, meteorology, physical geography etc., useful in various fields.

[POLISH EXPEDITION TO SPITSBERGEN IN 1934]

Polish expedition to Spitsbergen in 1934 was already the second Polish polar expedition to the Arctic. It was scientific-mountaineering in character. 7 persons took part in it: Witold Biernawski (1898-1957)--film-maker and radiotelegraph operator, Stefan Bernadzikiewicz (1907-1939)--expedition leader, Henryk Mogilnicki (1906-1999)--photographer and radiotelegraph operator, Stefan Zbigniew Różycki (1906-1988)--geologist, Stanisław Siedlecki (1912-2002)--meteorological observer, Sylweriusz Bohdan Zagrajski (1892-1940)--triangulator, Antoni Rogal-Zawadzki (1896-1974)--topographer and photogrammetrist. The purpose of this expedition was to collect data in geology and cartography, and to a lesser degree--in glaciology, botany, zoology and meteorology. It lasted from May 20 to September 16, 1934. The time between June 20 - August 28 the group spent on Spitsbergen's Torell Land. The outcome: an area of app. 300 square kilometres of previously undiscovered land was marked by triangular system, covered by photogrammetric photos and surveyed. Geological research covered the land of app. 500 square kilometres and the group collected geological specimens of app. 800 kg in weight. On the basis of their research, two maps (at a scale of 1:50 000 and 1:200 000) were published. The participants collected also botanical and zoological material. Meteorological observations were carried out at the base over Van Keulen fjord throughout the whole expedition. Different objects on Torell Land were named by the expedition, their names referring largely to Poland (Annex I). Approximately 200 photographs and a film were shot by the expedition. Apart from scientific research, the participants published also diaries of the expedition.

[From Geomorphological Research in the Canton of Aargau to European Military Pathologies. Entangling Anthropological Discourses of Crisis through the Army, 1860-1900]

Military statistics and medical research were closely related over the 19th century. The army not only made use of these new forms of knowledge, but also provided an important institutional setting through the military medicine, which was of crucial importance to medical research in the 19th century. Besides that, Swiss military also played a crucial role in new geographical and geological research, resulting in a series of new mapping projects. This article looks on the ways, in which military context gained influence on scientific research practices in the second half of the 19th century, by analyzing the case of Heinrich Bircher's work on military recruiting statistics and the endemic goiter. New mapping projects and statistical practices were linked, transforming big parts of the country into pathological spaces. Coming from this point, the article discusses in how far the military context lead to politicizing medical discourses and, furthermore, linked them to discourses of an anthropological crisis, common in many European countries.

Spanish Jesuits in the Philippines: geophysical research and synergies between science, education and trade, 1865-1898

In 1865, Spanish Jesuits founded the Manila Observatory, the earliest of the Far East centres devoted to typhoon and earthquake studies. Also on Philippine soil and under the direction of the Jesuits, in 1884 the Madrid government inaugurated the first Meteorological Service in the Spanish Kingdom, and most probably in the Far East. Nevertheless, these achievements not only went practically unnoticed in the historiography of science, but neither does the process of geophysical dissemination that unfolded fit in with the two types of transmitter of knowledge identified by historians in the missionary diffusion of the exact sciences in colonial contexts. Rather than regarding science as merely a stimulus to their functionary and missionary tasks, Spanish Jesuits used their overseas posting to produce and publish original research--feature that would place them within the typology of the 'seeker' rather than the 'functionary' (in stark contrast to what the standard typology sustains). This paper also analyses examples of synergies between science, education and trade, which denotes, inter alia, the existence of a broad and solid educational structure in the Manila Mission that sustained the strength of research enterprise.

