Morphology, language and the brain: the decompositional substrate for language comprehension

Changes in functional connectivity within the fronto-temporal brain network induced by regular and irregular Russian verb production

Functional connectivity between brain areas involved in the processing of complex language forms remains largely unexplored. Contributing to the debate about neural mechanisms underlying regular and irregular inflectional morphology processing in the mental lexicon, we conducted an fMRI experiment in which participants generated forms from different types of Russian verbs and nouns as well as from nonce stimuli. The data were subjected to a whole brain voxel-wise analysis of context dependent changes in functional connectivity [the so-called psychophysiological interaction (PPI) analysis]. Unlike previously reported subtractive results that reveal functional segregation between brain areas, PPI provides complementary information showing how these areas are functionally integrated in a particular task. To date, PPI evidence on inflectional morphology has been scarce and only available for inflectionally impoverished English verbs in a same-different judgment task. Using PPI here in conjunction with a production task in an inflectionally rich language, we found that functional connectivity between the left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG) and bilateral superior temporal gyri (STG) was significantly greater for regular real verbs than for irregular ones. Furthermore, we observed a significant positive covariance between the number of mistakes in irregular real verb trials and the increase in functional connectivity between the LIFG and the right anterior cingulate cortex in these trails, as compared to regular ones. Our results therefore allow for dissociation between regularity and processing difficulty effects. These results, on the one hand, shed new light on the functional interplay within the LIFG-bilateral STG language-related network and, on the other hand, call for partial reconsideration of some of the previous findings while stressing the role of functional temporo-frontal connectivity in complex morphological processes.

Differential recall of derived and inflected word forms in working memory: examining the role of morphological information in simple and complex working memory tasks

Working memory (WM) has been described as an interface between cognition and action, or a system for access to a limited amount of information needed in complex cognition. Access to morphological information is needed for comprehending and producing sentences. The present study probed WM for morphologically complex word forms in Finnish, a morphologically rich language. We studied monomorphemic (boy), inflected (boy+'s), and derived (boy+hood) words in three tasks. Simple span, immediate serial recall of words, in Experiment 1, is assumed to mainly rely on information in the focus of attention. Sentence span, a dual task combining sentence reading with recall of the last word (Experiment 2) or of a word not included in the sentence (Experiment 3) is assumed to involve establishment of a search set in long-term memory for fast activation into the focus of attention. Recall was best for monomorphemic and worst for inflected word forms with performance on derived words in between. However, there was an interaction between word type and experiment, suggesting that complex span is more sensitive to morphological complexity in derivations than simple span. This was explored in a within-subjects Experiment 4 combining all three tasks. An interaction between morphological complexity and task was replicated. Both inflected and derived forms increased load in WM. In simple span, recall of inflectional forms resulted in form errors. Complex span tasks were more sensitive to morphological load in derived words, possibly resulting from interference from morphological neighbors in the mental lexicon. The results are best understood as involving competition among inflectional forms when binding words from input into an output structure, and competition from morphological neighbors in secondary memory during cumulative retrieval-encoding cycles. Models of verbal recall need to be able to represent morphological as well as phonological and semantic information.

The presupplementary area within the language network: a resting state functional magnetic resonance imaging functional connectivity analysis

The presupplementary motor area (pre-SMA) is involved in volitional selection. Despite the lateralization of the language network and different functions for both pre-SMA, few studies have reported the lateralization of pre-SMA activity and very little is known about the possible lateralization of pre-SMA connectivity. Via functional connectivity analysis, we sought to understand how the language network may be connected to other intrinsic connectivity networks (ICNs) through the pre-SMA. We performed a spatial independent component analysis of resting state functional magnetic resonance imaging in 30 volunteers to identify the language network. Subsequently, we applied seed-to-voxel functional connectivity analyses centered on peaks detected in the pre-SMA. Three signal peaks were detected in the pre-SMA. The left rostral pre-SMA intrinsic connectivity network (LR ICN) was left lateralized in contrast to bilateral ICNs associated to right pre-SMA peaks. The LR ICN was anticorrelated with the dorsal attention network and the right caudal pre-SMA ICN (RC ICN) anticorrelated with the default mode network. These two ICNs overlapped minimally. In contrast, the right rostral ICN overlapped the LR ICN. Both right ICNs overlapped in the ventral attention network (vATT). The bilateral connectivity of the right rostral pre-SMA may allow right hemispheric recruitment to process semantic ambiguities. Overlap between the right pre-SMA ICNs in vATT may contribute to internal thought to external environment reorientation. Distinct ICNs connected to areas involved in lexico-syntactic selection and phonology converge in the pre-SMA, which may constitute the resolution space of competing condition-action associations for speech production.

FMRI evidence for the involvement of the procedural memory system in morphological processing of a second language

Behavioural evidence suggests that English regular past tense forms are automatically decomposed into their stem and affix (played  = play+ed) based on an implicit linguistic rule, which does not apply to the idiosyncratically formed irregular forms (kept). Additionally, regular, but not irregular inflections, are thought to be processed through the procedural memory system (left inferior frontal gyrus, basal ganglia, cerebellum). It has been suggested that this distinction does not to apply to second language (L2) learners of English; however, this has not been tested at the brain level. This fMRI study used a masked-priming task with regular and irregular prime-target pairs (played-play/kept-keep) to investigate morphological processing in native and highly proficient late L2 English speakers. No between-groups differences were revealed. Compared to irregular pairs, regular pairs activated the pars opercularis, bilateral caudate nucleus and the right cerebellum, which are part of the procedural memory network and have been connected with the processing of morphologically complex forms. Our study is the first to provide evidence for native-like involvement of the procedural memory system in processing of regular past tense by late L2 learners of English.

