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Schnake-Mahl A, Anfuso G, Goldstein ND, Purtle J, Eberth JM, Ortigoza A, Bilal U. Measuring variation in infant mortality and deaths of despair by US congressional district in Pennsylvania: a methodological case study. Am J Epidemiol 2024; 193:1040-1049. [PMID: 38412272 DOI: 10.1093/aje/kwae016] [Citation(s) in RCA: 0] [Impact Index Per Article: 0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [MESH Headings] [Grants] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 11/16/2022] [Revised: 01/26/2024] [Accepted: 02/22/2024] [Indexed: 02/29/2024] Open
Abstract
Many ecological studies examine health outcomes and disparities using administrative boundaries such as census tracts, counties, or states. These boundaries help us to understand the patterning of health by place, along with impacts of policies implemented at these levels. However, additional geopolitical units (units with both geographic and political meaning), such as congressional districts (CDs), present further opportunities to connect research with public policy. Here we provide a step-by-step guide on how to conduct disparities-focused analysis at the CD level. As an applied case study, we use geocoded vital statistics data from 2010-2015 to examine levels of and disparities in infant mortality and deaths of despair in the 19 US CDs of Pennsylvania for the 111th-112th (2009-2012) Congresses and 18 CDs for the 113th-114th (2013-2016) Congresses. We also provide recommendations for extending CD-level analysis to other outcomes, states, and geopolitical boundaries, such as state legislative districts. Increased surveillance of health outcomes at the CD level can help prompt policy action and advocacy and, hopefully, reduce rates of and disparities in adverse health outcomes.
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Bettinelli ME, Smith JP, Haider R, Sulaiman Z, Stehel E, Young M, Bartick M. ABM Position Statement: Paid Maternity Leave-Importance to Society, Breastfeeding, and Sustainable Development. Breastfeed Med 2024; 19:141-151. [PMID: 38489526 DOI: 10.1089/bfm.2024.29266.meb] [Citation(s) in RCA: 0] [Impact Index Per Article: 0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [MESH Headings] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Submit a Manuscript] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 03/17/2024]
Abstract
Background: Paid maternity leave benefits all of society, reducing infant mortality and providing economic gains. It is endorsed by international treaties. Paid maternity leave is important for breastfeeding, bonding, and recovery from childbirth. Not all mothers have access to adequate paid maternity leave. Key Information: Paid leave helps meet several of the 17 United Nations' Sustainable Development Goals (2, 3, 4, 5, 8, and 10), including fostering economic growth. A family's expenses will rise with the arrival of an infant. Paid leave is often granted with partial pay. Many low-wage workers earn barely enough to meet their needs and are unable to take advantage of paid leave. Undocumented immigrants and self-employed persons, including those engaging in informal work, are often omitted from maternity leave programs. Recommendations: Six months of paid leave at 100% pay, or cash equivalent, should be available to mothers regardless of income, employment, or immigration status. At the very minimum, 18 weeks of fully paid leave should be granted. Partial pay for low-wage workers is insufficient. Leave and work arrangements should be flexible whenever possible. Longer flexible leave for parents of sick and preterm infants is essential. Providing adequate paid leave for partners has multiple benefits. Increasing minimum wages can help more families utilize paid leave. Cash benefits per birth can help informal workers and undocumented mothers afford to take leave. Equitable paid maternity leave must be primarily provided by governments and cannot be accomplished by employers alone.