Evolution in a fully constituted world: Charles Darwin's debts towards a static world in the Origin of Species (1859)

The Transformist Revolution was a long intellectual quest that has expanded from the 18th century to today. One area of inquiry after another has confronted the necessity of recasting its object of study under an evolutionary view: human history, geology, biology, astronomy, etc. No single scholar fully managed to make the transition from a static worldview to an evolutionary one during his or her own lifetime; Charles Darwin is no exception. Many versions of evolutionism were proposed during this revolution, versions offering all sorts of compromises between old and new views. Not sufficiently acknowledged in the historiography is the profoundness of Darwin's debts towards the old static view. As a dual child of the Scientific Revolution and natural theology, Darwin inherited key concepts such as stability, completeness, timelessness, unity, permanence, and uniformity. Darwin took these concepts into consideration while erecting his theory of biological evolution. Unsurprisingly, this theory was ill-equipped to embrace the directionality, historicity, and novelty that came along with a new evolutionary world. This paper analyses a fundamental idea at the heart of Darwin's Origins of Species (1859) inherited from a static, stable, and machine-like conception of the world: the notion of a fully constituted world. Although in principle antithetical to the very idea of evolution itself, Darwin found a way to 'loosen up' this notion so as to retain it in a way that allows for some kind of evolutionary change.

Darwin and the geological controversies over the steady-state worldview in the 1830s

In the first part of this paper, I will show that although Darwin's geological works only covered the first years of his scientific career, these played a non-negligible role in the earth sciences of the mid-nineteenth century. His intellectual proximity with Charles Lyell often made him his disciple. This is indeed the case with respect to debates over 'gradual' soil movements and 'catastrophic' soil movements, and for 'steady-state' cycles as opposed to 'directionalistic' ones. This being said, it is also true that in South America Darwin saw geological processes which were incompatible with Lyell's explanations. It must therefore be recognized that Darwin held a middle-of-the-road position between uniformitarianism (Lyell) and catastrophism (Humbolt and von Buch), at least as far as some geological questions were concerned. In the second part of the paper, debates on geological issues during Darwin's active years will be put in the methodological context of the Scientific Revolution of the seventeenth century.

Circumpolar science: Scandinavian approaches to the Arctic and the North Atlantic, ca. 1920 to 1960

The Scandinavian countries share a solid reputation as longstanding contributors to top level Arctic research. This received view, however, veils some deep-seated contrasts in the ways that Sweden, Norway, and Denmark have conducted research in the Arctic and the North Atlantic. In this paper it is argued that instead of focusing on the geographical determinism of science – the fact that the Arctic is close to, indeed part of, Scandinavian territories – we should look more closely at the geopolitics of science to understand the differences and similarities between these three Nordic countries. Through case studies of, mainly, Swedish Arctic and North Atlantic glaciology in the 1920s through to the 1940s, and of Norwegian preparations in the 1950s for the International Geophysical Year 1957/58, the paper demonstrates how different styles of research – research agendas, methodological choices, collaborative patterns, international networks, availability of infrastructure, relations to politics and power – are conditioned on economic interests and strategic and geopolitical trajectories, either these are explicitly put in the forefront of scientific priorities as in the case of Norway in the 1950s, or when they are manifestly disregarded in the name of scientific internationalism, as in the case of Swedish glaciology. The case of Danish colonial science in Greenland is only cursorily drawn into this analysis but corroborates the overall thesis. The analysis of this wider science politics of Scandinavian circumpolar science is exercised against a brief introductory backdrop of Arctic science historiography. Its chief message is that the analysis of polar science applying modern theory and method of the social studies of science is comparatively recent and that the full potential of merging the literature of Arctic science and exploration with those of security, geopolitics, indigenous voices, and the politics of nationalism is yet to be realized.

[Inventories of the Earth. Mineral resource appraisals and the rise of resource economics]

How do the earth sciences mediate between the natural and social world? This paper explores the question by focusing on the history of nonfuel mineral resource appraisal from the late nineteenth to the mid twentieth century. It argues that earth sciences early on embraced social scientific knowledge, i.e. economic knowledge, in particular, when it came to determining or deposits and estimating the magnitude of mineral reserves. After 1900, assessing national and global mineral reserves and their "life span" or years of supply became ever more important, scaling up and complementing traditional appraisal practices on the level of individual mines or mining and trading companies. As a consequence, economic methods gained new weight for mineral resource estimation. Natural resource economics as an own field of research grew out of these efforts. By way of example, the mineral resource appraisal assigned to the U.S. Materials Policy Commission by President Harry S. Truman in 1951 is analyzed in more detail. Natural resource economics and environmental economics might be interpreted as a strategy to bring down the vast and holistically conceived object of geological and ecological research, the earth, to human scale, and assimilate it into social matters.