Real-time Functional Architecture of Visual Word Recognition

Despite a century of research into visual word recognition, basic questions remain unresolved about the functional architecture of the process that maps visual inputs from orthographic analysis onto lexical form and meaning and about the units of analysis in terms of which these processes are conducted. Here we use magnetoencephalography, supported by a masked priming behavioral study, to address these questions using contrasting sets of simple (walk), complex (swimmer), and pseudo-complex (corner) forms. Early analyses of orthographic structure, detectable in bilateral posterior temporal regions within a 150–230 msec time frame, are shown to segment the visual input into linguistic substrings (words and morphemes) that trigger lexical access in left middle temporal locations from 300 msec. These are primarily feedforward processes and are not initially constrained by lexical-level variables. Lexical constraints become significant from 390 msec, in both simple and complex words, with increased processing of pseudowords and pseudo-complex forms. These results, consistent with morpho-orthographic models based on masked priming data, map out the real-time functional architecture of visual word recognition, establishing basic feedforward processing relationships between orthographic form, morphological structure, and lexical meaning.

Rules from words: a dynamic neural basis for a lawful linguistic process

Listeners show a reliable bias towards interpreting speech sounds in a way that conforms to linguistic restrictions (phonotactic constraints) on the permissible patterning of speech sounds in a language. This perceptual bias may enforce and strengthen the systematicity that is the hallmark of phonological representation. Using Granger causality analysis of magnetic resonance imaging (MRI)-constrained magnetoencephalography (MEG) and electroencephalography (EEG) data, we tested the differential predictions of rule-based, frequency-based, and top-down lexical influence-driven explanations of processes that produce phonotactic biases in phoneme categorization. Consistent with the top-down lexical influence account, brain regions associated with the representation of words had a stronger influence on acoustic-phonetic regions in trials that led to the identification of phonotactically legal (versus illegal) word-initial consonant clusters. Regions associated with the application of linguistic rules had no such effect. Similarly, high frequency phoneme clusters failed to produce stronger feedforward influences by acoustic-phonetic regions on areas associated with higher linguistic representation. These results suggest that top-down lexical influences contribute to the systematicity of phonological representation.

Cross-linguistic parallels in processing derivational morphology: evidence from Polish

Neuroimaging evidence in English suggests that the neurocognitive processing of derivationally complex words primarily reflects their properties as whole forms. The current experiment provides a cross-linguistic examination of these proposals by investigating the processing of derivationally complex words in the rich morphological system of Polish. Within the framework of a dual language system approach, we asked whether there is evidence for decompositional processing of derivationally complex Polish stems - reflected in the activation of a linguistically specific decompositional system in the left hemisphere - or for increased competition between the derived stem and its embedded base stem in the bilateral system. The results showed activation in the bilateral system and no evidence for selective engagement of the left hemisphere decompositional system. This provides a cross-linguistic validation for the hypothesis that the neurocognitive processing of derived stems primarily reflects their properties as stored forms.

Electrophysiological evidence for the morpheme-based combinatoric processing of English compounds

The extent to which the processing of compounds (e.g., "catfish") makes recourse to morphological-level representations remains a matter of debate. Moreover, positing a morpheme-level route to complex word recognition entails not only access to morphological constituents, but also combinatoric processes operating on the constituent representations; however, the neurophysiological mechanisms subserving decomposition, and in particular morpheme combination, have yet to be fully elucidated. The current study presents electrophysiological evidence for the morpheme-based processing of both lexicalized (e.g., "teacup") and novel (e.g., "tombnote") visually presented English compounds; these brain responses appear prior to and are dissociable from the eventual overt lexical decision response. The electrophysiological results reveal increased negativities for conditions with compound structure, including effects shared by lexicalized and novel compounds, as well as effects unique to each compound type, which may be related to aspects of morpheme combination. These findings support models positing across-the-board morphological decomposition, counter to models proposing that putatively complex words are primarily or solely processed as undecomposed representations, and motivate further electrophysiological research toward a more precise characterization of the nature and neurophysiological instantiation of complex word recognition.

Neural dynamics of inflectional and derivational processing in spoken word comprehension: laterality and automaticity

Rapid and automatic processing of grammatical complexity is argued to take place during speech comprehension, engaging a left-lateralized fronto-temporal language network. Here we address how neural activity in these regions is modulated by the grammatical properties of spoken words. We used combined magneto- and electroencephalography to delineate the spatiotemporal patterns of activity that support the recognition of morphologically complex words in English with inflectional (-s) and derivational (-er) affixes (e.g., bakes, baker). The mismatch negativity, an index of linguistic memory traces elicited in a passive listening paradigm, was used to examine the neural dynamics elicited by morphologically complex words. Results revealed an initial peak 130–180 ms after the deviation point with a major source in left superior temporal cortex. The localization of this early activation showed a sensitivity to two grammatical properties of the stimuli: (1) the presence of morphological complexity, with affixed words showing increased left-laterality compared to non-affixed words; and (2) the grammatical category, with affixed verbs showing greater left-lateralization in inferior frontal gyrus compared to affixed nouns (bakes vs. beaks). This automatic brain response was additionally sensitive to semantic coherence (the meaning of the stem vs. the meaning of the whole form) in left middle temporal cortex. These results demonstrate that the spatiotemporal pattern of neural activity in spoken word processing is modulated by the presence of morphological structure, predominantly engaging the left-hemisphere’s fronto-temporal language network, and does not require focused attention on the linguistic input.

Fronto-parietal dorsal and ventral pathways in the context of different linguistic manipulations

This study investigates structural connectivity between left fronto-parietal brain regions that were identified in a previous fMRI study which used different linguistic manipulation tasks. Diffusion-weighted images were acquired from 20 volunteers. Structural connectivity between brain regions from the fMRI study was computed using probabilistic fiber tracking. For suprasegmental manipulation, left inferior parietal lobule (IPL) and left inferior frontal gyrus (IFG), pars opercularis, were connected by a dorsal pathway via the arcuate fascicle and superior longitudinal fascicle III. For segmental manipulation, left IPL and IFG, pars triangularis, were connected by a ventral pathway via the middle longitudinal fascicle and the extreme capsule. We conclude that the dorsal pathway provides a route for mapping from phonological memory in IPL to the inferior frontal articulatory network while the ventral pathway could facilitate the modulation of phonological units based on lexical-semantic aspects, mediate the complexity of auditory objects and the unification of actor-event schemata.