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Affiliation(s)
| | - Julie Patricia Smith
- National Centre for Epidemiology and Population Health, College of Health and Medicine, The Australian National University, Canberra, Australia
| | - Rukhsana Haider
- Training and Assistance for Health and Nutrition Foundation (TAHN), Dhaka, Bangladesh
| | - Zaharah Sulaiman
- School of Medical Sciences, Universiti Sains Malaysia, Kelantan, Malaysia
| | - Elizabeth Stehel
- Department of Pediatrics, University of Texas Medical Center, Dallas, Texas, USA
| | - Michal Young
- Department of Pediatrics and Child Health, Howard University College of Medicine, Washington, District of Columbia, USA
| | - Melissa Bartick
- Department of Medicine, Mount Auburn Hospital/Beth Israel Lahey Health, Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA
- Department of Medicine, Harvard Medical School, Boston, Massachusetts, USA
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Melton-Fant C. Corporate influenced state preemption and health: A legal mapping analysis of workers' rights preemption bills in the US south. Soc Sci Med 2023; 336:116255. [PMID: 37742540 DOI: 10.1016/j.socscimed.2023.116255] [Citation(s) in RCA: 0] [Impact Index Per Article: 0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [MESH Headings] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 06/29/2023] [Revised: 09/13/2023] [Accepted: 09/15/2023] [Indexed: 09/26/2023]
Abstract
Work is a structural determinant of health. As local governments have taken the lead on implementing workers' rights policies, state governments have increasingly been using preemption to block local them. These policies would improve work and employment conditions, particularly for Black, Brown, immigrant, and low-wage workers. Thus, preemption of workers' right policies is an important health equity issue. Legal epidemiology methods were used to analyze and quantify worker's rights preemption bills introduced in southern state legislatures between 2009 and 2019. Between 2009 and 2019, over 100 workers' rights preemption bills were introduced in southern state legislatures, and there was significant variation between states. Preemption of local paid leave and minimum wage ordinances were the most common. Textual analysis of the bills revealed that states prioritize the perspectives of employers instead of workers. State labor policies are prioritizing the perspectives of businesses over workers resulting in a labor environment that creates structural advantages for employers and is hostile to the well-being of workers. Preemption is part of the political and social context that is shaping the association between work and health in and is likely re (creating) racial and economic inequities.
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Affiliation(s)
- Courtnee Melton-Fant
- University of Memphis, School of Public Health, 130 Robison Hall, Memphis, TN, 38152, USA.
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Zhang X, Warner ME, Meredith G. Factors limiting US public health emergency authority during COVID-19. Int J Health Plann Manage 2023; 38:1569-1582. [PMID: 37485544 DOI: 10.1002/hpm.3694] [Citation(s) in RCA: 0] [Impact Index Per Article: 0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [MESH Headings] [Grants] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 06/07/2023] [Revised: 07/04/2023] [Accepted: 07/16/2023] [Indexed: 07/25/2023] Open
Abstract
Since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, many states in the United States have limited emergency public health authority. These limits could undermine public health efforts and raise concerns about how states and localities will prevent and respond to future public health challenges. We examined which of the 50 US states passed laws to set limits on public health emergency authority in 2021 through 2022, and their relationship to COVID-19 death rates. We explored five government characteristics: COVID-19 policy response, political partisanship (Republican control), legislative professionalism, local government autonomy, and broader non-COVID-19 related preemptions. Results of T-tests and a Generalised Structural Equation Model show that states with unified Republican control had greater odds of limiting emergency public health authority of the state executive, state governor, state health official, and local health officials. Limits of emergency public health authority were associated with a higher COVID-19 death rate. We found that states setting limits on emergency authority are primarily related to politicisation and political competition between state executives/governors and legislatures, rather than pushback against the COVID-19 public health response. Limiting emergency public health authority is less common in states with more professional state legislatures. Structural changes related to party control, legislative professionalism, and local autonomy may facilitate public health authority.
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Affiliation(s)
- Xue Zhang
- Lerner Center for Public Health Promotion and Population Health, Syracuse University, Syracuse, New York, USA
- Center for Policy Research, Syracuse University, Syracuse, New York, USA
| | - Mildred E Warner
- Department of City and Regional Planning, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, USA
- Department of Global Development, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, USA
| | - Gen Meredith
- Department of Public & Ecosystem Health, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, USA
- Cornell University Master of Public Health Program, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, USA
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MONTEZ JENNIFERKARAS, GRUMBACH JACOBM. US State Policy Contexts and Population Health. Milbank Q 2023; 101:196-223. [PMID: 37096608 PMCID: PMC10126966 DOI: 10.1111/1468-0009.12617] [Citation(s) in RCA: 4] [Impact Index Per Article: 4.0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [MESH Headings] [Grants] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 04/12/2022] [Revised: 11/09/2022] [Accepted: 01/06/2023] [Indexed: 04/26/2023] Open
Abstract
Policy Points This Perspective connects the dots between the polarization in US states' policy contexts and the divergence in population health across states. Key interlocking forces that fueled this polarization are the political investments of wealthy individuals and organizations and the nationalization of US political parties. Key policy priorities for the next decade include ensuring all Americans have opportunities for economic security, deterring behaviors that kill or injure hundreds of thousands of Americans each year, and protecting voting rights and democratic functioning.