Savant officials in the Prussian mining administration

In the second half of the eighteenth century, the Prussian State supported savants who combined learned inquiry into nature with technical work. Members of the physical and mathematical classes of the Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences were involved in State projects such as surveying for the construction of canals, chemical analysis of Silesian iron, production of porcelain and of beet sugar. Some of these men were truly 'hybrid' experts living both in the worlds of State-directed manufacture and academic natural inquiry. Among these savant experts there was a particular sub-group that is at the centre of this paper: mining officials who were also recognized as mineralogists, geologists and chemists. The paper describes and analyses the training and the varied technical and scientific activities of these 'savant officials'. At the centre of attention are the travels of inspection of the mineralogist and mining official Carl Abraham Gerhard (1738-1821) in the late 1760s. I argue that Gerhard's travels of inspection were at the same time geological travels and that savant officials like Gerhard made a significant contribution to the fledgling science of geology.

[On natural history museums and their purpose. A lecture given by Leopold von Buch (1774-1853) in April 1838]

A manuscript of a lecture by the Prussian geologist Leopold von Buch given at the Berlin Society of the Friends of the Humanity was discovered at the Museum für Naturkunde, Berlin. The text is a raw version of a passionate plea for the formation of natural history collections as science places, with a partly biting humor. Based on until now unknown anecdotes about naturalists like Kaspar Maria Graf Sternberg (1761-1838) and Friedrich Wilhelm Hoeninghaus (1771-1854) Leopold von Buch argues with von Sternberg for the scientific value of natural history collections. The repeating references to the works of Goethe and an extensive addendum of various Dante translations into German are striking. The lecture manuscript complements our knowledge about the thinking of this important geologist, and provides new insights into the science policy of his time.

C.T. Jackson's 15 October 1846 letter to J.-B.A.L. Elie de Beaumont: Jackson's thoughts on Ether Day's Eve?

As did the previous letter on 30 November 1845 from Charles T. Jackson to J.-B.A.L. Elie de Beaumont, this 15 October 1846 missive underscores the cordial professional relationship between the two geologists. Remarkably, in this "Ether Day's Eve" letter, Jackson never reveals whether he had any clue that W.T.G. Morton would be publicly demonstrating ether anesthesia for surgery the next morning. More importantly, since Elie de Beaumont would play a future pivotal role in assigning initial credit for "discovering anesthesia" to his geological colleague Jackson, rather than to Morton, letters such as these from November of 1845 and October of 1846 can only raise more questions about the impartiality of Elie de Beaumont.

[The journal of A.V. Humboldt in Spain]

The Spanish diary can surprisingly not be found in his bounded diaries from his American travels, but in a separate folder of his legacy in Berlin, where Humboldt collected material which he wanted to use for his publication about Spain. So it remained undiscovered until recently. Humboldt's notes contain geognostic descriptions as well as his observations about climate, vegetation, electricity of the atmosphere, etc. The comparison with Humboldt's publication of 1825 facilitates to gain insight into his scientific methods.

Phylogeographic structure of Terminalia franchetii (combretaceae) in southwest China and its implications for drainage geological history

Following the rapid uplift of the Qinghai-Tibetan Plateau, the reorganization of the major river drainages in southwest China was primarily caused by river capture events. However, the impact of these past changes in drainage patterns on the current distribution and genetic structure of the endemic flora of this region remains largely unknown. Here we report a survey of amplified fragment length polymorphism (AFLP) in Terminalia franchetii, an endemic shrub or small tree of the deep and dry-hot river valleys of this region. We surveyed AFLP variation within and among 21 populations (251 individuals) of T. franchetii, distributed disjunctively between northern and southern drainage systems. Using STRUCTURE, principal coordinates analysis, and genetic distance methods, we identified two main population genetic groups (I and II) and four subgroups within the species, as follows: (I) the Upper Jinshajiang Valley (subgroup I((north))) and the Honghe drainage area (subgroup I((south))); (II) the Middle and Lower Jinshajiang and Yalongjiang Valleys (subgroup II((north))) and the Nanpanjiang drainage area (subgroup II((south))). Genetic diversity was lower in group I than in group II. According to the genetic diversity and genetic structure results, we suggest that the modern disjunctive distribution and associated patterns of genetic structure of T. franchetii result from vicariance caused by several historical drainage capture events, involving the separation of the Upper Jinshajiang, Yalongjiang and Daduhe from the Honghe or Nanpanjiang in southwest China.