Neurobiological Systems for Lexical Representation and Analysis in English

Current research suggests that language comprehension engages two joint but functionally distinguishable neurobiological processes: a distributed bilateral system, which supports general perceptual and interpretative processes underpinning speech comprehension, and a left hemisphere (LH) frontotemporal system, selectively tuned to the processing of combinatorial grammatical sequences, such as regularly inflected verbs in English [Marslen-Wilson, W. D., & Tyler, L. K. Morphology, language and the brain: The decompositional substrate for language comprehension. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society: Biological Sciences, 362, 823–836, 2007]. Here we investigated how English derivationally complex words engage these systems, asking whether they selectively activate the LH system in the same way as inflections or whether they primarily engage the bilateral system that support nondecompositional access. In an fMRI study, we saw no evidence for selective activation of the LH frontotemporal system, even for highly transparent forms like bravely. Instead, a combination of univariate and multivariate analyses revealed the engagement of a distributed bilateral system, modulated by factors of perceptual complexity and semantic transparency. We discuss the implications for theories of the processing and representation of English derivational morphology and highlight the importance of neurobiological constraints in understanding these processes.

Electrophysiological evidence for the continuous processing of linguistic categories of regular and irregular verb inflection in German

A central question concerning word recognition is whether linguistic categories are processed in continuous or categorical ways, in particular, whether regular and irregular inflection is stored and processed by the same or by distinct systems. Here, we contribute to this issue by contrasting regular (regular stem, regular suffix) with semi-irregular (regular stem, irregular suffix) and irregular (irregular stem, irregular suffix) participle formation in a visual priming experiment on German verb inflection. We measured ERPs and RTs and manipulated the inflectional and meaning relatedness between primes and targets. Inflected verb targets (e.g., leite, "head") were preceded either by themselves, by their participle (geleitet, "headed"), by a semantically related verb in the same inflection as the target (führe, "guide") or in the participle form (geführt, "guided"), or by an unrelated verb in the same inflection (nenne, "name"). Results showed that behavioral and ERP priming effects were gradually affected by verb regularity. Regular participles produced a widely distributed frontal and parietal effect, irregular participles produced a small left parietal effect, and semi-irregular participles yielded an effect in-between these two in terms of amplitude and topography. The behavioral and ERP effects further showed that the priming because of participles differs from that because of semantic associates for all verb types. These findings argue for a single processing system that generates participle priming effects for regular, semi-irregular, and irregular verb inflection. Together, the findings provide evidence that the linguistic categories of verb inflection are processed continuously. We present a single-system model that can adequately account for such graded effects.

The role of attention in processing morphologically complex spoken words: an EEG/MEG study

This study determined to what extent morphological processing of spoken inflected and derived words is attention-independent. To answer these questions EEG and MEG responses were recorded from healthy participants while they were presented with spoken Finnish inflected, derived, and monomorphemic words. In the non-attended task, the participants were instructed to ignore the incoming auditory stimuli and concentrate on the silent cartoon. In the attended task, previously reported by Leminen et al. (2011), the participants were to judge the acceptability of each stimulus. Importantly, EEG and MEG responses were time-locked to the onset of critical information [suffix onset for the complex words and uniqueness point (UP) for the monomorphemic words]. Early after the critical point, word type did not interact with task: in both attended and non-attended tasks, the event-related potentials (ERPs) showed larger negativity to derived than inflected or monomorphemic words ~100 ms after the critical point. MEG source waveforms showed a similar pattern. Later than 100 ms after the critical point, there were no differences between word types in the non-attended task either in the ERP or source modeling data. However, in the attended task inflected words elicited larger responses than other words ~200 ms after the critical point. The results suggest different brain representations for derived and inflected words. The early activation after the critical point was elicited both in the non-attended and attended tasks. As this stage of word recognition was not modulated by attention, it can be concluded to reflect an automatic mapping of incoming acoustic information onto stored representations. In contrast, the later differences between word types in the attended task were not observed in the non-attended task. This indicates that later compositional processes at the (morpho)syntactic-semantic level require focused attention.

They played with the trade: MEG investigation of the processing of past tense verbs and their phonological twins

How regular and irregular verbs are processed remains a matter of debate. Some English-speaking patients with nonfluent aphasia are especially impaired on regular past-tense forms like played, whether the task requires production, comprehension or even the judgement that “play” and “played” sound different. Within a dual-mechanism account of inflectional morphology, these deficits reflect disruption to the rule-based process that adds (or strips) the suffix -ed to regular verb stems; but the fact that the patients are also impaired at detecting the difference between word pairs like “tray” and “trade” (the latter being a phonological but not a morphological twin to “played”) suggests an important role for phonological characteristics of the regular past tense. The present study examined MEG brain responses in healthy participants evoked by spoken regular past-tense forms and phonological twin words (plus twin pseudowords and a non-speech control) presented in a passive oddball paradigm. Deviant forms (played, trade, kwade/kwayed) relative to their standards (play, tray, kway) elicited a pronounced neuromagnetic response at approximately 130 ms after the onset of the affix; this response was maximal at sensors over temporal areas of both hemispheres but stronger on the left, especially for played and kwayed. Relative to the same standards, a different set of deviants ending in /t/―—plate, trait and kwate—―produced stronger difference responses especially over the right hemisphere. Results are discussed with regard to dual- and single-mechanism theories of past tense processing and the need to consider neurobiological evidence in attempts to understand inflectional morphology.