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Platt E, Moran-McCabe K, Cook A, Burris S. Trends in US State Public Health Emergency Laws, 2021-2022. Am J Public Health 2023; 113:288-296. [PMID: 36791354 PMCID: PMC9932385 DOI: 10.2105/ajph.2022.307214] [Citation(s) in RCA: 4] [Impact Index Per Article: 4.0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Indexed: 02/17/2023]
Abstract
Objectives. To identify and categorize US state legislation introduced between January 1, 2021, and May 20, 2022, that addresses emergency health authority. Methods. We adapted standard policy surveillance methods to collect and code state bills and enacted laws limiting or expanding the emergency public health authority of state and local officials and agencies. Results. State legislators introduced 1531 bills addressing public health authority; 191 of those were enacted in 43 states and the District of Columbia, including 17 expanding and 65 contracting emergency authority, 163 regulating use, and 30 preempting local use of specific measures such as mask mandates. Conclusions. State laws setting the scope and limits of emergency authority are crucial to effective public health response. These laws are changing in ways that threaten to reduce response capacity. Tracking changes in health law infrastructure is important for evaluating changes in health authority and ensuring that stakeholders recognize these changes. Public Health Implications. The COVID-19 pandemic called for quick, decisive action to limit infections, and when the next outbreak hits, new laws limiting health authority will make such action even more difficult. (Am J Public Health. 2023;113(3):288-296. https://doi.org/10.2105/10.2105/AJPH.2022.307214).
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Affiliation(s)
- Elizabeth Platt
- All authors are with the Center for Public Health Law Research, Temple University Beasley School of Law, Philadelphia, PA
| | - Katie Moran-McCabe
- All authors are with the Center for Public Health Law Research, Temple University Beasley School of Law, Philadelphia, PA
| | - Amy Cook
- All authors are with the Center for Public Health Law Research, Temple University Beasley School of Law, Philadelphia, PA
| | - Scott Burris
- All authors are with the Center for Public Health Law Research, Temple University Beasley School of Law, Philadelphia, PA
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Leigh JP. Response to Douglas A. Wolf comment on "Treatment design, health outcomes, and demographic categories in the literature on minimum wages and health". ECONOMICS AND HUMAN BIOLOGY 2022; 47:101169. [PMID: 35973387 DOI: 10.1016/j.ehb.2022.101169] [Citation(s) in RCA: 0] [Impact Index Per Article: 0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [MESH Headings] [Track Full Text] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 07/26/2022] [Accepted: 07/29/2022] [Indexed: 06/15/2023]
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Brown TH, Kamis C, Homan P. Empirical evidence on structural racism as a driver of racial inequities in COVID-19 mortality. Front Public Health 2022; 10:1007053. [PMID: 36483257 PMCID: PMC9723349 DOI: 10.3389/fpubh.2022.1007053] [Citation(s) in RCA: 8] [Impact Index Per Article: 4.0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [MESH Headings] [Grants] [Track Full Text] [Figures] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 07/29/2022] [Accepted: 10/20/2022] [Indexed: 11/23/2022] Open
Abstract
Objective This study contributes to the literature by empirically testing the extent to which place-based structural racism is a driver of state-level racial inequalities in COVID-19 mortality using theoretically-informed, innovative approaches. Methods CDC data are used to measure cumulative COVID-19 death rates between January 2020 and August 2022. The outcome measure is a state-level Black-White (B/W) ratio of age-adjusted death rates. We use state-level 2019 administrative data on previously validated indicators of structural racism spanning educational, economic, political, criminal-legal and housing to identify a novel, multi-sectoral latent measure of structural racism (CFI = 0.982, TLI = 0.968, and RMSEA = 0.044). We map B/W inequalities in COVID-19 mortality as well as the latent measure of structural racism in order to understand their geographic distribution across U.S. states. Finally, we use regression analyses to estimate the extent to which structural racism contributes to Black-White inequalities in COVID-19 mortality, net of potential confounders. Results Results reveal substantial state-level variation in the B/W ratio of COVID-19 death rates and structural racism. Notably, regression estimates indicate that the relationship between the structural racism and B/W inequality in COVID-19 mortality is positive and statistically significant (p < 0.001), both in the bivariate model (adjusted R2 = 0.37) and net of the covariates (adjusted R2 = 0.54). For example, whereas states with a structural racism value 2 standard deviation below the mean have a B/W ratio of approximately 1.12, states with a structural racism value 2 standard deviation above the mean have a ratio of just above 2.0. Discussion Findings suggest that efficacious health equity solutions will require bold policies that dismantle structural racism across numerous societal domains.