[The eclecticism in Bernardino Ramazzini: the analysis of non-medical sources of "De Morbis Artificum Diatriba"]

Bernardino Ramazzini (1633-1714), the founder of occupational medicine, can be considered an eclectic author since his works ranged from physics to geology, from epidemiology to poetry. An analysis of his most famous book De Morbis Artificum Diatriba shows that about half of the authors cited by Ramazzini are not medical. In particular, "non medical" authors most cited are poets, comic playwrights, philosophers and satirists. It was not just a display of erudition. Probably Ramazzini cited them because of lack of information on workers and their diseases in medical literature. So, only "non medical" sources could provide enough information on living conditions of workers that allowed Ramazzini to systematically analyze the relationship between work and disease. This use of non medical sources is still widespread in modern industrial medicine.

Multa curiosa: Vallisneri's early studies on earth sciences

In 1687, after he graduated in Medicine, young Antonio Vallisneri (1661-1730) returned in the Duchy of Modena and Reggio. In those years he mainly served as general practitioner; nevertheless, he also devoted many studies to various aspects of the natural sciences. He performed many observations, accurately reporting them in seven Quaderni, which were compiled between 1694 and 1701. Though the Earth sciences occupy only a small part of these diaries, the accuracy of the notes makes them a precious token of the scientific praxis adopted by the author in this field of study. This paper deals with the analysis of these early geological reports, pointing out the main criteria of Vallisneri's experimental method and paying attention to the great significance which these documents had in the elaboration of some of his published works.

Darwin's earthquake

Charles Darwin experienced a major earthquake in the Concepción-Valdivia region of Chile 175 years ago, in February 1835. His observations dramatically illustrated the geologic principles of James Hutton and Charles Lyell which maintained that the surface of the earth was subject to alterations by natural events, such as earthquakes, volcanoes, and the erosive action of wind and water, operating over very long periods of time. Changes in the land created new environments and fostered adaptations in life forms that could lead to the formation of new species. Without the demonstration of the accumulation of multiple crustal events over time in Chile, the biologic implications of the specific species of birds and tortoises found in the Galapagos Islands and the formulation of the concept of natural selection might have remained dormant.

The unmaking of an anthropologist: Wallace returns from the field, 1862-70

This essay follows Alfred Russel Wallace back from the field in 1862, tracing how his views on human evolution developed after his field experiences in the East Indies and how he articulated them within the social structure of British science during the 1860s. It analyses his involvement in the metropolitan scientific institutions dedicated to the study of man, the Ethnological Society of London and its breakaway counterpart, the Anthropological Society of London, which offered differing visions for a science of man and its intersection with political commitments. Using evidence from his participation in society meetings, the reception of his own anthropological papers, and the responses to the views he expressed in his field travel narrative, The Malay Archipelago, I show that although Wallace's involvement was initially enthusiastic, over time his views came into conflict with both groups. His involvement in established human science institutions declined, and Wallace turned towards other social locations for cultivating his knowledge of and engagement with questions involving the study of humanity.

Between the Beagle and the barnacle: Darwin's microscopy, 1837-1854

The discovery of a small collection of Darwin manuscripts at the Whipple Museum of the History of Science (University of Cambridge) has allowed a reconsideration of Darwin's interest in and knowledge of microscopy. Concentrating on the years between his return from the Beagle voyage and the publication of the major taxonomic work on barnacles, this paper recovers a number of important aspects of Darwin's intellectual and practical development: on returning from the Beagle voyage he acquainted himself with the work of C. G. Ehrenberg, and this informed both his private and public work; then through the 1840s Darwin transformed himself from a fascinated observer and consumer of others' work into an expert on microscopy. I characterise this move as a piece of clever manoeuvring, and discuss more generally the kind of scientist--gentlemanly and expert--that Darwin was attempting to become.