On the pursuit of the brain network for proto-syntactic learning in non-human primates: conceptual issues and neurobiological hypotheses

Songbirds have become impressive neurobiological models for aspects of human verbal communication because they learn to sequence their song elements, analogous, in some ways, to how humans learn to produce spoken sequences with syntactic structure. However, mammals such as non-human primates are considered to be at best limited-vocal learners and not able to sequence their vocalizations, although some of these animals can learn certain 'artificial grammar' sequences. Thus, conceptual issues have slowed the progress in exploring potential neurobiological homologues to language-related processes in species that are taxonomically closely related to humans. We consider some of the conceptual issues impeding a pursuit of, as we define them, 'proto-syntactic' capabilities and their neuronal substrates in non-human animals. We also discuss ways to better bridge comparative behavioural and neurobiological data between humans and other animals. Finally, we propose guiding neurobiological hypotheses with which we aim to facilitate the future testing of the level of correspondence between the human brain network for syntactic-learning and related neurobiological networks present in other primates. Insights from the study of non-human primates and other mammals are likely to complement those being obtained in birds to further our knowledge of the human language-related network at the cellular level.

Birds, primates, and spoken language origins: behavioral phenotypes and neurobiological substrates

Vocal learners such as humans and songbirds can learn to produce elaborate patterns of structurally organized vocalizations, whereas many other vertebrates such as non-human primates and most other bird groups either cannot or do so to a very limited degree. To explain the similarities among humans and vocal-learning birds and the differences with other species, various theories have been proposed. One set of theories are motor theories, which underscore the role of the motor system as an evolutionary substrate for vocal production learning. For instance, the motor theory of speech and song perception proposes enhanced auditory perceptual learning of speech in humans and song in birds, which suggests a considerable level of neurobiological specialization. Another, a motor theory of vocal learning origin, proposes that the brain pathways that control the learning and production of song and speech were derived from adjacent motor brain pathways. Another set of theories are cognitive theories, which address the interface between cognition and the auditory-vocal domains to support language learning in humans. Here we critically review the behavioral and neurobiological evidence for parallels and differences between the so-called vocal learners and vocal non-learners in the context of motor and cognitive theories. In doing so, we note that behaviorally vocal-production learning abilities are more distributed than categorical, as are the auditory-learning abilities of animals. We propose testable hypotheses on the extent of the specializations and cross-species correspondences suggested by motor and cognitive theories. We believe that determining how spoken language evolved is likely to become clearer with concerted efforts in testing comparative data from many non-human animal species.

Functional MRI-guided probabilistic tractography of cortico-cortical and cortico-subcortical language networks in children

In this study, we analyzed the structural connectivity of cortico-cortical and cortico-subcortical language networks in healthy children, using probabilistic tractography based on high angular resolution diffusion imaging. In addition to anatomically defining seed and target regions for tractography, we used fMRI to target inferior frontal and superior temporal cortical language areas on an individual basis. Further, connectivity between these cortical and subcortical (thalamus, caudate nucleus) language regions was assessed. Overall, data from 15 children (8f) aged 8-17 years (mean age 12.1 ±3 years) could be included. A slight but non-significant trend towards leftward lateralization was found in the arcuate fasciculus/superior longitudinal fasciculus (AF/SLF) using anatomically defined masks (p>.05, Wilcoxon rank test), while the functionally-guided tractography showed a significant lateralization to the left (p<.01). Connectivity of the thalamus with language regions was strong but not lateralized. Connectivity of the caudate nucleus with inferior-frontal language regions was also symmetrical, while connectivity with superior-temporal language regions was strongly lateralized to the left (p<.01). To conclude, we could show that tracking the arcuate fasciculus/superior longitudinal fasciculus is possible using both anatomically and functionally-defined seed and target regions. With the latter approach, we could confirm the presence of structurally-lateralized cortico-cortical language networks already in children, and finally, we could demonstrate a strongly asymmetrical connectivity of the caudate nucleus with superior temporal language regions. Further research is necessary in order to assess the usability of such an approach to assess language dominance in children unable to participate in an active fMRI study.

Neurocognitive dimensions of lexical complexity in Polish

Neuroimaging studies of English suggest that speech comprehension engages two interdependent systems: a bilateral fronto-temporal network responsible for general perceptual and cognitive processing, and a specialised left-lateralised network supporting specifically linguistic processing. Using fMRI we test this hypothesis in Polish, a Slavic language with rich and diverse morphology. We manipulated general perceptual complexity (presence or absence of an onset-embedded stem, e.g. kotlet 'cutlet' vs. kot 'cat') and specifically linguistic complexity (presence of an inflectional affix, e.g. dom 'house, Nom' vs. dom-u 'house, Gen'). Non-linguistic complexity activated a bilateral network, as in English, but we found no differences between inflected and uninflected nouns. Instead, all types of words activated left inferior frontal areas, suggesting that all Polish words can be considered linguistically 'complex' in processing terms. The results support a dual network hypothesis, but highlight differences between languages like English and Polish, and underline the importance of cross-linguistic comparisons.

Linking neurogenetics and individual differences in language learning: the dopamine hypothesis

Fundamental advances in neuroscience have come from investigations into neuroplasticity and learning. These investigations often focus on identifying universal principles across different individuals of the same species. Increasingly, individual differences in learning success have also been observed, such that any seemingly universal principle might only be applicable to a certain extent within a particular learner. One potential source of this variation is individuals' genetic differences. Adult language learning provides a unique opportunity for understanding individual differences and genetic bases of neuroplasticity because of the large individual differences in learning success that have already been documented, and because of the body of empirical work connecting language learning and neurocognition. In this article, we review the literature on the genetic bases of neurocognition, especially studies examining polymorphisms of dopamine (DA)-related genes and procedural learning. This review leads us to hypothesize that there may be an association between DA-related genetic variation and language learning differences. If this hypothesis is supported by future empirical findings we suggest that it may point to neurogenetic markers that allow for language learning to be personalized.