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Affiliation(s)
- Tyson H. Brown
- Department of Sociology, Duke University, Durham, NC, United States
| | - Christina Kamis
- Center for Demography of Health and Aging, University of Wisconsin-Madison, Madison, WI, United States
| | - Patricia Homan
- Department of Sociology, Florida State University, Tallahassee, FL, United States
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Wolf DA, Montez JK, Monnat SM. U.S. State Preemption Laws and Working-Age Mortality. Am J Prev Med 2022; 63:681-688. [PMID: 36272759 PMCID: PMC10164355 DOI: 10.1016/j.amepre.2022.06.005] [Citation(s) in RCA: 0] [Impact Index Per Article: 0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Track Full Text] [Journal Information] [Submit a Manuscript] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 01/24/2022] [Revised: 05/06/2022] [Accepted: 06/08/2022] [Indexed: 11/01/2022]
Abstract
INTRODUCTION The goal of this study was to estimate how state preemption laws that prohibit local authority to raise the minimum wage or mandate paid sick leave have contributed to working-age mortality from suicide, homicide, drug overdose, alcohol poisoning, and transport accidents. METHODS County-by-quarter death counts by cause and sex for 1999-2019 were regressed on minimum wage levels and hours of paid sick-leave requirements, controlling for time-varying covariates and place- and time-specific fixed effects. The model coefficients were then used to predict expected reductions in mortality if the preemption laws were repealed. Analyses were conducted during January 2022-April 2022. RESULTS Paid sick-leave requirements were associated with lower mortality. These associations were statistically significant for suicide and homicide deaths among men and for homicide and alcohol-related deaths among women. Mortality may decline by more than 5% in large central metropolitan counties currently constrained by preemption laws if they were able to mandate a 40-hour annual paid sick-leave requirement. CONCLUSIONS State legislatures' preemption of local authority to enact health-promoting legislation may be contributing to the worrisome trends in external causes of death.
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Affiliation(s)
- Douglas A Wolf
- Aging Studies Institute, Syracuse University, Syracuse, New York; Center for Aging and Policy Studies (CAPS), Syracuse University, Syracuse, New York; Public Administration and International Affairs Department, Maxwell School of Citizenship & Public Affairs, Syracuse University, Syracuse, New York.
| | - Jennifer Karas Montez
- Aging Studies Institute, Syracuse University, Syracuse, New York; Center for Aging and Policy Studies (CAPS), Syracuse University, Syracuse, New York; Sociology Department, Maxwell School of Citizenship & Public Affairs, Syracuse University, Syracuse, New York
| | - Shannon M Monnat
- Aging Studies Institute, Syracuse University, Syracuse, New York; Center for Aging and Policy Studies (CAPS), Syracuse University, Syracuse, New York; Sociology Department, Maxwell School of Citizenship & Public Affairs, Syracuse University, Syracuse, New York; Lerner Center for Public Health Promotion, Syracuse University, Syracuse, New York; Center for Policy Research, Maxwell School of Citizenship & Public Affairs, Syracuse University, Syracuse, New York
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Gearhart R, Sonchak-Ardan L, Thibault R. The impact of minimum wage on parental time allocation to children: evidence from the American Time Use Survey. REVIEW OF ECONOMICS OF THE HOUSEHOLD 2022; 21:1-24. [PMID: 36000092 PMCID: PMC9387881 DOI: 10.1007/s11150-022-09620-y] [Citation(s) in RCA: 0] [Impact Index Per Article: 0] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [Track Full Text] [Figures] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 10/04/2021] [Accepted: 08/03/2022] [Indexed: 06/15/2023]
Abstract
In this study, using data from the 2003-2019 American Time Use Survey (ATUS), we investigate whether changes in the minimum wage have impacted time allocation to children among low-educated mothers and fathers. Relying on geographic and temporal variation in minimum wage changes across US states, we investigate the impacts of minimum wage increases on total time spent at home with children, time spent on primary childcare, and time spent on enriching childcare activities. Our results indicate that an increase in the minimum wage has a large positive effect on the time low-educated mothers spend on primary childcare and enriching time, with no effect among low-educated fathers. We find that Black mothers with less than a high school education see the biggest gains, with an increase in time spent on childcare and time spent on enriching childcare activities by 13.8 and 15.8 min per day, respectively, for each $1 increase in the minimum wage. We also see that single mothers' time investment is largely unaffected by minimum wage changes, suggesting that there are still considerable income constraints facing these families. Lastly, we see that less educated families with children under the age of 7 significantly increase time spent on primary childcare and enriching time from minimum wage increases, given that they may not have the ability to afford private childcare.