Dynamic processing in the human language system: synergy between the arcuate fascicle and extreme capsule

The production and comprehension of human language is thought to involve a network of frontal, parietal, and temporal cortical loci interconnected by two dominant white matter pathways. These two white matter bundles, often referred to as the dorsal and ventral processing tracts, are hypothesized to have markedly different language functions. The dorsal tract is thought to process phonological processing, while the ventral tract is considered to abet semantics. This proposed functional differentiation of tracts is similar to the ventral and dorsal dichotomy proposed for the visual and auditory systems. The present study evaluated this characterization of the language system in the context of various components involved in its function. Twenty-four chronic stroke patients completed a battery of 10 language tests designed to measure performance on the comprehension and production of phonology, morphology, semantics, and syntax. The patients also completed diffusion MRI scanning. Lesions were confined to the left hemisphere, but the size and location of the insult varied so that patients had damage to a single tract, both tracts, or neither tract. Individual FA maps were generated, and focal areas of hypointensity served as markers of white matter damage. Whole-brain voxel-by-voxel correlations revealed that only phonological and semantic tasks fit into the dual-stream model, while syntax and morphology involved both pathways. ROI analyses of the arcuate fascicle and extreme capsule supported this finding. These data suggest that natural language function is more likely to reflect a synergistic system rather than a segregated dual-stream system.

The time-course of single-word reading: evidence from fast behavioral and brain responses

We usually feel that we understand a familiar word “immediately”. However, even basic aspects of the time-line of word recognition are still controversial. Different domains of research have still not converged on a coherent account. An integration of multiple sources of information would lead to more strongly constrained theoretical models, and help finding optimal measures when monitoring specific aspects of word recognition impairments in patient groups. In our multimodal approach – combining fast behavioral measures, ERPs and EEG/MEG source estimation – we provide converging evidence for the latencies of earliest lexical and semantic information retrieval in visual word recognition. Participants performed lexical and semantic decisions (LD, SD) in a Go/NoGo paradigm. We introduced eye-blink latencies as a dependent variable, in order to measure behavioral responses that are faster and less variable than traditional button presses. We found that the earliest behavioral responses distinguishing stimulus categories can occur around 310 ms. Ex-Gaussian analysis of behavioral responses did not reveal reliable differences between LD and SD. The earliest ERP differences between Go and NoGo conditions occurred around 160 ms for both LD and SD. Distributed source analysis of combined EEG/MEG data estimated neuronal generators for the lexicality effect around 200 ms in the left anterior middle temporal lobe. Thus, behavior and brain responses provide coherent evidence that the brain starts retrieving lexical and semantic information near-simultaneously within 200 ms of word onset. Our results support models of word recognition that assume a continuous accumulation of task-related information from the stimulus, which might be described by Bayesian principles.

Spatiotemporal Dynamics of the Processing of Spoken Inflected and Derived Words: A Combined EEG and MEG Study

The spatiotemporal dynamics of the neural processing of spoken morphologically complex words are still an open issue. In the current study, we investigated the time course and neural sources of spoken inflected and derived words using simultaneously recorded electroencephalography (EEG) and magnetoencephalography (MEG) responses. Ten participants (native speakers) listened to inflected, derived, and monomorphemic Finnish words and judged their acceptability. EEG and MEG responses were time-locked to both the stimulus onset and the critical point (suffix onset for complex words, uniqueness point for monomorphemic words). The ERP results showed that inflected words elicited a larger left-lateralized negativity than derived and monomorphemic words approximately 200 ms after the critical point. Source modeling of MEG responses showed one bilateral source in the superior temporal area ∼100 ms after the critical point, with derived words eliciting stronger source amplitudes than inflected and monomorphemic words in the right hemisphere. Source modeling also showed two sources in the temporal cortex approximately 200 ms after the critical point. There, inflected words showed a more systematic pattern in source locations and elicited temporally distinct source activity in comparison to the derived word condition. The current results provide electrophysiological evidence for at least partially distinct cortical processing of spoken inflected and derived words. In general, the results support models of morphological processing stating that during the recognition of inflected words, the constituent morphemes are accessed separately. With regard to derived words, stem and suffix morphemes might be at least initially activated along with the whole word representation.

Evidence for early morphological decomposition: combining masked priming with magnetoencephalography

Are words stored as morphologically structured representations? If so, when during word recognition are morphological pieces accessed? Recent masked priming studies support models that assume early decomposition of (potentially) morphologically complex words. The electrophysiological evidence, however, is inconsistent. We combined masked morphological priming with magneto-encephalography (MEG), a technique particularly adept at indexing processes involved in lexical access. The latency of an MEG component peaking, on average, 220 msec post-onset of the target in left occipito-temporal brain regions was found to be sensitive to the morphological prime-target relationship under masked priming conditions in a visual lexical decision task. Shorter latencies for related than unrelated conditions were observed both for semantically transparent (cleaner-CLEAN) and opaque (corner-CORN) prime-target pairs, but not for prime-target pairs with only an orthographic relationship (brothel-BROTH). These effects are likely to reflect a prelexical level of processing where form-based representations of stems and affixes are represented and are in contrast to models positing no morphological structure in lexical representations. Moreover, we present data regarding the transitional probability from stem to affix in a post hoc comparison, which suggests that this factor may modulate early morphological decomposition, particularly for opaque words. The timing of a robust MEG component sensitive to the morphological relatedness of prime-target pairs can be used to further understand the neural substrates and the time course of lexical processing.

Left inferior frontal cortex and syntax: function, structure and behaviour in patients with left hemisphere damage

For the past 150 years, neurobiological models of language have debated the role of key brain regions in language function. One consistently debated set of issues concern the role of the left inferior frontal gyrus in syntactic processing. Here we combine measures of functional activity, grey matter integrity and performance in patients with left hemisphere damage and healthy participants to ask whether the left inferior frontal gyrus is essential for syntactic processing. In a functional neuroimaging study, participants listened to spoken sentences that either contained a syntactically ambiguous or matched unambiguous phrase. Behavioural data on three tests of syntactic processing were subsequently collected. In controls, syntactic processing co-activated left hemisphere Brodmann areas 45/47 and posterior middle temporal gyrus. Activity in a left parietal cluster was sensitive to working memory demands in both patients and controls. Exploiting the variability in lesion location and performance in the patients, voxel-based correlational analyses showed that tissue integrity and neural activity-primarily in left Brodmann area 45 and posterior middle temporal gyrus-were correlated with preserved syntactic performance, but unlike the controls, patients were insensitive to syntactic preferences, reflecting their syntactic deficit. These results argue for the essential contribution of the left inferior frontal gyrus in syntactic analysis and highlight the functional relationship between left Brodmann area 45 and the left posterior middle temporal gyrus, suggesting that when this relationship breaks down, through damage to either region or to the connections between them, syntactic processing is impaired. On this view, the left inferior frontal gyrus may not itself be specialized for syntactic processing, but plays an essential role in the neural network that carries out syntactic computations.

Communication and the primate brain: insights from neuroimaging studies in humans, chimpanzees and macaques

Considerable knowledge is available on the neural substrates for speech and language from brain-imaging studies in humans, but until recently there was a lack of data for comparison from other animal species on the evolutionarily conserved brain regions that process species-specific communication signals. To obtain new insights into the relationship of the substrates for communication in primates, we compared the results from several neuroimaging studies in humans with those that have recently been obtained from macaque monkeys and chimpanzees. The recent work in humans challenges the longstanding notion of highly localized speech areas. As a result, the brain regions that have been identified in humans for speech and nonlinguistic voice processing show a striking general correspondence to how the brains of other primates analyze species-specific vocalizations or information in the voice, such as voice identity. The comparative neuroimaging work has begun to clarify evolutionary relationships in brain function, supporting the notion that the brain regions that process communication signals in the human brain arose from a precursor network of regions that is present in nonhuman primates and is used for processing species-specific vocalizations. We conclude by considering how the stage now seems to be set for comparative neurobiology to characterize the ancestral state of the network that evolved in humans to support language.

Imaging implicit morphological processing: evidence from Hebrew

Is morphology a discrete and independent element of lexical structure or does it simply reflect a fine-tuning of the system to the statistical correlation that exists among orthographic and semantic properties of words? Hebrew provides a unique opportunity to examine morphological processing in the brain because of its rich morphological system. In an fMRI masked priming experiment, we investigated the neural networks involved in implicit morphological processing in Hebrew. In the lMFG and lIFG, activation was found to be significantly reduced when the primes were morphologically related to the targets. This effect was not influenced by the semantic transparency of the morphological prime, and was not found in the semantic or orthographic condition. Additional morphologically related decrease in activation was found in the lIPL, where activation was significantly modulated by semantic transparency. Our findings regarding implicit morphological processing suggest that morphology is an automatic and distinct aspect of visually processing words. These results also coincide with the behavioral data previously obtained demonstrating the central role of morphological processing in reading Hebrew.

Can language-action links explain language laterality?: an ERP study of perceptual and articulatory learning of novel pseudowords

We here investigate whether the well-known laterality of spoken language to the dominant left hemisphere could be explained by the learning of sensorimotor links between a word's articulatory program and its corresponding sound structure. Human-specific asymmetry of acoustic-articulatory connectivity is evident structurally, at the neuroanatomical level, in the arcuate fascicle, which connects superior-temporal and frontal cortices and is more developed in the left hemisphere. Because these left-lateralised fronto-temporal fibres provide a substrate for auditory-motor associations, we hypothesised that learning of acoustic-articulatory coincidences produces laterality, whereas perceptual learning does not. Twenty subjects studied a large (n=48) set of novel meaningless syllable combinations, pseudowords, in a perceptual learning condition, where they carefully listened to repeatedly presented novel items, and, crucially, in an articulatory learning condition, where each item had to be repeated immediately, so that articulatory and auditory speech-evoked cortical activations coincided. In the 14 subjects who successfully passed the learning routine and could recognize the learnt items reliably, both perceptual and articulatory learning were found to lead to an increase of pseudoword-elicited event-related potentials (ERPs), thus reflecting the formation of new memory circuits. Importantly, after articulatory learning, pseudoword-elicited ERPs were more strongly left-lateralised than after perceptual learning. Source localisation confirmed that perceptual learning led to increased activation in superior-temporal cortex bilaterally, whereas items learnt in the articulatory condition activated bilateral superior-temporal auditory in combination with left-pre-central motor areas. These results support a new explanation of the laterality of spoken language based on the neuroanatomy of sensorimotor links and Hebbian learning principles.

White matter changes and word finding failures with increasing age

BACKGROUND

Increasing life expectancy necessitates the better understanding of the neurophysiological underpinnings of age-related cognitive changes. The majority of research examining structural-cognitive relationships in aging focuses on the role of age-related changes to grey matter integrity. In the current study, we examined the relationship between age-related changes in white matter and language production. More specifically, we concentrated on word-finding failures, which increase with age.

METHODOLOGY/PRINCIPAL FINDINGS

We used Diffusion tensor MRI (a technique used to image, in vivo, the diffusion of water molecules in brain tissue) to relate white matter integrity to measures of successful and unsuccessful picture naming. Diffusion tensor images were used to calculate Fractional Anisotropy (FA) images. FA is considered to be a measure of white matter organization/integrity. FA images were related to measures of successful picture naming and to word finding failures using voxel-based linear regression analyses. Successful naming rates correlated positively with white matter integrity across a broad range of regions implicated in language production. However, word finding failure rates correlated negatively with a more restricted region in the posterior aspect of superior longitudinal fasciculus.

CONCLUSIONS/SIGNIFICANCE

The use of DTI-MRI provides evidence for the relationship between age-related white matter changes in specific language regions and word finding failures in old age.