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Affiliation(s)
- Richard Gearhart
- Department of Economics, 20 BDC, California State University, 9001 Stockdale Highway, Bakersfield, CA 93311 USA
| | - Lyudmyla Sonchak-Ardan
- Department of Economics, Susquehanna University, 514 University Ave., Selinsgrove, PA 17870 USA
| | - Raphael Thibault
- Susquehanna University, 514 University Ave., Selinsgrove, PA 17870 USA
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Xu W, Engelman M, Fletcher J. From convergence to divergence: Lifespan variation in US states, 1959-2017. SSM Popul Health 2021; 16:100987. [PMID: 34917746 PMCID: PMC8666353 DOI: 10.1016/j.ssmph.2021.100987] [Citation(s) in RCA: 1] [Impact Index Per Article: 0.3] [Reference Citation Analysis] [Abstract] [Key Words] [Grants] [Track Full Text] [Download PDF] [Figures] [Journal Information] [Subscribe] [Scholar Register] [Received: 10/10/2021] [Revised: 11/15/2021] [Accepted: 11/29/2021] [Indexed: 11/06/2022] Open
Abstract
BACKGROUND Large disparities in life expectancy exist across US states and the gaps have been widening in recent decades. Less is known about the lifespan variability - a measure that can provide important insights into mortality inequalities both between and within states. METHOD Using yearly lifetables from the United States Mortality Database, we explore geographic and temporal patterns in lifespan variation (unconditional and conditional on survival to age 10, 35 and 65) across US states between 1959 and 2017. We also examine the contribution of state differences in life expectancy to overall lifespan variation using standard decomposition techniques. RESULTS Despite overall convergence in lifespan variation across states over the last six decades, in more recent years there has been notable divergence. Gender-specific analyses show that lifespan variation was generally greater among males than among females; but this pattern reverses for mortality past age 65. Much of the state disparities in lifespan variation, unconditional and conditional on survival to age 10 and 35, were due to mortality differences under the age 65. Decomposition analysis shows that while within-state variability remains the primary driver of overall lifespan variation, the contribution of cross-state differences in life expectancy is growing. CONCLUSIONS Variation in longevity is greater within US States than between them, yet cross-states disparities in mortality are increasing. This likely reflects the long-term consequences of rising social, economic, and political stratification for health inequalities both within and across states.
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Affiliation(s)
- Wei Xu
- Center for Demography of Health and Aging, University of Wisconsin Madison, 1180 Observatory Drive, Madison, WI 53706, USA
| | - Michal Engelman
- Center for Demography of Health and Aging, University of Wisconsin Madison, 1180 Observatory Drive, Madison, WI 53706, USA
- Department of Sociology, University of Wisconsin Madison, 1180 Observatory Drive, Madison, WI 53706, USA
| | - Jason Fletcher
- Center for Demography of Health and Aging, University of Wisconsin Madison, 1180 Observatory Drive, Madison, WI 53706, USA
- Department of Sociology, University of Wisconsin Madison, 1180 Observatory Drive, Madison, WI 53706, USA
- La Follette School of Public Affairs, University of Wisconsin Madison, 1225 Observatory Drive, Madison, WI 53706, USA
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