The role of Broca's area in regular past-tense morphology: an event-related potential study

It has been suggested that damage to anterior regions of the left hemisphere results in a dissociation in the perception and lexical activation of past-tense forms. Specifically, in a lexical-decision task in which past-tense primes immediately precede present-tense targets, such patients demonstrate significant priming for irregular verbs (spoke-speak), but, unlike control participants, fail to do so for regular verbs (looked-look). Here, this behavioral dissociation was first confirmed in a group of eleven patients with damage to the pars opercularis (BA 44) and pars triangularis (BA 45) of the left inferior frontal gyrus (i.e., Broca's area). Two conditions containing word-onset orthographic-phonological overlap (bead-bee, barge-bar) demonstrated that the disrupted regular-verb priming was accompanied by, and covaried with, disrupted ortho-phonological priming, regardless of whether prime stimuli contained the regular inflectional rhyme pattern. Further, the dissociation between impaired regular-verb and preserved irregular-verb priming was shown to be continuous rather than categorical; priming for weak-irregular verbs (spent-spend) was intermediate in size between that of regular verbs and strong verbs. Such continuous dissociations grounded in ortho-phonological relationships between present- and past-tense forms are predicted by single-system, connectionist approaches to inflectional morphology and not predicted by current dual-system, rule-based models. Event-related potential data demonstrated that N400 priming effects were intact for both regular and irregular verbs, suggesting that the absence of significant regular-verb priming in the response time data did not result from a disruption of lexical access, and may have stemmed instead from post-lexical events such as covert articulation, segmentation strategies, and/or cognitive control.

Reorganization of syntactic processing following left-hemisphere brain damage: does right-hemisphere activity preserve function?

The extent to which the human brain shows evidence of functional plasticity across the lifespan has been addressed in the context of pathological brain changes and, more recently, of the changes that take place during healthy ageing. Here we examine the potential for plasticity by asking whether a strongly left-lateralized system can successfully reorganize to the right-hemisphere following left-hemisphere brain damage. To do this, we focus on syntax, a key linguistic function considered to be strongly left-lateralized, combining measures of tissue integrity, neural activation and behavioural performance. In a functional neuroimaging study participants heard spoken sentences that differentially loaded on syntactic and semantic information. While healthy controls activated a left-hemisphere network of correlated activity including Brodmann areas 45/47 and posterior middle temporal gyrus during syntactic processing, patients activated Brodmann areas 45/47 bilaterally and right middle temporal gyrus. However, voxel-based morphometry analyses showed that only tissue integrity in left Brodmann areas 45/47 was correlated with activity and performance; poor tissue integrity in left Brodmann area 45 was associated with reduced functional activity and increased syntactic deficits. Activity in the right-hemisphere was not correlated with damage in the left-hemisphere or with performance. Reduced neural integrity in the left-hemisphere through brain damage or healthy ageing results in increased right-hemisphere activation in homologous regions to those left-hemisphere regions typically involved in the young. However, these regions do not support the same linguistic functions as those in the left-hemisphere and only indirectly contribute to preserved syntactic capacity. This establishes the unique role of the left hemisphere in syntax, a core component in human language.

Bihemispheric foundations for human speech comprehension

Emerging evidence from neuroimaging and neuropsychology suggests that human speech comprehension engages two types of neurocognitive processes: a distributed bilateral system underpinning general perceptual and cognitive processing, viewed as neurobiologically primary, and a more specialized left hemisphere system supporting key grammatical language functions, likely to be specific to humans. To test these hypotheses directly we covaried increases in the nonlinguistic complexity of spoken words [presence or absence of an embedded stem, e.g., claim (clay)] with variations in their linguistic complexity (presence of inflectional affixes, e.g., play+ed). Nonlinguistic complexity, generated by the on-line competition between the full word and its onset-embedded stem, was found to activate both right and left fronto-temporal brain regions, including bilateral BA45 and -47. Linguistic complexity activated left-lateralized inferior frontal areas only, primarily in BA45. This contrast reflects a differentiation between the functional roles of a bilateral system, which supports the basic mapping from sound to lexical meaning, and a language-specific left-lateralized system that supports core decompositional and combinatorial processes invoked by linguistically complex inputs. These differences can be related to the neurobiological foundations of human language and underline the importance of bihemispheric systems in supporting the dynamic processing and interpretation of spoken inputs.

Arabic morphology in the neural language system

There are two views about morphology, the aspect of language concerned with the internal structure of words. One view holds that morphology is a domain of knowledge with a specific type of neurocognitive representation supported by specific brain mechanisms lateralized to left fronto-temporal cortex. The alternate view characterizes morphological effects as being a by-product of the correlation between form and meaning and where no brain area is predicted to subserve morphological processing per se. Here we provided evidence from Arabic that morphemes do have specific memory traces, which differ as a function of their functional properties. In an MMN study, we showed that the abstract consonantal root, which conveys semantic meaning (similarly to monomorphemic content words in English), elicits an MMN starting from 160 msec after the deviation point, whereas the abstract vocalic word pattern, which plays a range of grammatical roles, elicits an MMN response starting from 250 msec after the deviation point. Topographically, the root MMN has a symmetric fronto-central distribution, whereas the word pattern MMN lateralizes significantly to the left, indicating stronger involvement of left peri-sylvian areas. In languages with rich morphologies, morphemic processing seems to be supported by distinct neural networks, thereby providing evidence for a specific neuronal basis for morphology as part of the cerebral language machinery.

Dissociating linguistic and task-related activity in the left inferior frontal gyrus

The left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG) has long been claimed to play a key role in language function. However, there is considerable controversy as to whether regions within LIFG have specific linguistic or domain-general functions. Using fMRI, we contrasted linguistic and task-related effects by presenting simple and morphologically complex words while subjects performed a lexical decision (LD) task or passively listened (PL) without making an overt response. LIFG Brodmann's area 47 showed greater activation in LD than PL, whereas LIFG Brodmann's area 44 showed greater activation to complex compared with simple words in both tasks. These results dissociate task-driven and obligatory language processing in LIFG and suggest that PL is the paradigm of choice for probing the core aspects of the neural language system.

Brain embodiment of syntax and grammar: discrete combinatorial mechanisms spelt out in neuronal circuits

Neuroscience has greatly improved our understanding of the brain basis of abstract lexical and semantic processes. The neuronal devices underlying words and concepts are distributed neuronal assemblies reaching into sensory and motor systems of the cortex and, at the cognitive level, information binding in such widely dispersed circuits is mirrored by the sensorimotor grounding of form and meaning of symbols. Recent years have seen the emergence of evidence for similar brain embodiment of syntax. Neurophysiological studies have accumulated support for the linguistic notion of abstract combinatorial rules manifest as functionally discrete neuronal assemblies. Concepts immanent to the theory of abstract automata could be grounded in observations from modern neuroscience, so that it became possible to model abstract pushdown storage - which is critical for building linguistic tree structure representations - as ordered dynamics of memory circuits in the brain. At the same time, neurocomputational research showed how sequence detectors already known from animal brains can be neuronally linked so that they merge into larger functionally discrete units, thereby underpinning abstract rule representations that syntactically bind lexicosemantic classes of morphemes and words into larger meaningful constituents. Specific predictions of brain-based grammar models could be confirmed by neurophysiological and brain imaging experiments using MEG, EEG and fMRI. Neuroscience and neurocomputational research offering perspectives on understanding abstract linguistic mechanisms in terms of neuronal circuits and their interactions therefore point programmatic new ways to future theory-guided experimental investigation of the brain basis of grammar.

Preserving syntactic processing across the adult life span: the modulation of the frontotemporal language system in the context of age-related atrophy

Although widespread neural atrophy is an inevitable consequence of normal aging, not all cognitive abilities decline as we age. For example, spoken language comprehension tends to be preserved, despite atrophy in neural regions involved in language function. Here, we combined measures of behavior, functional activation, and gray matter (GM) change in a younger (19-34 years) and older group (49-86 years) of participants to identify the mechanisms leading to preserved language comprehension across the adult life span. We focussed primarily on syntactic functions because these are strongly left lateralized, providing the potential for contralateral recruitment. In an functional magnetic resonance imaging study, we used a word-monitoring task to minimize working memory demands, manipulating the availability of semantics and syntax to ask whether syntax is preserved in aging because of the functional recruitment of other brain regions, which successfully compensate for neural atrophy. Performance in the older group was preserved despite GM loss. This preservation was related to increased activity in right hemisphere frontotemporal regions, which was associated with age-related atrophy in the left hemisphere frontotemporal network activated in the young. We argue that preserved syntactic processing across the life span is due to the shift from a primarily left hemisphere frontotemporal system to a bilateral functional language network.

Lateralization of the arcuate fasciculus from childhood to adulthood and its relation to cognitive abilities in children

The arcuate fasciculus is a major white matter tract involved in language processing that has also been repeatedly implicated in intelligence and reasoning tasks. Language in the human brain is lateralized in terms of both function and structure, and while the arcuate fasciculus reflects this asymmetry, its pattern of lateralization is poorly understood in children and adolescents. We used diffusion tensor imaging (DTI) and tractography to examine arcuate fasciculus lateralization in a large (n = 183) group of healthy right-handed volunteers aged 5-30 years; a subset of 68 children aged 5-13 years also underwent cognitive assessments. Fractional anisotropy and number of streamlines of the arcuate fasciculus were both significantly higher in the left hemisphere than the right hemisphere in most subjects, although some subjects (10%) were right lateralized. Age and gender effects on lateralization were not significant. Children receiving cognitive assessments were divided into three groups: a "left-only" group in whom only the left side of the arcuate fasciculus could be tracked, a left-lateralized group, and a right-lateralized group. Scores on the Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test (PPVT) and NEPSY Phonological Processing task differed significantly among groups, with left-only subjects outperforming the right-lateralized group on the PPVT, and the left-lateralized children scoring significantly better than the right-lateralized group on phonological processing. In summary, DTI tractography demonstrates leftward arcuate fasciculus lateralization in children, adolescents, and young adults, and reveals a relationship between structural white matter lateralization and specific cognitive abilities in children.

Gyral and sulcal cortical thinning in adolescents with first episode early-onset psychosis

BACKGROUND

Psychosis is associated with volumetric decreases of cortical structures. Whether these volumetric decreases imply abnormalities in cortical thickness, surface, or cortical folding is not clear. Due to differences in cytoarchitecture, cortical gyri and sulci might be differentially affected by psychosis. Therefore, we examined differences in gyral and sulcal cortical thickness, surface, folding, and volume between a minimally treated male adolescent population with early-onset first-episode psychosis (EOP) and a healthy control group, with surface-based morphometry.

METHODS

Magnetic resonance imaging brain scans were obtained from 49 adolescent EOP patients and 34 healthy control subjects. Subjects were younger than 18 years (age range 12 years-18 years), and EOP patients had a duration of positive symptoms of <6 months.

RESULTS

Early-onset first-episode psychosis was associated with local bilateral cortical thinning and volume deficits in both the gyri and sulci of the superior temporal cortex and the inferior, middle, medial, and superior prefrontal cortex. In the pars triangularis and opercularis cortex of patients, gyral cortical thickness was thinner, whereas sulcal thickness was not. Patients exhibited cortical thinning together with a decreased degree of cortical folding in the right superior frontal cortex.

CONCLUSIONS

Cortical thinning of both gyri and sulci seem to underlie most cortical volume deficits in adolescent patients with EOP. Except for the right superior frontal region, the degree of cortical folding was normal in regions showing decreased cortical thickness, suggesting that the process of cortical thinning in adolescent patients with EOP primarily takes place after the formation of cortical folds.